IF I WERE TO CONFINE MY ACCOUNT OF THE EVENTS OF THE next twenty-five years or more merely to my own performances it would not cost me much in paper and make very dull reading; but the later part of this autobiography2, in which I figure more prominently, will only be intelligible3 if I continue here with the personal histories of Livia, Tiberius, Germanicus, Postumus, Castor, Livilla, and the rest, which are far from dull, I promise you.
Postumus was in exile, and Germanicus was at the wars, and only Athenodorus remained of my true friends. Soon he left me too, returning to his native Tarsus. I did not grudge4 his going because he went at the urgent appeal of two of his nephews there who begged him to help him free the city from the tyranny of its governor. They wrote that this governor had insinuated5 himself so cleverly into their God Augustus's good graces that it would need the testimony6 of a man like Athenodorus, in whose integrity their God Augustus had complete confidence, to persuade their God Augustus that the fellow's expulsion was justified7. Athenodorus succeeded in ridding the city of this blood-sucker, but afterwards found it impossible to return to Rome as he ' had intended. He was needed by his nephews to help them rebuild the city administration on a firm foundation. Augustus, to whom he wrote a detailed8 report of his actions, showed his gratitude9 and confidence by granting Tarsus, as a personal favour to him, a five years' remission from the Imperial tribute. I corresponded regularly with the good old man until his death two years later at the age of eighty-two. Tarsus honoured his memory with an annual festival and sacrifice; at which the leading citizens took turns to read his Short History of Tarsus through from beginning to end, starting at sunrise and finishing after sunset.
Germanicus wrote to me occasionally, but his letters were as brief as they were affectionate: a really good commander has no time for writing letters home to his family, his entire time between campaigns being spent in getting to know his men and officers, in studying their comfort, in increasing their military efficiency, and in gathering10 information about the disposition11 and plans of his enemy. Germanicus was one of the most conscientious12 commanders who ever served in the Roman army-and more beloved even than our father. I was very proud when he wrote asking me to make for him, as quickly and thoroughly13 as I could, a digest of all reliable reports that I could find in the libraries on the domestic customs of the various Balkan tribes against whom he was fighting, the strength and geographical14 situation of their cities, and their traditional military tactics and ruses15, particularly in guerrilla warfare16. He said that he could not get enough reliable information locally: Tiberius had been most uncommunicative. With Sulpicius's help and a small group of professional researchmen and copyists working night and day I managed to get together exactly what he wanted and sent off a copy to him within a month or his asking for it. I was prouder than ever when he wrote to me not long afterwards for an edition of twenty copies of the book for circulation among his senior officers, for it had already proved of the greatest service to him. He said that every paragraph was clear and relevant, the most useful sections being those giving particulars of the secret extra-tribal military brotherhood17 against which, rather than against the tribes themselves, the war was being fought; and of the various sacred trees and bushes—a different sort was reverenced18 by each tribe-under whose protective shade the tribesmen were accustomed to bury their stores of corn, money and weapons when they had to abandon their villages in a hurry. He promised to tell Tiberius and Augustus of my valuable services.
No public mention of this book was made, perhaps because if the enemy had heard of its existence they would have modified their tactics and dispositions19. As it was, they believed that they were being constantly betrayed by informers, Augustus rewarded me unofficially by appointing me to a vacancy20 in the Augurs21' College, but it was clear that he gave all the credit for the compilation22 to Sulpicius, though Sulpicius did not write a word-he merely found me some of the books. One of my chief authorities was Pollio, whose Dalmatian campaign bad been a model of military thoroughness combined with brilliant intelligencework. Though his account of local customs and conditions seemed nearly fifty years out of date, Germanicus found my extracts from it more helpful than any more recent campaign-history. I wished Pollio had been alive to hear that. I told Livy instead, who said rather crossly that he had never denied Pollio credit for writing competent military textbooks; he had merely denied him the title of historian in the higher sense.
I must add to this, that if I had been more tactful I am pretty sure that Augustus would have commended me in his speech to the Senate at the conclusion of the war. But my references to his own Balkan campaigns had been fewer than they might have been had he written a detailed account of it, as Pollio did of his; or, if the official historians had been less concerned with flattering their Emperor, and more with recording23 his successes and reverses in an unprejudiced, technical way. I could extract little or no useful matter from these eulogies24 and Augustus in reading my book must have felt himself slighted. He identified himself so closely with the success of the war that during the last two campaigning seasons he moved from Rome to a town on the North-East frontier of Italy, to be as near as he could to the fighting; and as Commander-in-Chief of the Roman Armies he was continually sending Tiberius not very helpful military advice.
I was now working on an account of my grandfather's part in the Civil Wars: but I had not gone very far before I was once more stopped by Livia. I only managed to complete two volumes. She told me that I was no more capable of writing a life of my grandfather than a life of my father and that I had behaved dishonestly in starting it behind her back. If I wanted a useful employment for my pen, I had better choose a subject that did not allow of so much misrepresentation. She offered me one: the reorganization of religion by Augustus since the Pacification25. It was not an exciting subject, but had not been treated before in any detail and I was quite willing to undertake it. Augustus's religious reforms had been almost without exception excellent; he bad revived several ancient societies of priests, built and endowed eighty-two new temples in Rome and its environs, re-edified numerous old ones that were falling into decay, introduced foreign cults26 for the benefit of visiting provincials28 and re-instituted a number of interesting old public festivals that had been allowed to lapse29 one after the other during the civil disturbances30 of the previous half-century. I went into the subject very closely and completed my survey within a few days of the death of Augustus six years later. It was in forty-one volumes, averaging five thousand words apiece, but a great deal of this consisted of transcripts31 of religious decrees, nominal32 lists of priests, catalogues of gifts made to temple treasuries33 and so on. The most valuable volume was the introductory one dealing34 with primitive35 ritual at Rome. Here I found myself in difficulties, because Augustus's ritualistic reforms were based on the findings of a religious commission which had not done its work properly. There had apparently36 been no antiquarian expert among the commissioners37, so that a number of gross misunderstandings of ancient religious formulas had been embodied38 in the new official liturgies39.
(1) Nobody who has not made a study of the Etruscan and Sabine languages is capable of correctly interpreting the more ancient of our religious incantations; and I devoted40 a great deal of my time to mastering the rudiments41 of both. At this time there were a few countrymen who still talked nothing but Sabine in the home and I persuaded two of them to come to Rome and provide Pallas, who was now acting42 as my secretary, with material for a short Sabine dictionary. I paid them well for this. Gallon, the best of my other secretaries, I sent to Capua to collect material for a similar dictionary of the Etruscan language from Aruns, the priest who had given me the information about Lars Porsena which had so pleased Pollio and so disgusted Livy. These two dictionaries, which later I enlarged and published, enabled me to clear up, to my own satisfaction, a number of outstanding problems of ancient religious worships; but I had learned to be careful and nothing that I wrote reflected on Augustus's scholarship or judgment43.
I will not spend any time on an account of the Balkan War, beyond saying that in spite of the wise generalship of my uncle Tiberius, the able assistance given him by my father-in-law Silvanus, and the dashing exploits of Germanicus, it dragged on for three years. In the end the whole country was reduced, and practically made into a desert, because these tribes, men and women, fought with extraordinary desperation and only acknowledged defeat when fire, famine and plague had more than halved46 the population. When the rebel leaders came to Tiberius to treat for peace he questioned them closely. He wanted to know why they had taken it into their heads to revolt in the first instance and then to offer so desperate a resistance. The chief rebel, a man called Bato, answered: "You yourselves are to blame. You send as guardians47 of your flocks neither shepherds nor watch-dogs, but wolves."
This was not exactly true. Augustus chose the governors of his frontier provinces himself and paid them a substantial salary and saw to it that they did not divert any of the Imperial revenues into their own pockets. Taxes were paid directly to them, no longer farmed out to unprincipled tax-collecting companies. Augustus's governors were never wolves, as had been most of the republican governors whose only interest in their provinces was how much they could squeeze out of them. Many of them were good watch-dogs and some were even honest shepherds. But it often happened that Augustus would unintentionally put the tax at too high a rate, discounting the distress48 caused by a bad harvest or a cattle plague or an earthquake; and rather than complain to him that the assessment49 was too high the governors would collect it to the last penny, even at the risk of revolt. Few of them took any personal interest in the people they were supposed to govern. A governor would settle in the Romanized capital town, where there were houses and theatres and temples and public baths and markets, and never think of visiting the outlying districts of his province. The real governing was done by deputies and by deputies of deputies and there must have been a great deal of petty jack-in-office oppression by the smaller men: perhaps it was these whom Bato called wolves, though "fieas" would have been a better word. There can be no doubt that under Augustus the provinces were infinitely50 more prosperous than under the Republic, and further that the home-provinces, which were governed by nominees51 of the Senate, were not nearly so well off as the frontier-provinces governed by Augustus's nominees. This comparison provided one of the few plausible52 arguments that I ever heard advanced against republican government; though based on the untenable hypothesis that the standard of personal morality among the leading men of an average republic is likely to be lower than the personal morality of an average absolute monarch53 and his chosen subordinates; and on the fallacy that the question of how the provinces are governed is more important than the question of what happens in the City. To recommend a monarchy54 on account of the prosperity it gives the provinces seems to me like recommending that a man should have liberty to treat his children as slaves, if at the same time he treats his slaves with reasonable consideration.
For this costly55 and wasteful56 war a great triumph was decreed by the Senate for Augustus and Tiberius. It will be recalled that now only Augustus himself or members of his family were to be permitted a proper triumph, other generals being awarded what were called "triumphal ornaments57". Germanicus, though a Cassar, was granted only these ornaments, on technical grounds. Augustus might have stretched the point but was so grateful to Tiberius for his successful conduct of the war that he did not wish to antagonize him by giving Germanicus equal honours with him. Germanicus was also raised a degree in magisterial58 rank, and allowed to become Consul59 several years before the customary age. Castor, though he had taken no part in the war, was granted the privilege of attending meetings of the Senate before becoming a member of it, and was also advanced a degree in magisterial rank.
At Rome the populace was looking forward with excitement to the triumph, which would mean largesse60 in corn and money and all sorts of good things: but a great disappointment was in store for them. A month before the date fixed61 for the triumph a terrible omen44 was observed-in Mars Field the temple of the War God was struck by lightning and nearly destroyed-and a few days later news came through from Germany of the heaviest military reverse suffered by Roman arms since Can-has, I might even say since The Allia, not quite four hundred years before. Three regiments62 had been massacred and all conquests east of the Rhine had been lost at a stroke; it seemed that there was nothing to prevent the Germans crossing the river and laying waste the three settled and prosperous provinces of France.
I have already told of the crushing effect that this news had on Augustus. He felt it so strongly because he was not only officially responsible for the disaster, as the man charged by the Roman Senate and people with the security of all frontiers, but morally responsible as well. The disaster had been due to his imprudence in trying to force civilization on the barbarians65 too rapidly. The Germans conquered by my father had been gradually adapting themselves to Roman ways, learning the use of coinage, holding regular markets, building and furnishing houses
,, in civilized66 style, and even meeting in assemblies that did not end, as their former assemblies had always ended, inv armed battles. They were allies in name and if they had been allowed to forget their old barbarous ways gradually and to rely on the Roman garrison67 to protect them from their still uncivilized neighbours while they enjoyed the luxuries of provincial27 peace, they would no doubt in a couple of generations or less have grown as peaceful and docile68 as the French of Provence. But Varus, a connection of mine, whom Augustus appointed Governor of Germany Across the Rhine, began treating them not as allies but as a subject race: he was a vicious man and showed little regard for the extraordinarily69 strong feelings that Germans have about the chastity of their women-folk. Then Augustus needed money for the military treasury70 which the Balkan War had emptied. He imposed a number of new taxes from which the Across-Rhine Germans were not exempted71. Varus advised him as to the paying capacity of the province and in his zeal72 assessed it too high.
There were in Varus's camp two German chieftains, Hermann and Siegmyrgth, who spoke73 Latin fluently and appeared to be completely Romanized. Hermann had commanded German auxiliaries74 in a previous war and his loyalty75 was unquestioned. He had spent some time in Rome and had actually been enrolled76 among the noble knights77. These two often ate at Varus's table and were on terms of the most intimate friendship with him. They encouraged him to suppose that their compatriots were no less loyal and grateful to Rome for the benefits of civilization than they themselves were. But they were in constant secret communication with malcontent78 fellow-chieftains whom they persuaded for the time being to make no armed resistance to the Roman power and to pay their taxes with the greatest possible show of willingness. Soon they would be given the signal for a mass-revolt. Hermann, whose name means "warrior79", and Siegmyrgth-or let us call him Segimerus-whose name means "joyful80 victory", were too clever for Varus. Members of his staff were constantly warning him that the Germans were unnaturally81 well-behaved of recent months and that they were trying to disarm82 his suspicions before making a sudden rising; but he laughed at the suggestion. He said that the Germans were a very stupid race and incapable83 either of thinking out any such plan or of executing it without giving the secret away long before the time was ripe. Their docility84 was mere1 cowardice85. The harder you hit a German the more he respected you; he was arrogant86 in prosperity and independence but once defeated came crawling to your feet like a dog and kept to heel ever afterwards. He refused even to heed87 warnings given him by another German chieftain who had a grudge against Hermann and saw far into his designs. Instead of keeping his forces concentrated, as he should have done in an only partially88 subdued89 country, he broke them up.
On the secret instructions of Hermann and Segimerua" outlying communities sent Varus requests for military protection against bandits and for escorts to convoys90 of merchandise from France. Next came an armed uprising at the Eastern extremity91 of the province. A tax-collector and his staff were murdered. When Varus gathered his available forces for a punitive92 expedition, Hermann and Segimerus escorted him for part of his journey and then excused themselves from further attendance, promising93 to assemble their auxiliary94 forces and come to his help, if needed, as soon as he sent for them. These auxiliaries were already under arms and in ambush95 a few days' journey ahead of Varus on his line of march. The two chieftains now sent word to the outlying communities to fall upon the Roman detachment sent for their protection and not to let a man escape.
No news came to Varus about this massacre64 because there were no survivors96, and he was, in any case, out of touch with his headquarters. The road he was following was a mere forest track. But he did not take the precaution of putting out an advance-guard of skirmishers or flank-guards, but let the whole force-which contained a large number of non-combatants-string out in a disorderly column with as little precaution as if he had been within fifty miles of Rome. The march was very slow because he had constantly to be felling trees and bridging streams to enable the commissariat carts to get across; and this gave time for huge numbers of tribesmen to join the ambushing97 forces. The weather suddenly broke, a downpour of rain lasting98 for twenty-four hours or more soaked the men's leather shields, making them too heavy for fighting, and putting the archers99' bows out of commission. The clay track became so slippery that it was difficult to keep one's footing and the carts were constantly getting stuck. The distance between the head and tail of the column increased. Then a smoke signal went up from a neighbouring hill and the Germans suddenly attacked from front, rear and both flanks.
The Germans were no match for the Romans in fair fight and Varus had not much exaggerated their cowardice. At first they only dared to attack stragglers and transport drivers, avoiding hand-to-hand fighting but flinging volleys of assegais and darts100 from behind cover, and running back into the forest if a Roman so much as shook a sword and shouted. But they caused many casualties by these tactics. Parties led by Hermann, Segimerus and other chieftains made blocks on the road by wheeling captured carts together, breaking their wheels and felling trees across the wreckage101. They made several of these blocks and left tribesmen behind them to harass102 the soldiers when they tried to clear them away. This so delayed the men at the tail of the column that, afraid of losing touch, they abandoned all the carts which were still in their possession and hurried forward, hoping that the Germans would be so busy plundering103 that they would not return to the attack for some time.
The leading regiment63 had reached a hill where there were not many trees because of a recent forest fire and here they formed up in safety and waited for the other two. They still had their transport and had only lost a few hundred men. The other two regiments were suffering much more heavily. Men got separated from their companies, and new units were formed of from fifty to two hundred men apiece, each with a rear-guard, an advance-guard and flank-guards. The flank-guards could only go forward very slowly because of the denseness105 and marshiness106 of the forest and frequently lost touch with their little units; the advance-guards lost heavily at the barricades107 and the rear-guards were constantly being assegaied from behind. When the roll was called that night Varus found that nearly a third of his force was killed or missing. The next day he fought his way into open country, but he had been obliged to abandon the remainder of his transport Food was scarce and on the third day he had to plunge108 into the forest again. The casualties on the second day had not been severe, for a large number of the enemy were occupied plundering the wagons109 and carrying the loot away with them, but when the roll was called on the evening of the third day only a quarter of the original force were present to answer their names. On the fourth day Varus was still advancing, for he was too wrong-headed to admit defeat and abandon his original objective, but the weather, which had improved somewhat, now became worse than ever, and the Germans, who were accustomed to heavy rain, grew bolder and bolder as they saw resistance weakening. They came to closer quarters.
About noon Varus saw that all was over and killed himself rather than fall alive into the hands of the enemy. Most of the senior officers surviving followed his example, and many of the men. Only one officer kept his head-the same Cassius Caerea who fought that day in the amphitheatre. He was commanding the rear-guard, composed of mountaineers from Savoy, who were more at home in a forest than most; and when news came by a fugitive110 that Varus was dead, the Eagles captured and not three hundred men of the main body left on their feet. The determined111 to save what he could from the slaughter112. He turned his force about and broke through the enemy with a sudden charge. Cassius's great courage, something of which he managed to convey to his men, awed113 the Germans. They left this small resolute114 body of men alone and ran forward to make easier conquests. It stands as perhaps the finest soldiering feat45 of modem115 times that of the hundred and twenty men whom Cassius had with him when he turned about he managed after eight days' march through hostile country to bring eighty safely back, under the company banner, to the fortress116 from which he had set out twenty days previously117.
It is difficult to convey an impression of the panic that reigned118 at Rome when the rumours119 of the disaster were confirmed. People started packing up their belongings120 and loading them on carts as if the Germans were already at the City gates. And indeed there was good reason for anxiety. The losses in the Balkan War had been so heavy that nearly all the available reserves of fighting men in Italy had been used up. Augustus was at his wits' end to find an army to send out under Tiberius to secure the Rhine bridgeheads, which apparently the Germans had not yet seized, Of Roman citizens who were liable for service few came forward willingly on the publication of the order calling them up; to march against the Germans seemed like going to certain death. Augustus then issued a second order that of those who did not offer themselves within three days every fifth man would be disenfranchised and deprived of all his property. Many hung back even after this, so he executed a few as an example and forced the remainder into the ranks, where some of them, as a matter of fact, made quite good soldiers. He also called up a class of men over thirty-five years of age and re-enlisted a number of veterans who had completed their sixteen years with the colours. With these and a regiment or two composed of freedmen, who were not normally liable for service (though Germanicus's reinforcements in the Balkan War had consisted largely of such), he built up quite an imposing121 force and sent each company off North on its own as soon as it was armed and equipped.
It was the greatest shame and grief to me that in this hour of Rome's supreme122 need I was incapable of serving as a soldier in her defence. I went to Augustus and begged to be sent out in some capacity where my bodily weakness would not be a disability: I suggested going as intelligence officer to Tiberius and undertaking123 such useful tasks as collecting and collating124 reports of enemy movements, questioning prisoners, making maps, and giving special instructions to spies. Failing this appointment (for which I considered myself qualified125 because I had made a close study of the campaigns in Germany and had learned to think in an orderly way and to direct clerks) I volunteered to act as Tiberius's Quartermaster-General: I would indent126 to Rome for necessary military supplies, and check and distribute them on their arrival at the base. Augustus seemed pleased that I had come forward so willingly and said that he would speak to Tiberius about my offer. But nothing came of it. Perhaps Tiberius believed me incapable of any useful service; perhaps he was merely annoyed at my coming forward with this request when his son Castor had hung back and had persuaded Augustus to send him to raise and train troops in the South of Italy. However, Germanicus was in the same case as myself, which was some comfort. He had volunteered for service in Germany, but Augustus needed him at Rome, where he was very popular, to help him quell127 the civil disturbances which he feared might break out as soon as the troops had left the City.
Meanwhile the Germans hunted down all the fugitives128 from Varus's army and sacrificed scores of them to their forest-gods, burning them alive in wicker cages. The remainder they held as captives. (Some of them were later ransomed129 by their relatives at an extravagantly130 high price, but Augustus forbade them ever to enter Italy again.) The Germans also enjoyed a long succession of tremendous drinking-bouts on the captured wine, and quarrelled bloodily131 over the glory and plunder104. It was a long time before they became active again and realized how little opposition132 they would meet if they marched to the Rhine. But as soon as the wine began to give out they attacked the weakly-held frontier-fortresses and one by one captured and sacked them. Only a single fortress put up a decent resistance: it was the one held by Cassius. The Germans would have occupied this as easily-as the rest because the garrison was small, but Hermann and Segimerus were elsewhere and none of the rest understood the Roman art of siege-warfare with catapults, mangonels, the tortoise, and sapping. Cassius had a big supply of bows and arrows in his fortress and taught everyone, even the women and slaves, to use them. He successfully beat off several wild attacks on the gates and had great pots of boiling water always ready to pour on any Germans who attempted to scale the walls with ladders. The Germans were so busy trying to capture this place, where they expected to find rich plunder, that they did not push on to the Rhine bridge-heads which were held by inadequate133 guards.
News came of Tiberius's rapid approach at the head of his new army. Hermann at once rallied his forces, determined to capture the bridges before Tiberius could reach them. A detachment was left to invest the fortress, which was known to be badly supplied with provisions. Cassius who got wind of Hermann's plans, decided134 to get away while there was still time. One stormy night he slipped out with the whole garrison, and managed to get past the first two enemy outposts before the crying of some of the children who were with him gave the alarm. At the third outpost there was hand-to-hand fighting and if the Germans had not been so anxious to get into the town to plunder it Cassius's party would have had no chance of survival. But he got clear somehow and half an hour later told his trumpeters to sound the "advance at the double" to make the Germans believe that a relief force was coming up; so there was no pursuit. The troops at the nearest bridge heard the distant sound of Roman trumpets135, for the wind was blowing from the east, and guessing what was happening sent out a detachment to escort the garrison back to safety. Cassius two days later successfully held the bridge against a mass-attack of Segimerus's men; after which Tiberius's vanguard came up and the situation was saved.
The close of the year was marked by the banishment136 of Julilla on the charge of promiscuous137 adultery-first like her mother Julia-to Tremerus, a small island off the coast of Apulia. The real reason for her banishment was that she was just about to bear another child, which if it were a boy would be a great-grandson of Augustus, and unrelated to Livia; Livia was taking no risks now. Julilla had one son already, but he was a delicate, timorous138, slack-twisted fellow and could be disregarded. Emilius himself provided Livia with grounds for the accusation139. He had quarrelled with Julilla and now charged her in the presence of their daughter , Emilia with trying to father another man's child on him. He named Decimus, a nobleman of the Silanus family, as the adulterer. Emilia, who was clever enough to realize that her own life and safety depended on keeping in Livia's good books, went straight to her and told what she had heard. Uvia made her repeat the story in Augustus's presence. Augustus then summoned Emilius and asked whether it was true that he was not the father of Julia's child. It did not occur to Emilius that Emilia could have betrayed her mother and himself, so he assumed that the intimacy140 which he suspected between Julilla and Decimus was a matter of common scandal. He therefore held by his accusation, though it was founded rather on jealousy141 than on knowledge. Augustus took the child as soon as it was born and had it exposed on the mountainside. Decimus went into voluntary exile and several other men accused of having been Julilla's lovers at one time or another followed him: among them was the poet Ovid whom Augustus, curiously142 enough, made the principal scapegoat143 as having also written (many years before) The Art of Love. It was this poem, Augustus said, that had debauched his granddaughter's mind. He ordered all copies of it found to be burned.
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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autobiography
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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insinuated
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| v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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gratitude
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gathering
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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thoroughly
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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ruses
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warfare
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brotherhood
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reverenced
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| v.尊敬，崇敬( reverence的过去式和过去分词 )；敬礼 | |
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dispositions
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vacancy
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augurs
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| n.（古罗马的）占兆官( augur的名词复数 )；占卜师，预言者v.预示，预兆，预言( augur的第三人称单数 )；成为预兆；占卜 | |
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compilation
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recording
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eulogies
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| n.颂词，颂文( eulogy的名词复数 ) | |
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25
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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26
cults
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| n.迷信( cult的名词复数 )；狂热的崇拜；（有极端宗教信仰的）异教团体 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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29
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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30
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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31
transcripts
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| n.抄本（ transcript的名词复数 ）；转写本；文字本；副本 | |
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32
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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33
treasuries
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| n.（政府的）财政部( treasury的名词复数 )；国库，金库 | |
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34
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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35
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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36
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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37
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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38
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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39
liturgies
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| n.礼拜仪式( liturgy的名词复数 )；（英国国教的）祈祷书 | |
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40
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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41
rudiments
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| n.基础知识，入门 | |
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42
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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43
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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44
omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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45
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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46
halved
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| v.把…分成两半( halve的过去式和过去分词 )；把…减半；对分；平摊 | |
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47
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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48
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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49
assessment
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| n.评价；评估；对财产的估价，被估定的金额 | |
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50
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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51
nominees
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| n.被提名者，被任命者( nominee的名词复数 ) | |
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52
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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53
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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54
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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55
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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56
wasteful
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| adj.（造成）浪费的，挥霍的 | |
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57
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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58
magisterial
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| adj.威风的，有权威的；adv.威严地 | |
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59
consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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60
largesse
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| n.慷慨援助，施舍 | |
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61
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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62
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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63
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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64
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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65
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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66
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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67
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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68
docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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69
extraordinarily
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| adv.格外地；极端地 | |
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70
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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71
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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73
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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74
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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75
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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76
enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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77
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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78
malcontent
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| n.不满者，不平者；adj.抱不平的，不满的 | |
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79
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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80
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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81
unnaturally
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| adv.违反习俗地；不自然地；勉强地；不近人情地 | |
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82
disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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83
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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84
docility
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| n.容易教，易驾驶，驯服 | |
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85
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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86
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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87
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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88
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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89
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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90
convoys
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| n.（有护航的）船队( convoy的名词复数 )；车队；护航（队）；护送队 | |
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91
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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92
punitive
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| adj.惩罚的，刑罚的 | |
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93
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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94
auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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95
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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96
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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97
ambushing
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| v.埋伏( ambush的现在分词 )；埋伏着 | |
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98
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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99
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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100
darts
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| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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101
wreckage
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| n.（失事飞机等的）残骸，破坏，毁坏 | |
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102
harass
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| vt.使烦恼，折磨，骚扰 | |
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103
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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104
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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105
denseness
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| 稠密，密集，浓厚； 稠度 | |
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106
marshiness
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| 侯爵夫人，女侯爵 | |
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107
barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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108
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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109
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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110
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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111
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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112
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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113
awed
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| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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115
modem
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| n.调制解调器 | |
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116
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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117
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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118
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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119
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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120
belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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121
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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122
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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123
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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124
collating
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| v.校对( collate的现在分词 )；整理；核对；整理（文件或书等） | |
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125
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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126
indent
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| n.订单，委托采购，国外商品订货单，代购订单 | |
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127
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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128
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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129
ransomed
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| 付赎金救人，赎金( ransom的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130
extravagantly
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| adv.挥霍无度地 | |
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131
bloodily
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| adv.出血地；血淋淋地；残忍地；野蛮地 | |
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132
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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133
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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134
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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135
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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136
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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137
promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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138
timorous
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| adj.胆怯的，胆小的 | |
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139
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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140
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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141
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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142
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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143
scapegoat
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| n.替罪的羔羊，替人顶罪者；v.使…成为替罪羊 | |
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