This was felt by the Greeks to be a general calamity1 for it struck the rest of the Greeks with no less consternation2 than it did those who had themselves taken part in the struggle, both on account of the magnitude of the captured city and the celerity of the action, the result of which was in the highest degree contrary to the expectation both of the sufferers and the perpetrators. For the disasters which befell the Athenians in relation to Sicily,83 though in regard to the number of those who perished they brought no less misfortune to the city, yet, because their army was destroyed far away from their own land, being composed for the most part rather of auxiliary3 troops than of native Athenians, and because their city itself was left to them intact, so that afterwards they held their own in war even for a long time, though fighting against the Lacedaemonians and their allies, as well as the Great King; these disasters, I say, neither produced in the persons who were themselves involved in the calamity an equal sensation of the misfortune, nor did they cause the other Greeks a similar consternation at the catastrophe4. Again, the defeat sustained by the Athenians at Aegospotami84 was a naval5 one, and the city received no other humiliation6 than the demolition7 of the Long Walls, the surrender of most of her ships, and the loss of supremacy8. However, they still retained their hereditary9 form of government, and not long after recovered their former power to such a degree as not only to build up the Long Walls but to recover the rule 32of the sea85 and in their turn to preserve from extreme danger those very Lacedaemonians then so formidable to them, who had come and almost obliterated10 their city. Moreover, the defeat of the Lacedaemonians at Leuctra and Mantinea filled them with consternation rather by the unexpectedness of the disaster than because of the number of those who perished.86 And the attack made by the Boeotians and Arcadians under Epaminondas upon the city of Sparta, even this terrified both the Lacedaemonians themselves and those who participated with them in the transactions at that time,87 rather by the novelty of the sight than by the reality of the danger. The capture of the city of the Plataeans was not a great calamity, by reason of the small number of those who were taken in it; most of the citizens having long before escaped to Athens.88 Again, the capture of Melus and Scione simply related to insular11 States, and rather brought disgrace to those who perpetrated the outrages12 than produced great surprise among the Grecian community as89 a whole.
But the Thebans having effected their revolt suddenly and without any previous consideration, the capture of the city being brought about in so short a time and without difficulty on the part of the captors, the slaughter13, being great, as was natural, from its being made by men of the same race who were glutting14 their revenge on them for ancient injuries, the complete enslavement of a city which excelled among those in Greece at that 33time both in power and warlike reputation, all this was attributed not without probability to the avenging15 wrath16 of the deity17. It seemed as if the Thebans had after a long time suffered this punishment for their betrayal of the Greeks in the Median war,90 for their seizure18 of the city of Plataeae during the truce19, and for their complete enslavement of it, as well as for the un-Hellenic slaughter of the men who had surrendered to the Lacedaemonians, which had been committed at the instigation of the Thebans; and for the devastation20 of the territory in which the Greeks had stood in battle-array against the Medes and had repelled21 danger from Greece; lastly, because by their vote they had tried to ruin the Athenians when a motion was brought forward among the allies of the Lacedaemonians for the enslavement of Athens.91 Moreover it was reported that before the disaster many portents22 were sent from the deity, which indeed at the time were treated with neglect, but afterwards when men called them to remembrance they were compelled to consider that the events which occurred had been long before prognosticated.92
The settlement of Theban affairs was entrusted23 by Alexander to the allies who had taken part in the action. They resolved to occupy the Cadmea with a garrison24; to raze25 the city to the ground; to distribute among themselves all the territory, except what was dedicated26 to the gods; and to sell into slavery the women and children, and as many of the males as survived, except those who were priests or priestesses, and those who were bound to Philip or Alexander by the ties of hospitality or had been public agents of the Macedonians. It 34is said that Alexander preserved the house and the descendants of Pindar the poet, out of respect for his memory.93 In addition to these things, the allies decreed that Orchomenus94 and Plataeae should be rebuilt and fortified27.
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1 calamity | |
n.灾害,祸患,不幸事件 | |
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2 consternation | |
n.大为吃惊,惊骇 | |
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3 auxiliary | |
adj.辅助的,备用的 | |
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4 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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5 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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6 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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7 demolition | |
n.破坏,毁坏,毁坏之遗迹 | |
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8 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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9 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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10 obliterated | |
v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 );涂去;擦掉;彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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11 insular | |
adj.岛屿的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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12 outrages | |
引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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13 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
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14 glutting | |
v.吃得过多( glut的现在分词 );(对胃口、欲望等)纵情满足;使厌腻;塞满 | |
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15 avenging | |
adj.报仇的,复仇的v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 );为…报复 | |
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16 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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17 deity | |
n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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18 seizure | |
n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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19 truce | |
n.休战,(争执,烦恼等的)缓和;v.以停战结束 | |
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20 devastation | |
n.毁坏;荒废;极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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21 repelled | |
v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 );使厌恶;排斥;推开 | |
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22 portents | |
n.预兆( portent的名词复数 );征兆;怪事;奇物 | |
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23 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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25 raze | |
vt.铲平,把(城市、房屋等)夷为平地,拆毁 | |
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26 dedicated | |
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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27 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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