Possibly one woman, who looked out on the seething11 Forum and the glistening12 temple of Jupiter from a modest mansion13 on the Palatine Hill, knew the answer to the eager question. Possibly it was unknown to Octavian himself, her husband. She heard the blasts of the leading trumpeters, and saw the sleek14 white oxen,8 with their gilded15 horns and their green garlands, advance along the Sacred Way and mount the Capitol. She saw the people rock and quiver with excitement as painted scenes of the remote Dalmatian forests, where her husband’s latest victories had been won, and the gold and silver of despoiled16 Egypt, and the very children of the witch Cleopatra, were driven before the conqueror. She saw the red-robed lictors slowly pass, their fasces wreathed in laurel; she saw the band of dancers and musicians tossing joyful17 music in his path; and she saw at last the four white horses drawing a triumphal chariot, in which her husband and her two children received the frenzied18 ovation19 of the people.
Octavian was then in his thirty-fourth year. Fifteen years of struggle had drawn a manly20 gravity over the handsome boyish face, though the curly golden hair still seemed a strange bed for the chaplet of laurel that crowned it. His full impassive lips, steady watchful21 eyes, and broad smooth forehead gave a singular impression of detachment—as if he were a disinterested22 spectator of the day’s events and the whole national drama, instead of being the central figure. The busts23 which portray24 him about this period seem to me, in profile, to recall David’s Napoleon, without the slumbering25 fire and the hard egoism. Men would remind each other how, when he was a mere26 boy, fifteen years before, he had found his way through a maze27 of intrigue28 with remarkable29 dexterity30. Now, Mark Antony was dead, Brutus and Cassius were dead, Lepidus was dead, and the followers31 of Pompey were scattered32. It was natural to assume that dreams of further power were hidden behind that mask of strong repose33.
Behind Octavian went the body of Senators, with purple-striped togas, and silver crescents on their sandals. The lines of spectators broke into gossiping groups when the tail of the procession had passed on. The white oxen fell before the altar of Jupiter. Octavian gave the customary address to the Senate, and joined Livia in the small9 mansion on the Palatine. But for many a day afterward34 Rome bubbled in praise of him. Not for years had such combats reddened the sands of the amphitheatre, such clowns and conjurors and actors filled the stage of the theatre, such sports fired the 300,000 citizens at the circus. Never before had the uncouth35 form of the rhinoceros36 or hippopotamus37 been seen at Rome. Not since the beginning of the civil wars had so much money flowed through the shops of the Velabrum and the taverns38 of the Subura. Such wealth had been added to the public store by the despoiling39 of Egypt that the bankers had to reduce the rate of interest. To a people grown parasitic40 the temptation to make a king was overpowering; and it was easy to point out, to those who clung to the strict democratic forms, that Octavian was extraordinarily41 modest for a man who had reached so brilliant and resourceful a position. So within a few months Octavian was Imperator, and Livia became, in modern phrase, the Empress of Rome.1
Livia, unhappily for Rome, gave Octavian no direct heir to the purple, and we may therefore speak briefly42 of her extraction. She came of the Claudii, one of the oldest and proudest families of the Republic, one that numbered twenty-eight consuls43 and five dictators in its line. A strong, haughty44 race, more useful than brilliant, religiously devoted45 to the old Republic, they had helped much to make Rome the mistress of the world. Livia’s father, Livius Drusus Claudianus, had taken arms against Octavian and Antony, and had killed himself, with Roman dignity, when Brutus and Cassius fell, and he saw the shadow of despotism coming over the city.
Livia was then in her sixteenth year,2 and had early experience of the storms of Roman political life. Her10 husband, Tiberius Claudius Nero, had been promoted more than once by Julius C?sar, but, after the assassination46 of C?sar, he had passed into what he regarded as the more favourable47 current. He seems to have steered48 his course with some skill until the year 41 B.C., when, like many other small schemers, he came under the influence of Mark Antony’s wife, Fulvia. Antony was caught at the time in the silken net with which Cleopatra prevented him from carrying out the ambition of Rome at the expense of her country. Fulvia, a virile49 and passionate50 woman, tried to draw Antony from her arms by provoking a revolt against Octavian. She induced her brother-in-law and other nobles to rebel, and Nero, who was then prefect of a small town in Campania, joined the movement.
Octavian swung his legions southward, and scattered the thin ranks of the insurgents51. With her infant—the future Emperor Tiberius—in her arms the girl-wife fled to the coast with her husband, and endured all the horrors of civil warfare52. So close were the soldiers of Octavian on their heels that at one point the cry of the baby nearly destroyed them. Octavian had little mercy on rebellious53 nobles before he married Livia. At last they reached the coast, where the galleys54 of Sextus Pompeius hovered55 to receive fugitives56, and sailed for Sicily. They were cordially received there by the Pompeians, but went on to Greece, and were again hunted by the troops. Long afterwards in Rome they used to tell how the delicate girl, the descendant of all the Claudii, fled through a burning forest by night before Roman soldiers, and singed58 her hair and garments as she rushed onward59 with her baby in her arms. The troubled history of Rome for a hundred years was stamped on her mind by a personal experience that she could never forget. With worn feet and aching heart, she and her husband at last found shelter, until the feud60 between Antony and Octavian had been composed.
From the straits of exile they returned to their pretty home on the Palatine Hill, and the story of her adventures ran, and gathered substance, in Roman society. If the11 experts be right in assigning to Livia a small mansion which has been uncovered on the hill, we find that she was, in the year 38 B.C., living only a short distance from the house of Octavian. Among the palatial61 buildings which now whitened the slopes of the Roman hills, Nero’s house—later, Livia’s house—was poor, but its mural paintings are amongst the most delicate that have been discovered under the overlying centuries of medi?val rubbish. A small portico62 gave shelter from the summer sun, and the small, cool atrium (hall) led only to some half dozen modest rooms. But Livia was happy in her husband, and sober in her tastes. She was then in her nineteenth year, a young woman of regular and pleasing, though scarcely beautiful, features and rounded form, one of those who happily united the old matronly virtue63 to the new love of society and gaiety. All Rome discussed her adventures, and the generous feeling which her romance engendered64 made people give her an exceptional beauty and wit—qualities which neither her marble image nor her recorded career permits us to accept in any large measure. There was no whisper of slander65 against her until the days of her power. From this peaceful and happy little world she was now to be suddenly removed.
Octavian, who mingled66 very freely with his fellows, and often supped with the literary men who were now multiplying at Rome, heard the gossip about the youthful Livia, and sought her. He was already married, and a word may be said about the impératrices manquées before we unite him to Livia.
In early youth he had been affianced to the girlish daughter of Publius Servilius Isauricus, but a mere betrothal67 had little strength at a time when even the marriage bond was so frail68. When he came to face Mark Antony, with many grim legions at his command, and a fresh civil war was threatened, peacemakers suggested that the storm might be turned from the fields of Italy by a matrimonial alliance. The soldiers, weary of slaying69 each other, acclaimed70 the proposal. Servilia was sacrificed, and12 Octavian was married to the young and hardly marriageable daughter of Fulvia. As we saw, there was a fresh rupture71 with Antony in the year 41, and Octavian sent back the maiden72, as he described her, to her infuriated mother. Some of our authorities declare that Fulvia had tried to draw Antony from the arms of Cleopatra by making love to his handsome rival, but one can only suppose that Antony would smile if he were told that his unpleasant spouse73—the woman who is said to have gloated over the bloody74 head of Cicero, and thrust her hair-pin through his tongue—was offering her heart to Octavian. We cannot, therefore, accept the rumour75 that, when Octavian sent back her daughter to Fulvia, he maliciously76 explained that he was anxious to spare Fulvia the mortification77 of thinking that he had preferred the pretty insipidity79 of Clodia to her own more assertive80 qualities.
The marriage with Clodia had been frankly81 political, and it naturally broke down in the new political dissolution. The second marriage had the same origin, and the same welcome termination. He had married Scribonia, a woman older than himself, during the rupture with Antony, because her brother was one of the chief members of the Pompeian faction82. The leader of this party, Sextus Pompeius, held Sicily, and not only welcomed fugitives from Octavian’s anger, but commanded the sea-route to Rome. Through his devoted friend M?cenas, the famous patron of letters, Octavian proposed a marriage with Scribonia. It would not be unnatural83 for a woman in her thirties, who had already outlived two husbands, eagerly to espouse84, and probably love, so graceful85, ambitious, and advancing a youth as Octavian; but to him the alliance was only one more move in the great game he was playing. He could bear the strain of a diplomatic marriage with ease, since there is no reason to reject the statement of Dio and Suetonius that he found affection among the wives of his nobler friends.
It has been commonly held that Octavian masked a tense13 and unwavering ambition with an affectation of simple joviality86, and his irregularities have been excused on the ground that he used them as means to detect political whispers in Roman society. But this view of Octavian’s character may be confidently questioned. His tastes, we shall see, remained extremely simple when he might safely have indulged any feeling for luxury, when every rival had been removed. That he was ambitious it would be foolish to question; but his ambition must not be measured by his success. There are few other cases in history in which fortune so wantonly smoothed the path and drew onward an easy and vacillating ambition. Octavian could well believe the assurances of the Chald?an astrologers that he was born to power.
With all his simplicity87, however, Octavian had some sense of luxury in love-matters, and his imagination wandered. Scribonia’s solid virtue was unrelieved by any of the graces of the new womanhood of Rome, her sparing charms had already faded under the pitiless sun of Italy, and she had a sharp tongue. Moreover, his marriage with her had proved a superfluous88 sacrifice. Fulvia’s stormy career had come to a close shortly after the return of her daughter, and Antony and Octavian had divided the Roman world between them. Antony married his colleague’s sister, but the pale virtue of Octavia had no avail against the burning caresses89, if not the calculated patriotism91, of Cleopatra. At the second rupture between Antony and Octavian she was driven from Antony’s palace at Rome, where she was patiently enduring his distant infidelity, and sent back to her brother. In the meantime Octavian had discovered a pleasanter way of obtaining peace with the Pompeians than by the endurance of Scribonia’s jarring laments92 of his infidelity. He found, or alleged93, that Sextus Pompeius did not curb94 the pirates of the Mediterranean95 as he ought, and he determined96 to wrest97 from him the rich appointments that he held. He was in this mood when, in the year 38 B.C., the young Livia came to Rome, and the exaggerated story of her adventures and her14 beauty began to circulate among the mansions98 of the Palatine.
Some of the authorities describe Octavian as hovering99 about her for some time, and say that the splendour with which he celebrated100 his barbatoria, or first shave of the beard, was due to the generosity101 of his new passion. It is more probable that he at once informed Nero of his resolution to marry Livia. Tacitus expressly says that it is unknown whether Livia consented or not to the change of husband. Great as was the liberty then enjoyed by Roman women, they were rarely consulted on such matters. Scribonia received a letter of divorce, in which it was suggested that the perversity103 of her character made her an unsuitable spouse for so roving a husband. She had given birth to a daughter a few days before, and we shall find the later chapters of this chronicle lit up more than once by the lurid104 hatred105 which was begotten106 of this despotic dismissal. For the moment I need only point out that later Roman writers borrowed their estimate of the character of Livia from Scribonia’s great-grandchild, the Empress Agrippina, and we must be wary107 in accepting their statements. Scribonia herself, who came so near to being an Empress, we must now dismiss, save that we shall catch one more glimpse of her when she follows her dissolute daughter into exile.
Roman law imposed a fitting delay on the divorced wife before she could marry again, but Octavian was impatient. He consulted the sacred augurs108, and, if the legend is correct, the diviners gave admirable proof of their art. They gravely reported that the omens109 were auspicious110 for an immediate111 marriage if the petitioner112 had ground to believe that it would be fruitful. The verdict entertained Rome, because Livia was well known to be far advanced in pregnancy113, and Octavian was widely regarded as the father. Whether that be true or no, Octavian intimated to Nero that he must divorce Livia, and we cannot think that she felt much pain at being invited to share the mansion in the Palatine to which all Roman eyes were now directed. An15 anecdote114 of the time lightly illustrates115 the ease with which such matrimonial transfers were accomplished116 at Rome. Dio says that, during the festive117 meal, one of those bejewelled boys who then formed part of a Roman noble’s household, and whose vicious services were rewarded with an extraordinary license119, said to Livia, as she reclined at table with Octavian: “What do you here, mistress? Your husband is yonder.” The pert youngster pointed120 to Nero at another table. He had given away the bride, and was cheerfully taking part in the banquet.
Livia’s second son, Drusus Nero, was born three months after her marriage, and was sent by Octavian to Nero’s house. Nero died soon afterwards, and made Octavian the guardian121 of his sons, so that they returned to the care of their mother. The extreme fondness of Octavian for the younger boy lends no colour to the rumour that Drusus was his own son. The probability is that Octavian, in his impetuous way, married Livia as soon as his fancy rested on her. The accepted busts of Drusus do not give any support to the calumny122 that Octavian was his father. He loved both the boys, and assisted in educating them, in their early youth. It is only when his daughter Julia brings her handsome children into the household that we detect a beginning of an estrangement123 between him and his successor, Tiberius.
The household in which these first seeds of tragedy slowly germinated124 was, in the year 38 B.C., one of great simplicity and sobriety. They lived in the comparatively small house in which Octavian had been born, and Livia adopted his plain ways with ease and dignity. In that age of deadly luxury, when the veins125 of Rome were swollen126 with the first flush of parasitic wealth, Octavian and Livia were content with a prudent127 adaptation of the old Roman ideal to the new age. The noble guests whom Octavian brought to his table found that his simple taste shrank, not only from the peacocks’ brains and nightingales’ tongues which were served in their own more sumptuous128 banquets, but even from the pheasant, the boar, and the other16 ordinary luxuries of a patrician129 dinner. Rough bread, cream cheese, fish, and common fruit composed his customary meal. Often was he seen, as he came home in his litter from some fatiguing130 public business, such as the administration of justice, to munch131 a little bread and fruit, like some humble132 countryman. Of wine he drank little, and he never adopted the enervating133 nightly carousal134 which was draining away the strength of Rome. While wealthy senators and knights135 prolonged the hours of entertainment after the evening meal, and hired sinuous136 Syrian dancing girls and nude137 bejewelled boys and salacious mimes138 to fire the dull eyes of their guests, as they lay back, sated, on the couches of silk and roses, under fine showers of perfume from the roof, sipping139 choice wine cooled with the snow of the Atlas140 or the Alps, Octavian withdrew to his study, after a frugal141 supper, to write his diary, dictate142 his generous correspondence, and enjoy the poets who were inaugurating the golden age of Latin letters. When there were guests, he provided fitting dishes and music for them, but often retired143 to his study when the meal was over. After seven hours’ sleep in the most modest of chambers144 he was ready to resume his daily round.
Since Octavian retained these sober habits to the end of his life, years after they could have had any diplomatic aim, it is remarkable that so many writers have regarded them as an artful screen of his ambition. Nor can we think differently of Livia. If Octavian presents a healthy contrast to the sordid145 sensuality of some of his successors, his wife contrasts no less luminously146 with later Empresses, and is no less unjustly accused of cunning. How far she developed ambition in later years we shall consider later. In the fullness of his manhood, at least, she was content to be the wife of Octavian. With her own hands she helped to spin, weave, and sew his everyday garments. She carefully reared her two boys, tended the somewhat delicate health of Octavian, and cultivated that nice degree of affability which kept her husband affectionate and the husbands of other noble dames147 respectful. Dio would have17 us believe that her most useful quality was her willingness to overlook the genial148 irregularities of Octavian; but Dio betrays an excessive eagerness to detect frailties149 in his heroes and heroines. We have no serious evidence that Octavian continued the loose ways of his youth after he married Livia. The plainest and soundest reading of the chronicle is that they lived happily, and retained a great affection for each other, even when fate began to rain its blows on their ill-starred house.
But before we reach those tragic150 days, we have to consider briefly the years in which Octavian established his power. His first step after his marriage with Livia was to destroy the power of the Pompeians. Livia followed the struggle anxiously from her country villa151 a few miles from Rome. Sextus Pompeius was experienced in naval152 warfare, and, as repeated messages came of blunder and defeat on the part of Octavian’s forces, she trembled with alarm. Her confidence was restored by one of the abundant miracles of the time. An eagle one day swooped154 down on a chicken which had just picked up a sprig of laurel in the farm-yard. The eagle clumsily dropped the chicken, with the laurel, near Livia, and so plain an omen102 could not be misinterpreted. Rumour soon had it that the eagle had laid the laurel-bearing chick gently at Livia’s feet. As in all such cases, the sceptic of a later generation was silenced with material proof. The chicken became the mother of a brood which for many years spread the repute of the village through southern Italy; the sprig of laurel became a tree, and in time furnished the auspicious twigs155 of which the crowns of triumphing generals were woven.
Whether it was by the will of Jupiter, or by the reinforcement of a hundred and fifty ships which he received from Antony, Octavian did eventually win, and, to the delight of Rome, cleared the route by which the corn-ships came from Africa. Only two men now remained between Octavian and supreme156 power—the two who formed with him the Triumvirate which ruled the Republic. The first, Lepidus, was soon convicted of maladministration in his18 African province, and was transferred to the innocent duties of the pontificate, under Octavian’s eyes, at Rome. Octavian added the province of Africa to his half of the Roman world, and found himself in command of forty-five legions and six hundred vessels157. Fresh honours were awarded him by the Senate, in which his devoted friend M?cenas, who foresaw the advantage to Rome of his rule, was working for him.
Then Octavian entered on his final conflict with Mark Antony. I have already protested against the plausible158 view that Octavian was pursuing a definite ambition under all his appearance of simplicity. Circumstances conspired159 first to give him power, and then to give him the appearance of a thirst for it. He really did not destroy Antony, however: Antony destroyed himself. The apology that has been made for Cleopatra in recent times only enhances Antony’s guilt160. It is said that she used all that elusive161 fascination162 of her person, of which ancient writers find it difficult to convey an impression, all her wealth and her wit, only to benumb the hand that Rome stretched out to seize her beloved land. The theory is not in the least inconsistent with the facts, and it is more pleasant to believe that the last representative of the great free womanhood of ancient Egypt sacrificed her person and her wealth on the altar of patriotism than that her dalliance with Antony was but a languorous163 and selfish indulgence in an hour of national peril164. But if it be true that Cleopatra was the last Egyptian patriot90, Antony was all the more clearly a traitor165 to Rome. The quarrel does not concern us. Octavian induced the Senate to make war on Egypt; and we can well believe that when, in a herald’s garb166, he read the declaration of war at the door of the temple of Bellona, the thought of his despised sister added warmth to his phrases. The pale, patient face and outraged167 virtue of Octavia daily branded Antony afresh in the eyes of Rome.
Livia and Antonia followed the swift course of the last struggle from Rome. They heard of the meeting of the19 fleets off Actium, the victorious168 swoop153 of Octavian, the flight of Antony and Cleopatra. What followed would hardly be known to Livia. It is said that Cleopatra offered to betray Antony to Octavian, and such an offer is in entire harmony with the patriotic169 theory of her conduct. While his able but ill-regulated rival, deserted170 by his forces, drew near the edge of the abyss, Octavian visited Cleopatra in her palace. Her seductive form was displayed on a silken couch, and from the slit-like eyes the dangerous fire caressed171 the young conqueror. Cleopatra probably relied on Octavian’s weakness, but his sensuous172 impulses were held in check by a harder thought. He felt that he must have this glorious creature to adorn173 his triumph at Rome. Cleopatra saw that she had failed, and she went sadly, with a last dignity, before the throne of Osiris. Octavian returned to Rome with the immense treasures of Egypt, to enjoy the triumph I have already described and to await the purple.
The domestic life of Livia and Octavian lost none of its plainness after the attainment174 of supreme power. Some time after the Senate had (27 B.C.) strengthened his position by inventing for him the title of “Augustus”—a title by which he is generally, but improperly175, described in history after that date3—he removed from the small house which his father had left him to a larger mansion, built by the orator176 Hortensius, on the Palatine. This was burned down in the year 6 B.C., and the citizens built a new palace for Livia and Octavian by public subscription177. At the Emperor’s command the contribution of each was limited to one denarius. If we may trust the arch?ologists, it was modest in size, but of admirable taste, especially in the marble lining178 of its interior. On one side it looked down, over the steep slope of the hill, on the colonnaded179 space, the Forum, in which the life of Rome centred. On the other side it faced a group of public20 buildings, raised by Octavian, which impressed the citizens with his liberality in the public service. The splendid temple of Apollo, the public library and other buildings, adorned180 with the most exquisite181 works of art that his provincial182 expeditions had brought to Rome, stood in fine contrast to his own plain mansion, of which the proudest decoration was the faded wreath over the door—the Victoria Cross of the Roman world—which bore witness that he had saved the life of a citizen.
In this modest palace Livia reared her two children in the finer traditions of the old Republic, while Octavian made the long journeys into the provinces which filled many years after his attainment of power. Livia was no narrow conservative. She took her full share in the decent distractions183 of patrician life, and, like many other noble women of the period, she built temples and other edifices184 of more obvious usefulness to the public. A provincial town took the name Liviada in her honour. We have many proofs that she was consulted on public affairs by Octavian, and exercised a discreet185 and beneficent influence on him. One of the anecdotes186 collected by later writers tells that she one day met a group of naked men on the road. It is likely that they were innocent workers or soldiers in the heat, and not the “band of lascivious187 nobles” which prurient188 writers have made them out to be. However, Octavian impetuously demanded their heads when she told him, and Livia saved them with the remark that, “in the eyes of a decent woman they were no more offensive than a group of statues.” On another occasion she dissuaded189 Octavian from executing a young noble for conspiracy190. At her suggestion the noble was brought to the Emperor’s private room. When, instead of the merited sentence of death, Cinna received only a kindly191 admonition, an offer of Octavian’s friendship, and further promotion192, he was completely disarmed193 and won. We shall see further proof that the wise and humane194 counsels of Livia contributed not a little to the peace and prosperity which Rome enjoyed in its golden age.
LIVIA AS CERES
STATUE IN THE LOUVRE
21 For it was in truth an age of gold in comparison with the previous hundred years and the centuries to come. The flames of civil war had scorched195 the Republic time after time. The best soldiers of Rome were dying out; the best leaders were perishing in an ignoble196 contest of ambitions. Corruption197 spread, like a cancerous growth, through all ranks of the citizens of Rome, and far into the provinces. The white-robed (candidati) seekers of office in the city now relied on the purchase of votes by expert and recognized agents. Hundreds of thousands of the citizens lived parasitically199 on the State, or on the wealthy men to whom they sold their votes, and from whom they had free food and free entertainments. The loathsome200 spectacle was seen of vast crowds of strong idle men, boasting of their dignity as citizens of Rome, pressing to the appointed steps for their daily doles201 of corn. Large numbers of them could hardly earn an occasional coin to buy a cup of wine, a game of dice202, or a visit to the lupanaria in the Subura. By means of other agents the wealthy refilled their coffers by extortion in the provinces, and paraded at Rome a luxury that was often as puerile203 as it was criminal. Rome, once so sober and virile, now shone on the face of the earth like some parasitic flower, of deadly beauty, on the face of a forest.
No man, perhaps, could have saved Rome from destruction, but Octavian did much to clear its veins of the poison, and its chronicle would have run very differently if he had not been succeeded by a Caligula, a Claudius, and a Nero. He chastised204 injustice205 in the provinces, purified the administration of justice at Rome, fought against the growing practices of artificial sterility206 and artificial vice118, and genially207 pressed on the senators his own ideal of sober public service. From his mansion on the Palatine he looked down without remorse208 on the idle chatterers in the Forum, from whom he had withdrawn209 the power, of which they still boasted, of ruling their spreading empire. Nor were there many, amongst those who looked up to his unpretentious palace on the edge of the cliff, who did not feel22 that they had gained by the sale of their tarnished210 democracy. There was more than literal truth in Octavian’s boast that he had found Rome a city of brick, and had left it a city of marble.
Yet all the augurs and soothsayers of Rome failed to see the swift and terrible issue that would come of this seemingly happy change. Corrupt198 and repellent as democracy had become, monarchy211 was presently to exhibit spectacles which would surpass all the horrors of its civil wars, and outshame the sordid reaches of its avarice212. The new race of rulers was to descend57 so low as to use its imperial power to shatter what remained of old Roman virtue, and to embellish213 vice with its richest awards. From the sobriety and public spirit of Octavian we pass quickly to the sombre melancholy214 of Tiberius, the wanton brutality215 of Caligula, the impotent sensuality of Claudius, the mincing216 folly217 of Nero, and the alternating gluttony and cruelty of Domitian, before we come to the second honest effort to avert218 the fate of Rome. From the genial virtue of Livia we are led to contemplate219 the dissolute gaieties of Julia, the cold ambition of Agrippina, the robust220 vulgarity of C?sonia, the infectious vice of Messalina, and the insipid78 frippery of Popp?a. Had there been one syllable221 of truth in the divine messages which augurs and Chald?ans saw in every movement of nature, not even the beneficent rule of Octavian would have lured222 men to sacrifice even the effigy223 of power that remained to them, and that they had lightly sold for a measure of corn and the bloody orgies of the amphitheatre.
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unfamiliar
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| adj.陌生的，不熟悉的 | |
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blessing
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dense
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tenements
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chattering
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| n. （机器振动发出的）咔嗒声，(鸟等)鸣，啁啾 adj. 喋喋不休的，啾啾声的 动词chatter的现在分词形式 | |
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drawn
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resonant
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prospect
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forum
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conqueror
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seething
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glistening
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mansion
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joyful
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18
frenzied
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| a.激怒的；疯狂的 | |
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19
ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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20
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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21
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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22
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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23
busts
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| 半身雕塑像( bust的名词复数 )； 妇女的胸部； 胸围； 突击搜捕 | |
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24
portray
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| v.描写，描述；画(人物、景象等) | |
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25
slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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26
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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27
maze
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| n.迷宫，八阵图，混乱，迷惑 | |
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28
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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29
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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30
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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31
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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32
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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33
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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34
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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35
uncouth
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| adj.无教养的，粗鲁的 | |
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36
rhinoceros
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| n.犀牛 | |
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37
hippopotamus
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| n.河马 | |
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38
taverns
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| n.小旅馆，客栈，酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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39
despoiling
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的现在分词 ) | |
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40
parasitic
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| adj.寄生的 | |
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41
extraordinarily
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| adv.格外地；极端地 | |
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42
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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43
consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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44
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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45
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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46
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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47
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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48
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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49
virile
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| adj.男性的；有男性生殖力的；有男子气概的；强有力的 | |
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50
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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51
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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52
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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53
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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54
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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55
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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56
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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57
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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58
singed
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| v.浅表烧焦( singe的过去式和过去分词 )；（毛发）燎，烧焦尖端[边儿] | |
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59
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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60
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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61
palatial
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| adj.宫殿般的，宏伟的 | |
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62
portico
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| n.柱廊，门廊 | |
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63
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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64
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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66
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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67
betrothal
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| n. 婚约, 订婚 | |
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68
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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69
slaying
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| 杀戮。 | |
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70
acclaimed
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| adj.受人欢迎的 | |
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71
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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72
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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73
spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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74
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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75
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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76
maliciously
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|
| adv.有敌意地 | |
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77
mortification
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|
| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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78
insipid
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|
| adj.无味的，枯燥乏味的，单调的 | |
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79
insipidity
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| n.枯燥无味，清淡，无精神；无生气状 | |
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80
assertive
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|
| adj.果断的，自信的，有冲劲的 | |
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81
frankly
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|
| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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82
faction
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|
| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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83
unnatural
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|
| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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84
espouse
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| v.支持，赞成，嫁娶 | |
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85
graceful
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|
| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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86
joviality
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| n.快活 | |
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87
simplicity
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|
| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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88
superfluous
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|
| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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89
caresses
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| 爱抚，抚摸( caress的名词复数 ) | |
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90
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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91
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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92
laments
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| n.悲恸，哀歌，挽歌( lament的名词复数 )v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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93
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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94
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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95
Mediterranean
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|
| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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96
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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97
wrest
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| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
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98
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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99
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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100
celebrated
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|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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101
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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102
omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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103
perversity
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| n.任性；刚愎自用 | |
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104
lurid
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|
| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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105
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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106
begotten
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| v.为…之生父( beget的过去分词 )；产生，引起 | |
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107
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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108
augurs
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| n.（古罗马的）占兆官( augur的名词复数 )；占卜师，预言者v.预示，预兆，预言( augur的第三人称单数 )；成为预兆；占卜 | |
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109
omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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110
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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111
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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112
petitioner
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| n.请愿人 | |
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113
pregnancy
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| n.怀孕，怀孕期 | |
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114
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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115
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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116
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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117
festive
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| adj.欢宴的，节日的 | |
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118
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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119
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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120
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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121
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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122
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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123
estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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124
germinated
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| v.（使）发芽( germinate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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126
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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127
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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128
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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129
patrician
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|
| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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130
fatiguing
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| a.使人劳累的 | |
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131
munch
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| v.用力嚼，大声咀嚼 | |
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132
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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133
enervating
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| v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的现在分词 ) | |
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134
carousal
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| n.喧闹的酒会 | |
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135
knights
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|
| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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136
sinuous
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|
| adj.蜿蜒的，迂回的 | |
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137
nude
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| adj.裸体的；n.裸体者，裸体艺术品 | |
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138
mimes
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| n.指手画脚( mime的名词复数 )；做手势；哑剧；哑剧演员v.指手画脚地表演，用哑剧的形式表演( mime的第三人称单数 ) | |
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139
sipping
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| v.小口喝，呷，抿( sip的现在分词 ) | |
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140
atlas
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| n.地图册，图表集 | |
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141
frugal
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|
| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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142
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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143
retired
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|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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144
chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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145
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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146
luminously
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|
| 发光的； 明亮的； 清楚的； 辉赫 | |
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147
dames
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| n.（在英国）夫人（一种封号），夫人（爵士妻子的称号）( dame的名词复数 )；女人 | |
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148
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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149
frailties
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| n.脆弱( frailty的名词复数 )；虚弱；（性格或行为上的）弱点；缺点 | |
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150
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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151
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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152
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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153
swoop
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| n.俯冲，攫取；v.抓取，突然袭击 | |
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154
swooped
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| 俯冲，猛冲( swoop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
twigs
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| 细枝，嫩枝( twig的名词复数 ) | |
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156
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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157
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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158
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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159
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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160
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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161
elusive
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| adj.难以表达(捉摸)的；令人困惑的；逃避的 | |
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162
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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163
languorous
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| adj.怠惰的，没精打采的 | |
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164
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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165
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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166
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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167
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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168
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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169
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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170
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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171
caressed
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| 爱抚或抚摸…( caress的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
sensuous
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| adj.激发美感的；感官的，感觉上的 | |
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173
adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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174
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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175
improperly
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| 不正确地，不适当地 | |
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176
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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177
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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178
lining
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| n.衬里，衬料 | |
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179
colonnaded
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| adj.有列柱的，有柱廊的 | |
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180
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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181
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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182
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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183
distractions
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| n.使人分心的事[人]( distraction的名词复数 )；娱乐，消遣；心烦意乱；精神错乱 | |
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184
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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185
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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186
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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187
lascivious
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| adj.淫荡的，好色的 | |
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188
prurient
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| adj.好色的，淫乱的 | |
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189
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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190
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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191
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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192
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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193
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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194
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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195
scorched
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| 烧焦，烤焦( scorch的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（植物）枯萎，把…晒枯； 高速行驶； 枯焦 | |
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196
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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197
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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198
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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199
parasitically
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| adv.寄生地，由寄生虫引起地 | |
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200
loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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201
doles
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| 救济物( dole的名词复数 )； 失业救济金 | |
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202
dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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203
puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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204
chastised
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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205
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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206
sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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207
genially
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| adv.亲切地，和蔼地；快活地 | |
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208
remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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209
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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210
tarnished
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| （通常指金属）（使）失去光泽，（使）变灰暗( tarnish的过去式和过去分词 )； 玷污，败坏 | |
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211
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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212
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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213
embellish
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| v.装饰，布置；给…添加细节，润饰 | |
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214
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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215
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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216
mincing
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| adj.矫饰的；v.切碎；切碎 | |
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217
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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218
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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219
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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220
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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221
syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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222
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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223
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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