Let us first glance at the interior of the modest household on the Palatine. Besides Livia and Octavian, with24 whom we are now familiar, there is Octavia, sister of the Emperor and divorced wife of Mark Antony, a gentle lady with the matronly virtues13 of the time when a Roman could slay14 his wife or daughter for irregular conduct. With her were her children, Marcellus and Marcella, of whom we shall hear much. Then there were Livia’s two sons—the elder, Tiberius, a tall, silent, moody15 youth, with little care to please; the younger, Drusus, a handsome, buoyant, fair-headed boy, threatening the elder’s birthright. Octavian closely watched the education of the boys. He taught them to write on the wax-faced tablets in the fine script on which he prided himself, kept them beside him at table, and drove them in his chariot about public business.
But the most interesting and fateful figure in the group was Julia. Octavian had removed her at an early age from the care of Scribonia, and adopted her in the palace. She learned to spin and weave, and helped to make the garments of the family, under the severe eyes of Livia and Octavia. The Emperor was charmed with the pretty and lively girl, and would make a second Livia of her. Knowing well, if only from his own youth, the vice16 and folly that abounded17 in those mansions19 on the hills of Rome, and roared in its dimly-lighted valleys by night, he kept her apart. None of the young fops who drove their chariots madly out by the Flaminian Gate, and sipped20 their wine after supper to the prurient21 jokes of mimes22, were suffered to approach her. And, not for the first or last time in history, the veiling of the young eyes had an effect quite contrary to that intended. A Roman girl became a woman at fourteen, a mother at fifteen. At that early age, in the year 25 B.C., Julia was married to her cousin Marcellus, who was then seventeen. Marcellus was so clearly a possible successor to the throne that courtiers hung about him, and taught him the art of princely living. The doors of the hidden world were opened, and the tender eyes of Julia were dazed.
The authorities are careless in chronology, and we25 may decline to believe that Julia at once entered on the riotous23 ways which led her to the abyss. Her marriage concerns us in a very different respect. All the writers who adopt the view that Livia was a hard and unscrupulous woman—a view that Tacitus must have taken from the memoirs24 of her rival’s granddaughter, the Empress Agrippina, which were made public in his time—consider that this marriage of Julia and Marcellus marks the beginning of her career of crime. She is supposed to have been alarmed at the marriage of two direct descendants of C?sar, seeing that she herself had no child by Octavian. Most certainly she was ambitious for her elder son. The boy whom she had clasped to her breast, when she fled along the roads of Campania and through the burning forests of Greece, was now a clever and studious youth, and she wished Octavian to adopt him. Unfortunately, Tiberius was of a moody and solitary25 nature, and was easily displaced in Octavian’s affection by the handsome and popular Marcellus and the beautiful and witty26 Julia.
The first cloud appeared in the year 23 B.C. Octavian fell seriously ill, and Livia’s hope of securing the succession for her son was troubled by two formidable competitors. One was Marcellus, the other was Octavian’s friend and ablest general, M. V. Agrippa. He was of poor origin, but of commanding ability and character, and was suspected of entertaining a design to restore the Republic. He was married to Marcella, and had some contempt for the spoiled boy, her brother Marcellus—a contempt which Marcellus repaid with petulance27 and rancour. Octavian recovered, sent Agrippa on an important errand to the East, and made Marcellus ?dile of the city. Marcellus was winning, the eager observers thought, when suddenly he fell seriously ill and died. The death was so opportune28 for Tiberius that we cannot wonder that a faint whisper of poison went through Rome when his ashes were laid in the lofty marble tower that Octavian had built in the meadows by the Tiber. But we need not linger over this first charge against Livia.26 Even Dio, who is no sceptic in regard to rumours30 which defame Empresses, hesitates to press on us so airy and improbable a myth. It was a hot and pestilential summer, and Marcellus seems to have contracted fever by remaining too long at his post, before going to Bai? on the coast.
The death of Marcellus, far from promoting the cause of Tiberius, brought a more formidable obstacle in his way. Octavian sent for Agrippa, and directed him to divorce Marcella and wed31 Julia. The general, who was in his forty-second year, thought it immaterial which of the two young princesses shared his bed, and Octavia consented to the divorce of her daughter—as some conjecture32, to thwart33 Livia’s design. To the delight of Octavian the union of robust34 manhood and amorous36 young womanhood was fruitful. During the ten years of their marriage Julia gave birth to three sons and two daughters. Happily unconscious of the tragedies which were to close the careers of these children in his own lifetime, Octavian welcomed them with great enthusiasm. During his whole reign37 he was engaged in a futile38 effort to induce or compel the better families of Rome to take a larger share in the peopling of the Empire. When he penalized39 celibacy40, they defeated him by contracting marriages with the intention of seeking an immediate41 divorce. When he made adultery a public crime, there were noblewomen—few in number, it is true; the facts are often exaggerated—who enrolled42 themselves on the list of shame, and noblemen who took on the degrading rank of gladiators, in order to escape the penalties. He created a guild43 of honour for the mothers of at least three children; but the distinction seemed to the ladies of Rome to be an inadequate44 reward for so onerous45 an accomplishment46, and they scoffed47 when Livia was enrolled in the guild, though the only child she had conceived of Octavian had never seen the light.
Far greater, however, was the amusement of Rome when Octavian held up Julia as a model of maternity,27 and ostentatiously fondled her babies in public. A coarse and witty reply that she is said to have made, when some one asked her how it was that all her children so closely resembled her husband, was then circulated in Roman society, and is preserved in Macrobius.4 Beautiful, lively, and cultivated, the young girl had exchanged with delight the dull homeliness48 of her father’s mansion18 for the rose-crowned banquets of her new world. Her marriage with Agrippa restrained her gaiety for a time, but her husband was often summoned to distant provinces, and she was left to her dissolute friends. Octavian was curiously49 blind to her conduct, but when Agrippa was compelled to undertake a lengthy50 mission in the East, he ordered Julia to accompany him. The journey would not improbably foster her vicious tendencies. There is truth in the old adage51 that all light came to Europe from the East, but it is hardly less true that darkness came to Rome from the East. Julia would not be ignorant how the ancient Roman puritanism had been corrupted52 by the introduction of Eastern habits and types—the poisoner, the Chald?an astrologer, the Syrian dancer, the eunuch, the cultivated Greek slave, the priests of orgiastic Eastern cults54. A mind like hers would seek to penetrate55 the depths from which these types had emerged. In Greece she would find the remains56 of its perfumed vices57 lingering at the foot of its decaying monuments. In Antioch there would not be wanting freedwomen to gratify her curiosity in regard to its unnatural58 excesses and the world-famed license59 of its groves60. In Jud?a she was long and splendidly entertained at the court of Herod, a monarch61 with ten wives and concubines innumerable.
They returned to Rome in the year 13, and in the following year Agrippa died of gout, and Julia was free. One of the most surprising features of her wild career—one that would make us hesitate to admit the charges against her, if hesitation62 were possible—is that Livia was either ignorant of her more serious28 misdeeds, or unable to convince Octavian of them. Livia would hardly spare her, as Julia was inflaming63 Octavian’s dislike for Tiberius. Refined, sensitive, and studious, the young man avoided the boisterous64 amusements in which other young patricians66 spent their ample leisure, and his cold melancholy67 made him distasteful to them. One of the Roman writers would have us believe that Julia made love to him during the life of Agrippa, and that she incited68 Octavian against him in revenge for his rejection69 of her advances. The story is improbable. We need only suppose that Julia, in speaking of Tiberius, used the disdainful language which was common to her friends. Neither Livia nor Tiberius seems to have attempted to open the Emperor’s eyes to Julia’s conduct. Octavian disliked her luxurious71 ways, but was blind to her vices, though the names of her lovers were on the lips of all. One day Octavian scolded her for having a crowd of fast young nobles about her, and commended to her the staid example of Livia. She disarmed72 him with the laughing reply that, when she was old, her companions would be as old as those of the Empress. One writer says that Octavian compelled her to give up a too sumptuous73 palace which she occupied. One is more disposed to believe the story that, when he remonstrated74 with her for her luxurious ways, she replied “My father may forget that he is C?sar, but I cannot forget that I am C?sar’s daughter.”
In spite of their mutual75 aversion Octavian now ordered Tiberius to marry her. He was already married to Vipsania, the virtuous76 and affectionate daughter of Agrippa, and this enforced separation from one whom he loved with an ardour that was fading from Roman marriage, and union with one who contrasted with Vipsania as the wild flaming poppy contrasts with the lily, further soured and embittered77 him. We may dismiss in a very few words his relations with the woman who ought to have been the second Empress of Rome. After a few years spent, as a rule, in distant frontier wars, he returned to29 Rome in the year 6 B.C., to find that his wife had passed the last bounds of decency78 and Octavian was as blind as ever. In intense disgust, and in spite of his mother’s entreaties79, he begged the Emperor’s permission to spend some years in literary and scientific studies at Rhodes. Not daring to open the eyes of Octavian to the true character of his daughter, he had to bow to his anger and disdain70, and seek consolation80 in the calm mysteries of the planets and the fine sentiments of Greek tragedians.
JULIA
Julia now cast aside the last traces of restraint. A half-dozen of the young nobles of Rome are associated with her in the chronicles, and, gossipy and unreliable as the records are, in this case the issue of the story disposes us to believe the charges. Round such a repute as hers legends were bound to grow, and the conscientious81 biographer must be reserved in giving details. Dio tells us, for instance, that she expected her lovers to put crowns, for each success she permitted them to attain82, at the foot of the statue of Marsyas—a public statue, at the feet of which Roman lawyers were wont83 to place a crown when they had won a case. However that may be, it is certain that in the nightly dissipation of Rome, when plebeian84 offenders85 sought the darkness of the Milvian Bridge, or wantoned in the taverns86 and brothels of the Subura, Julia’s party was one of the boldest and most conspicuous87. Not content with the riotous supper, which it was now the fashion to prolong by lamp-light, in perfumed chambers88, until late hours of the night, Julia and her friends went out into the streets, and caroused89 in the very tribunal in the Forum90—the Rostra, a platform decorated with the prows91 of captured vessels—from which her father made known his Imperial decisions.5
30 The thunder of the Imperial anger scattered92 this licentious93 band some time in the second year before Christ. In the earlier part of the year Octavian had entertained Rome with one of the thrilling spectacles which he often provided. To celebrate the dedication94 of a new temple of Mars, which he had built, he had the Flaminian Circus flooded, gave the people a mock naval95 battle, and had thirteen crocodiles slain96 by the gladiators. Julia had hoodwinked the Emperor so long that she and her friends seem to have abandoned all restraint, and their adventures came to the knowledge of the Emperor.
The charges against Julia must have been beyond cavil97, since Octavian, who loved her deeply, at once yielded her to the course of justice. A charge of conspiracy98 was made out against her companions. One of the young nobles killed himself, and the rest were banished99. Julia was convicted of adultery—the evil that her father had fought for ten years—and from the glitter of Rome she was roughly conducted to the barren rock-island of Pandateria (Ponza), in the Gulf100 of G?ta. In that narrow and depressing jail, with no female attendants, no wine and no finery, accompanied only by her unhappy mother, the fascinating young princess spent five years, looking with anguish101 over the blue water toward the faint outline of the hills of Italy, or southward toward those rose-strewn waters of Bai?, where she had dreamed away so many brilliant summers. Rome, touched with pity for the stricken woman, implored102 Octavian to forgive her; and when he swore that fire and water should meet before he pardoned her, the people naively103 flung burning torches into the Tiber. Hearing, after a few years, that there was a plot to release her, Octavian had her removed to a more secure prison in Calabria. There she dragged out her miserable104 life until her father died, and Tiberius came to the throne. When he in turn refused to release her, she sank slowly into the peace of death.
There is no charge against Livia in connexion with this tragic105 fate of Julia, but another possible rival of31 Tiberius had disappeared during these years, and there is the usual vague accusation106 that the Empress assisted the action of nature. Drusus, her younger son, died in the year 9 B.C., and Livia is charged with sacrificing him to her affection for her elder son. The charge is preposterous107. Drusus had, it is true, been much more popular than Tiberius at Rome. His genial108 and engaging manner gave him a great advantage over the retiring and almost sullen109 Tiberius. But the brothers loved each other deeply, and when Tiberius, who was making a tour in the north of Gaul, heard that Drusus was dangerously ill in Germany, he at once rode four hundred miles on horseback, and held Drusus in his arms in his last hour. Livia was at Ticinum, in the north of Italy, with Octavian when the news reached them. That either Livia or Tiberius—for both are accused—should have in any way promoted the death of Drusus is a frivolous110 suggestion. The epitomist111 of Livy, Tacitus, and Suetonius, describe the death as natural. Drusus was thrown and injured by a frantic112 horse. The libel that his death was in some mysterious way accelerated may have been set afoot by his partisans113. It was generally believed that he favoured a restoration of the Republic, and the corrupt53 officials who, at his death, lost their faint hope of returning to the days of peculation115 and bribery116, may have begun the charge. No evidence is offered for it. Livia and Octavian accompanied the remains to Rome with great sorrow. Seneca says that the Empress was so distressed117 that she summoned one of the Stoic118 philosophers to console her.
The next charge against Livia requires a more careful examination. By the beginning of the present era, when the poor health of Octavian gave occasion for many speculations119 as to the succession, there were only two rivals to the chances of Tiberius. These were the elder sons of Julia, and Livia must have reflected gloomily on their fortune. While Tiberius remained in retirement120 at Rhodes the young princes were idolized by Octavian and by the people. Tiberius had proposed to return to Rome after the banishment32 of Julia, but Octavian peevishly122 told him to remain in Greece. Every astrologer in Rome must have read in the planets that either Caius or Lucius was born to the purple. They were spoiled by Octavian, enriched with premature123 honours, and, glittering in silver trappings, appeared in the spectacles as “Princes of the youth of Rome.” Let those youths be removed from the scene by any accident, and so prurient a city as Rome will be bound to discover some insidious124 action on the part of Livia; and later writers, brooding over a chronicle in which ambition leads freely to the most brutal125 murders, will be disposed to believe her guilty.
It is somewhat surprising to find more recent writers caught by the fallacy. We are not puzzled when the scandal-loving Serviez opens his chapter on Livia with a glowing enumeration126 of her virtues, adopts nearly every libel against her as he proceeds, and closes with a very dark estimate of her character; but we are entitled to expect more discrimination in Merivale. Even Mr. Tarver, in his recent “Tiberius the Tyrant” (1902), does much injustice127 to the mother in vindicating128 the son. He speaks of her as “hard, avaricious129, and a lover of power,” and, without the least evidence—indeed, against all probability—suggests that it was Livia who urged Octavian to keep Tiberius in retirement at Rhodes. He makes Livia hostile to Tiberius in favour of Julia’s sons, on the ground that she would find them more pliant130 than Tiberius. Every other writer suggests precisely131 the contrary. They make her murder Julia’s sons in the interest of Tiberius.
The death of the younger son, Lucius, is obscure. He was sent on a mission to Spain in the year 2 A.D., and died at Marseilles on the way. Since the only ground for the rumour29 that he was poisoned is the indubitable fact that he died, we need not delay in considering it. Octavian then sent the elder brother Caius on a mission into Syria under the care of his old tutor Lollius. His counsellor unhappily died in the East, and the young prince was left to the vicious companions who regarded him as the future dispenser of33 Imperial favours. He fell into Oriental ways, and was at length (A.D. 3) treacherously132 wounded by a Syrian patriot133. Instead of returning to Rome, he remained in the unhealthy atmosphere of the East, indulged in its habits of languor134 and vice, and died eighteen months after the death of his brother. There is no obscurity about his death. It is beyond question that he was severely135 wounded by a Syrian. But the deaths of the two brothers happened so opportunely136 for Tiberius that one cannot wonder at the suspicion, in certain minds, that Livia had had the youths poisoned. Nothing more than this vague rumour is given us by Tacitus, Dio, Suetonius, or Pliny; and it is from a sheer pruriency137 of romance that later writers, like Serviez, have accepted and emphasized the suspicion recorded in the Roman historians. Not on such slender grounds can we be asked to sacrifice the conception of Livia’s character which is forced on us by the plainer facts of her career. The youths were delicate; Caius, at least, had undermined his frail138 constitution by luxury, if not by vice; and the Roman world harboured death in a hundred forms.
If we still hesitate to choose between the artifice139 of Livia and the unaided action of natural causes in this removal of the obstacles to the advancement140 of Tiberius, we have only to glance at the fate of the rest of Julia’s children. The third son, Agrippa, was as robust in body as his brothers were weak, but he was defective141 in mind and devoid142 of moral control. His boorish143 conduct as a boy gave great pain to Livia and Octavia, and his great physical strength broke out in uncontrollable gusts144 of passion. In his adolescence145 he readily adopted the worst vices that Rome could teach him, and Octavian was obliged to condemn146 him to imprisonment147 and exile. There remained the two daughters, Julia and Agrippina. The younger, the sanest148 of Julia’s children, lived to intrigue149 for power, and greatly to embarrass Livia’s later years; though we shall find the same tragic fate befalling her after the death of the Empress, who protected her. The elder, Julia, was banished34 (A.D. 9) for incest, and, like her mother, lacking the courage or virtue12 to end her shame as the nobler Romans did, she protracted150 her miserable life for twenty years, her hard lot only alleviated151 by the charity of Livia.
Fate had removed every possible competitor to the succession of Tiberius. He returned to Rome, and his judicious152 and sedulous153 activity removed the last traces of the Emperor’s resentment154. Peace returned, after many years of storm, to the mansion on the Palatine. But Octavian had suffered profoundly from those terrible and persistent155 storms. The Rome of his manhood was gone. All his friends and counsellors had disappeared, and the future of his people filled him with apprehension156. The patrician65 stock was decaying from luxury and vice; the ordinary citizens clamoured for free food and free entertainment with a blind disregard of the laws of national health. He shrank from the public gaze, and leaned affectionately on Livia and Tiberius.
In the year 14 he remained at Rome in the early heat of the summer, and became seriously ill. Livia and Tiberius went down with him to the coast, where he rallied, and some pleasant days were spent on the island of Capre? (Capri), which he had bought. They passed to the mainland, where Tiberius left them, but he was soon recalled by a message from his mother that the Emperor was sinking. On the last morning of his life Octavian dressed with unaccustomed care, and summoned his friends to his bedside. Was Rome tranquil157 on receiving the news of his dangerous condition? Did they approve of his conduct and accomplishments158? They gave him the assurance he desired, and were dismissed. Could they have foreseen the line of rulers who were to stain the purple robe with blood, and load it with shame, for so many decades to come, they would have wept. The last moments were for Livia. He died kissing her, and murmuring: “Be mindful of our marriage, Livia. Farewell.” So ended, peacefully, a union that had lasted fifty-two years in a city where divorce was as lightly esteemed159 as marriage. There35 can be little serious doubt about the character of the first Empress of Rome.
Livia probably concealed160 the death of Octavian until Tiberius arrived from Dalmatia. A report was given out that Tiberius arrived in time to receive the last injunctions of the Emperor. This may be doubted without any serious reflection on her character; if, indeed, it was she, and not Tiberius, who spread the report. There were grave fears—well-founded fears, as we shall see—that a plot, in the interest of corruption161, had been framed to prevent the succession of Tiberius. In the coolness of the night, so as to avoid the intense heat of August, they bore the remains with great pomp to the capital. There, on a bed of ivory and purple, preceded by wax effigies162 of Octavian and of earlier rulers of Rome, the body was carried to the temple of Julius, where Tiberius read a funeral oration114. The cortège went on to the Field of Mars, by the Tiber, through lines of black-draped citizens. The pile was fired, and zealous163 eyes saw the soul of Octavian mount toward heaven in the outward form of an eagle.
Livia, on approved custom, remained by the sacred ashes for five days, and then returned to face the new life which opened for her. With the especially wild suggestion that she had accelerated the death of her husband we may disdain to concern ourselves. It was owing to her devoted164 care that the ailing165 and delicate Octavian had lived to old age. But a second libel in connexion with the death of Octavian must be briefly166 considered.
The apprehension, or the secret information, of the dying Emperor was correct. No sooner was his death announced than a servant of the imprisoned167 son of Julia hurried to the coast, and set sail for the island of Planasia, with the intention of bringing Agrippa to Rome as a candidate for the purple. He arrived only to find a bleeding corpse168. The centurion169 in charge had dispatched Agrippa as soon as the Emperor’s death was made known to him.
Who gave the order for this execution? One cannot36 call it murder, for Agrippa was unfit to be restored to society, and any attempt to raise him to the throne would have been disastrous170 to Rome. The authorities, as usual, merely give us the rumours that circulated at the time, and leave us to choose between Octavian, Livia, and Tiberius. We can have little difficulty in choosing. It would be so natural for either Octavian or Tiberius to crush the conspiracy by executing Agrippa that the introduction of Livia is superfluous172. Most probably Octavian had left directions with Agrippa’s custodian173. There is a curious story, in several contradictory174 versions, but credible175 in substance, that Octavian in his later years paid a secret visit to Planasia, to see personally what Agrippa’s real condition was. Quite the most plausible176 theory is that, after personal verification of his madness, Octavian felt it best for Rome, and not inhuman177 to Agrippa, to have him put to death as soon as the question of succession was opened.
We come to the last phase of Livia’s career. Tiberius was now a tall, handsome man, though slightly disfigured, with long fair hair and features strangely delicate for one of his exceptional physical strength. A better soldier than his predecessor178, and not an inept179 statesman, he was well enough fitted to wield180 the power which Octavian had virtually bequeathed to him. But a retiring disposition181, an unhappy youth, and long years of study, had made him shrink from the society of any but scholars, and he long hesitated to ascend182 the throne to which the Senate invited him. We have not good ground to regard this reluctance183 as feigned184. At last he consented, and the critics of Livia would have it that her ambition now passed such bounds as had been set to it by the ability of Octavian. We may freely admit that she looked forward to being closely associated in power with the son whose career she had followed with such devotion and helpfulness. On the other hand, we shall see how advantageous185 to the State her influence was; the evils that at once begin to darken the life of Rome when Tiberius rejects her counsels37 will plainly show this. Nor is there any evidence that she sought power from any other motive186 than the good of the State. She might take pride in what she did, and even exaggerate it, but such a pride is not inconsistent with the view that she was ever gentle, humane187, and generous.
The first searching test of her character occurs a few years after the accession of Tiberius. As the news of the death of Octavian slowly travelled over the Empire, there were mutinous188 movements among the legions in many provinces. In Lower Germany, especially, the troops considered that their commander, Germanicus, the nephew of Tiberius, was entitled to the purple, and they asked him to lead them to Rome. He was a handsome, engaging young general, of imperial blood, with moderate ability and much conceit189, and had won the regard of the soldiers by visiting the sick and wounded, advancing their pay out of his own purse, and other popular acts. He was married to Julia’s daughter, Agrippina, who lived in camp with him. They dressed their little son Caius in soldier’s costume, and his quaint190 appearance in miniature military boots won for him the pet-name Caligula (“Little-boots”) by which he is known to history. The legionaries thought that they had with them a model Imperial family, and promised to wrest191 the throne from Tiberius. Germanicus weakly composed the mutiny—mainly by forging a letter in the name of Tiberius and then treacherously executing the leaders—and endeavoured to cover his blunders by vigorous and rather aimless attacks upon the Germans. Tiberius recalled him to Rome to enjoy a “triumph,” and to keep him out of further mischief192.
Merivale acknowledges that his conquests were “wholly visionary,” but Germanicus had inherited the charm and popularity of his father, Drusus, and Rome was easily won for him. People streamed out from the gates to meet him, and gazed with awe193 on his gigantic blue-eyed captives and on the large highly-coloured paintings of his victories in Germany. It was a new source of concern for38 Livia and Tiberius, and, to the satisfaction of Livia’s critics, the danger ended like all the others.
Germanicus and Agrippina were sent on a mission to the East. Tiberius seems to have had some disdain for his spoiled and conceited194 nephew, and he was well aware of the interested aims of those who affected195 to see in him a restorer of the old republican liberty. He chose an older statesman, Cn. Calpurnius Piso, to go out as Governor of Syria, to watch and prudently196 direct the movements of Germanicus. With Piso was his wife Plancina, an intimate friend of Livia. From these Tiberius and Livia shortly heard exasperating197 accounts of the progress of Germanicus and Agrippina. Piso found, on calling at Athens, that Germanicus had been flattering the Greeks for their ancient culture, instead of pressing the dominion198 of Rome. He made free comments on the young general’s conduct, pushed past his galleys199, as they dallied200 in Greek waters, and was hard at work in Syria when Germanicus arrived. The wives conducted the quarrel with more asperity201 than their husbands.
Rome had now its party of Germanicus and party of Tiberius, and the news from the East was heatedly discussed. Germanicus has gone to Egypt, without asking the Emperor’s permission, and is patronizing the Greek and Egyptian cults, which Tiberius represses, and going about in Greek instead of Roman dress. Piso has had a violent quarrel with Germanicus, and left Syria. And before they have time to discuss this important intelligence there comes a report that Germanicus is dangerously ill; that bones of dead men, half-burnt fragments of sacrificial victims, leaden tablets with the name of Germanicus scrawled202 on them, and other deadly charms, have been found under the floors and between the walls of his house. At length the news comes that Germanicus is dead, and that with his last breath he has urged his friends to avenge203 him. Rome goes into mourning. All the shops are closed, and crowds gather everywhere to discuss this fresh tragedy of the Imperial house. In the middle of the night a rumour39 spreads that Germanicus is not dead, and people fill the streets with the glare of their torches, and break into the temples. But the fatal news is confirmed, and, when at last Agrippina comes with the golden urn11 containing his ashes, such mourning is seen as no living man can remember.
People observed that neither Livia nor Tiberius appeared at the funeral. Livia had no reason to be present, and Tiberius knew that the demonstration204 was due largely to a spirit of hostility205 to himself. For the rest, it was merely the feeling of a frivolous people for a handsome and unfortunate youth. But Livia incurred206 more serious censure207 during the trial of Piso which followed. The ex-governor of Syria defended himself resolutely208 for a day or two, and then, hearing that his wife had deserted209 him, committed suicide. The anger of the citizens now turned on the wife, Plancina. The Empress, with whom she had been in close communication throughout, begged Tiberius to save her, and he reluctantly checked the prosecution210. Livia was, of course, accused of sheltering a murderess. It must be recollected211 that the accounts of the story are taken in part from the memoirs of Agrippina’s daughter, and are coloured with prejudice against Tiberius and his mother. One cannot see anything more serious than indiscretion in Livia’s conduct. Her conviction of the innocence213 of Plancina is intelligible214 enough, and one can equally understand how she would distrust a trial held at Rome in the inflamed215 state of public feeling. There is no serious reason to suspect, in the death of Germanicus, the action of any other poison than the tainted atmosphere of the East.
But the interference of Livia annoyed Tiberius, and the ten years that follow are full of differences between mother and son. The Emperor’s resentment of his mother’s share in public affairs had begun with his reign. Livia had proposed to erect216 a statue to the memory of Octavian. Tiberius interfered217, and referred her to the Senate for permission. She then proposed to give a commemoratory banquet to the Senators and their wives. Tiberius restricted40 her to the wives, and entertained the Senators himself. He reduced her escort, frowned on the public honours that were paid to her, and resented her interference in public affairs. On one occasion her friend Urgulania was summoned for debt, and, presuming on her intimacy218 with the Empress, treated the process with contempt. Livia asked Tiberius to quash the proceedings219, and he deliberately220 lingered so much on his way to the Forum that the case was allowed to proceed.
These are a few of the stories which illustrate221 the want of harmony between them. For this Livia was largely to blame. It was not unnatural that she, who had been so often and so profitably consulted by Octavian, should expect a larger power under the young Emperor, but she failed to take discreet222 account of the extreme sensitiveness of Tiberius. If a story given in Suetonius is correct, she so far lost her discretion212 in one of their quarrels as to produce old letters in which Octavian had made bitter reflections on the defects of Tiberius. The fault was not wholly on her side, however. Tiberius was jealous when he contrasted the honour and respect paid to her with the general feeling of reserve and distrust toward himself, and he pleaded the old-fashioned idea of woman’s sphere as a pretext223 to restrain her. He grumbled224 when he one day found her directing the extinction225 of a fire, as she had done more than once in Octavian’s time, and he was seriously angry when he found that she had placed her name before his on a public inscription226.
But we may leave these lesser227 matters and come to the next tragedy in the Imperial chronicle, the shadow of which darkened Livia’s closing years. She had retired228 from the palace to the house which she had inherited from her first husband, Tiberius Nero. Here she remained a saddened and helpless spectator of the coming disaster. Tiberius, whom she saw only once more before she died, had become a peevish121 and gloomy old man. His tall spare frame was bent229, his head bald, his face, which had always been disfigured with pimples230, now hideous231 with eczema,41 or concealed with bandages. His large melancholy eyes so startled people that they believed he could see in the dark. Astrologers and students of the occult gathered about him in the palace he had built on the Palatine, and the way lay open for adventurers.
The two chief aspirants232 for power were Agrippina, the widow of Germanicus, and Sejanus, Tiberius’s favourite general. Julia’s younger daughter seems to have concentrated in her person all the masculinity of her family. “Implacable,” as Tacitus says, proud, and ambitious, she added to the gloom that was deepening on the Palatine. Merivale calls her the “she-wolf.” It seems probable that she sought marriage with the aged1 Tiberius in order to secure power for herself or her son. The only son of the Emperor had been poisoned by Sejanus, as we shall see presently, and her son had a plausible title to inherit the purple. The authorities tell us that Tiberius one day found her in tears, and was entreated233, when he asked the reason, to find her a husband. She thought it expedient234 to forget the supposed share of Tiberius in the death of her husband.
Her innocent man?uvres were met, however, by the sinister235 intrigues236 of Sejanus, one of the most unscrupulous characters we have yet encountered. Under a cloak of friendliness237 he was countering her schemes and ruining her house. He had seduced238 her daughter Livilla, the wife of Tiberius’s son Drusus, and had, with her connivance239, poisoned the young prince, and kept the secret from the Emperor for many years. It is said that he then made proposals to Agrippina to unite their ambitions, and, when these were rejected, he determined240 to destroy her and secure the supreme241 power for himself. He put his great ability astutely242 at the service of the Emperor, and once had the good fortune to save his life, by arching his herculean body over Tiberius when the roof of a cave fell on them. It is probable that he inflamed the resentment of Tiberius against his mother, and then used the estrangement243 to increase the unpopularity of the Emperor.42 Scurrilous244 libels on “the ungrateful son” were current in Rome. These are sometimes attributed to writers in the service of Livia, but it would be a natural part of the scheme of Sejanus to spread them. On one occasion a noble lady, Appuleia Varilia, was charged by the Senate with accusing Tiberius and Livia of incest. Tiberius consulted his mother, and declared to the Senate that they wished to treat the libel with contemptuous indifference245.
To Sejanus also we must, on the authority of Tacitus, attribute a plot against Agrippina, which other writers assign to Tiberius or to Livia. At a banquet in the palace it was noticed that Agrippina, pale and sullen, passed all the dishes untouched. Tiberius at length invited her to eat a fine apple which he chose. Under the eyes of all she handed it to a servant to throw away, and Tiberius not unnaturally246 complained of her unjust suspicions. Tacitus, who gives the most credible version of the story, says that the agents of Sejanus had warned her that she was to be poisoned at the banquet, so that she would act in a way that the Emperor would resent.
Tiberius, weary of the violent passions of the capital, now lived chiefly in Campania. It is not improbable that his disfigurement made him sensitive. Rome would not spare the feelings of so unpopular a ruler. It is not at all clear that he shrank from his Imperial duties—Suetonius expressly says that he thought it possible to rule better from the provinces—or that he wished to indulge in the wild debauches which some attribute to him. Probably Sejanus, to secure more power for himself, persuaded him that he could best discharge his duties from a provincial247 seat.
At this juncture248, in the year 29, saddened by the estrangement from her son, by his helpless surrender to an unscrupulous adventurer, and by the increasing degeneration of Rome, Livia died. She had, by sober living—Pliny adds, by the constant chewing of a sweetmeat containing a certain medicinal root, and by the use of43 Pucinian wine—attained the great age of eighty-six. She had seen her husband dispel249 the long horrors of civil war, refresh the Empire, and adorn250 Rome; and she had felt the gloom and chill of a coming tragedy in her later years. Few of the Empresses have been so differently estimated as Livia. Merivale regards her as “a memorable251 example of successful artifice, having obtained in succession, by craft if not by crime, every object she could desire in the career of female ambition.” He adds: “But she had long survived every genuine attachment252 she may at any time have inspired, nor has a single voice been raised by posterity253 to supply the want of honest eulogium in her own day.”6
The more concentrated research of the biographer has often to reverse the verdict of the historian, and in this case it must acquit254 Livia of either craft or vice. It is a singular error to say that Livia had no “honest eulogium” in her own day. The Roman Senate is exposed to the disdain of historians for its obsequiousness255 to the reigning256 Emperor, yet, at the death of Livia, it sought to honour her memory in spite of the resentment of Tiberius. The Emperor had refused to go to Rome, either to see her before death or to attend her funeral. He gave to Rome an example of silent indifference. Yet he had to use his authority to prevent the Senate from decreeing divine honours to Livia, building an arch to her memory, and declaring her “mother of her country.” Dio remarks that the Senators were moved to do these things out of sincere gratitude257 and respect. Few of the less wealthy members of the Senate had not profited by her generosity258. Their children had been educated, and their daughters had received dowries, from her purse. Her generosity is recognized by all the authorities. Her humanity is made plain by the contents of this chapter.
The adverse259 estimate of Livia’s character is chiefly based on the “Annals” of Tacitus, and it has long been recognized that Tacitus drew his account largely from44 the memoirs of the younger Agrippina, daughter of the woman who hated Livia. Yet Tacitus adds, when he has recorded the death of Livia: “From this moment the government of Tiberius became a sheer oppressive despotism. While Augusta lived one avenue of escape remained open, for the Emperor was habitually260 deferent toward his mother, and Sejanus dared not thwart her parental261 authority; but when this curb262 was removed, there was nothing to check their further career.”7
We have seen that Livia had used the same restraining influence on the impetuosity of Octavian. With her died the attribute, or the wise policy, of Imperial clemency263, only to be revived by Emperors who adopted that Stoic creed264 in which she found consolation after the death of her son. That she was “hard” and “unscrupulous” is entirely265 at variance266 with the most authenticated267 facts of her career. To say that she was “avaricious” is a sheer absurdity268. She maintained her sober personal habits to the end, and took money only to bestow269 it on the indigent270 and worthy271, or expend272 it in raising public buildings. We may grant that she had some ambition, but may claim that it was well for Rome that she had it. She fell into many errors of judgment273 in her later years, when Roman life was confused by such strong undercurrents of intrigue; but these very errors tend to discredit274 the notion that she employed a consummate275 art and strong intelligence in the furthering of her own interests. In a word, it is the vices and follies276 of later Empresses that have disposed historians to regard her sober virtues as a mere171 mask.
45
NOTE
For the guidance of the general reader it is advisable to add a few words on the Latin authorities, whom we now constantly quote. Tacitus, the chief source of our knowledge down to the year 70 A.D., is not only weakened as an historian by the very strength of his morality, but he has too lightly followed the memoirs in which the later Agrippina defamed the rival Imperial family. Suetonius, who takes us as far as Domitian, is no less honest, but he has too genial and indulgent a love of anecdotes277 to discard any on the mere ground that they are untrue or improbable. Dio Cassius, who covers the first two centuries, is usually described as malignant278; but one may question if he does more than indulge still further the same amiable279 preference of piquancy280 to truth. The “Historia Augusta,” which is our chief authority for the greater part of the Empresses and the richest source of scandal, has been much and profitably discussed since Gibbon placed such reliance on it. It is now thought by some experts that the original writers of this series of biographical sketches281 of the Roman Emperors lived at the beginning of the third century, and had a comparatively sober standard of work. Toward the close of the third, or beginning of the fourth, century the work was written afresh by the group of less scrupulous8 writers whose names, or pseudonyms282, actually stand at the head of its chapters. But a still later writer once more recast the work, and lowered its authority. He wrote frankly283 from the point of view of the piquant284 anecdotist, omitting much that would interest only the prosy student of exact facts, and filling up the vacant space with such faint legends of Imperial vice or folly as still, in his time, lingered without the pale of history, or arose in the field of romance. The question is fully2 discussed by Otto Schultz, “Leben des Kaisers Hadrian” (1905), and Professor Kornemann, “Kaiser Hadrian” (1906).
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
aged
|
|
| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
initiated
|
|
| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
autocracy
|
|
| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
folly
|
|
| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
tainted
|
|
| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
bloody
|
|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
scrupulous
|
|
| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
unstable
|
|
| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
pivot
|
|
| v.在枢轴上转动；装枢轴，枢轴；adj.枢轴的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
urn
|
|
| n.（有座脚的）瓮；坟墓；骨灰瓮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
virtue
|
|
| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
virtues
|
|
| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
slay
|
|
| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
moody
|
|
| adj.心情不稳的，易怒的，喜怒无常的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
vice
|
|
| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
abounded
|
|
| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
mansion
|
|
| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
mansions
|
|
| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
sipped
|
|
| v.小口喝，呷，抿( sip的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
prurient
|
|
| adj.好色的，淫乱的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
mimes
|
|
| n.指手画脚( mime的名词复数 )；做手势；哑剧；哑剧演员v.指手画脚地表演，用哑剧的形式表演( mime的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
riotous
|
|
| adj.骚乱的；狂欢的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
memoirs
|
|
| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
solitary
|
|
| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
witty
|
|
| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
petulance
|
|
| n.发脾气，生气，易怒，暴躁，性急 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
opportune
|
|
| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
rumour
|
|
| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
rumours
|
|
| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
wed
|
|
| v.娶，嫁，与…结婚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
conjecture
|
|
| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
thwart
|
|
| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
robust
|
|
| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
bust
|
|
| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
amorous
|
|
| adj.多情的；有关爱情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
futile
|
|
| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
penalized
|
|
| 对…予以惩罚( penalize的过去式和过去分词 )； 使处于不利地位 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
celibacy
|
|
| n.独身(主义) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
immediate
|
|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
enrolled
|
|
| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
guild
|
|
| n.行会，同业公会，协会 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
inadequate
|
|
| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
onerous
|
|
| adj.繁重的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
accomplishment
|
|
| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
scoffed
|
|
| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
homeliness
|
|
| n.简朴，朴实；相貌平平 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
curiously
|
|
| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
lengthy
|
|
| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
adage
|
|
| n.格言，古训 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
corrupted
|
|
| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
corrupt
|
|
| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
cults
|
|
| n.迷信( cult的名词复数 )；狂热的崇拜；（有极端宗教信仰的）异教团体 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
penetrate
|
|
| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
remains
|
|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
vices
|
|
| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
unnatural
|
|
| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
license
|
|
| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
groves
|
|
| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
monarch
|
|
| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
hesitation
|
|
| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
inflaming
|
|
| v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
boisterous
|
|
| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
patrician
|
|
| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
patricians
|
|
| n.（古罗马的）统治阶层成员( patrician的名词复数 )；贵族，显贵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
melancholy
|
|
| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
incited
|
|
| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
rejection
|
|
| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
disdain
|
|
| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
luxurious
|
|
| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
disarmed
|
|
| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
sumptuous
|
|
| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
remonstrated
|
|
| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
mutual
|
|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
virtuous
|
|
| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
embittered
|
|
| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
decency
|
|
| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
entreaties
|
|
| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
consolation
|
|
| n.安慰，慰问 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
conscientious
|
|
| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
attain
|
|
| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
wont
|
|
| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
plebeian
|
|
| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
offenders
|
|
| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
taverns
|
|
| n.小旅馆，客栈，酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
conspicuous
|
|
| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
chambers
|
|
| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
caroused
|
|
| v.痛饮，闹饮欢宴( carouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
forum
|
|
| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
prows
|
|
| n.船首( prow的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
scattered
|
|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
licentious
|
|
| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
dedication
|
|
| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
naval
|
|
| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
slain
|
|
| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
cavil
|
|
| v.挑毛病，吹毛求疵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
conspiracy
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
banished
|
|
| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
gulf
|
|
| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
anguish
|
|
| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
implored
|
|
| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
naively
|
|
| adv. 天真地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
miserable
|
|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
tragic
|
|
| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
accusation
|
|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
preposterous
|
|
| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
genial
|
|
| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
sullen
|
|
| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
frivolous
|
|
| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
epitomist
|
|
| n.写节录者，写摘要者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
112
frantic
|
|
| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
partisans
|
|
| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
oration
|
|
| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
peculation
|
|
| n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
bribery
|
|
| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
distressed
|
|
| 痛苦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
stoic
|
|
| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
speculations
|
|
| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
retirement
|
|
| n.退休，退职 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
peevish
|
|
| adj.易怒的，坏脾气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
peevishly
|
|
| adv．暴躁地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
premature
|
|
| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
insidious
|
|
| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
brutal
|
|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
enumeration
|
|
| n.计数，列举；细目；详表；点查 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
injustice
|
|
| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
vindicating
|
|
| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
avaricious
|
|
| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
pliant
|
|
| adj.顺从的；可弯曲的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
precisely
|
|
| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
treacherously
|
|
| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
patriot
|
|
| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
languor
|
|
| n.无精力，倦怠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
severely
|
|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
opportunely
|
|
| adv.恰好地，适时地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
pruriency
|
|
| n.好色；迷恋；淫欲；（焦躁等的）渴望 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
138
frail
|
|
| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
artifice
|
|
| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
advancement
|
|
| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
defective
|
|
| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
devoid
|
|
| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
boorish
|
|
| adj.粗野的，乡巴佬的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
gusts
|
|
| 一阵强风( gust的名词复数 )； （怒、笑等的）爆发； （感情的）迸发； 发作 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
adolescence
|
|
| n.青春期，青少年 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
condemn
|
|
| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
imprisonment
|
|
| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
sanest
|
|
| adj.心智健全的( sane的最高级 )；神志正常的；明智的；稳健的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
intrigue
|
|
| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
protracted
|
|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
alleviated
|
|
| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
judicious
|
|
| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
sedulous
|
|
| adj.勤勉的，努力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
resentment
|
|
| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
persistent
|
|
| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
apprehension
|
|
| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
tranquil
|
|
| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
accomplishments
|
|
| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
esteemed
|
|
| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
concealed
|
|
| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
corruption
|
|
| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
effigies
|
|
| n.（人的）雕像，模拟像，肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
zealous
|
|
| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
devoted
|
|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
ailing
|
|
| v.生病 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
briefly
|
|
| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
imprisoned
|
|
| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
corpse
|
|
| n.尸体，死尸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
centurion
|
|
| n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
disastrous
|
|
| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
superfluous
|
|
| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
custodian
|
|
| n.保管人，监护人；公共建筑看守 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
174
contradictory
|
|
| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
175
credible
|
|
| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
176
plausible
|
|
| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
177
inhuman
|
|
| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
178
predecessor
|
|
| n.前辈，前任 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
179
inept
|
|
| adj.不恰当的，荒谬的，拙劣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
180
wield
|
|
| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
181
disposition
|
|
| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
182
ascend
|
|
| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
183
reluctance
|
|
| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
184
feigned
|
|
| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
185
advantageous
|
|
| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
186
motive
|
|
| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
187
humane
|
|
| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
188
mutinous
|
|
| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
189
conceit
|
|
| n.自负，自高自大 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
190
quaint
|
|
| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
191
wrest
|
|
| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
192
mischief
|
|
| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
193
awe
|
|
| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
194
conceited
|
|
| adj.自负的，骄傲自满的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
195
affected
|
|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
196
prudently
|
|
| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
197
exasperating
|
|
| adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
198
dominion
|
|
| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
199
galleys
|
|
| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
200
dallied
|
|
| v.随随便便地对待( dally的过去式和过去分词 )；不很认真地考虑；浪费时间；调情 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
201
asperity
|
|
| n.粗鲁，艰苦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
202
scrawled
|
|
| 乱涂，潦草地写( scrawl的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
203
avenge
|
|
| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
204
demonstration
|
|
| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
205
hostility
|
|
| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
206
incurred
|
|
| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
207
censure
|
|
| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
208
resolutely
|
|
| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
209
deserted
|
|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
210
prosecution
|
|
| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
211
recollected
|
|
| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
212
discretion
|
|
| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
213
innocence
|
|
| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
214
intelligible
|
|
| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
215
inflamed
|
|
| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
216
erect
|
|
| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
217
interfered
|
|
| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
218
intimacy
|
|
| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
219
proceedings
|
|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
220
deliberately
|
|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
221
illustrate
|
|
| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
222
discreet
|
|
| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
223
pretext
|
|
| n.借口，托词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
224
grumbled
|
|
| 抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
225
extinction
|
|
| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
226
inscription
|
|
| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
227
lesser
|
|
| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
228
retired
|
|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
229
bent
|
|
| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
230
pimples
|
|
| n.丘疹，粉刺，小脓疱( pimple的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
231
hideous
|
|
| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
232
aspirants
|
|
| n.有志向或渴望获得…的人( aspirant的名词复数 )v.渴望的，有抱负的，追求名誉或地位的( aspirant的第三人称单数 )；有志向或渴望获得…的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
233
entreated
|
|
| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
234
expedient
|
|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
235
sinister
|
|
| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
236
intrigues
|
|
| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
237
friendliness
|
|
| n.友谊，亲切，亲密 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
238
seduced
|
|
| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
239
connivance
|
|
| n.纵容；默许 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
240
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
241
supreme
|
|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
242
astutely
|
|
| adv.敏锐地；精明地；敏捷地；伶俐地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
243
estrangement
|
|
| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
244
scurrilous
|
|
| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
245
indifference
|
|
| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
246
unnaturally
|
|
| adv.违反习俗地；不自然地；勉强地；不近人情地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
247
provincial
|
|
| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
248
juncture
|
|
| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
249
dispel
|
|
| vt.驱走，驱散，消除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
250
adorn
|
|
| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
251
memorable
|
|
| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
252
attachment
|
|
| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
253
posterity
|
|
| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
254
acquit
|
|
| vt.宣判无罪；(oneself)使(自己)表现出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
255
obsequiousness
|
|
| 媚骨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
256
reigning
|
|
| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
257
gratitude
|
|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
258
generosity
|
|
| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
259
adverse
|
|
| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
260
habitually
|
|
| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
261
parental
|
|
| adj.父母的；父的；母的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
262
curb
|
|
| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
263
clemency
|
|
| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
264
creed
|
|
| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
265
entirely
|
|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
266
variance
|
|
| n.矛盾，不同 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
267
authenticated
|
|
| v.证明是真实的、可靠的或有效的( authenticate的过去式和过去分词 )；鉴定，使生效 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
268
absurdity
|
|
| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
269
bestow
|
|
| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
270
indigent
|
|
| adj.贫穷的，贫困的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
271
worthy
|
|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
272
expend
|
|
| vt.花费，消费，消耗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
273
judgment
|
|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
274
discredit
|
|
| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
275
consummate
|
|
| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
276
follies
|
|
| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
277
anecdotes
|
|
| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
278
malignant
|
|
| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
279
amiable
|
|
| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
280
piquancy
|
|
| n.辛辣，辣味，痛快 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
281
sketches
|
|
| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
282
pseudonyms
|
|
| n.假名，化名，（尤指）笔名( pseudonym的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
283
frankly
|
|
| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
284
piquant
|
|
| adj.辛辣的，开胃的，令人兴奋的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |