The wicked brother-in-law, Ursus Servianus, presently arrived, and put before Trajan a proof of his ward’s enormities in the shape of a list of his debts. But Trajan was charmed with the handsome and brilliant young officer, kept him in his suite7, and took him to Rome when he went up to occupy the throne; and we saw that he became a great favourite of the Imperial ladies. His father had been a first cousin of Trajan, but Hadrian lost him at the age of ten, and was committed to the guardianship8 of Trajan and Attianus. The finest masters of Rome directed his studies in letters, art, rhetoric9, and philosophy,150 and he became a most accomplished10 and learned, as well as, by hunting and exercise, a graceful11 and energetic youth. The “Historia Augusta” expressly says that Trajan “loved him,” and he advanced quickly, and enjoyed the brilliant literary society of the palace and the capital. About two years after their coming to Rome he married Sabina. One chronicler represents him as spending large sums of money to win her, and so incurring12 the annoyance13 of Trajan; another states that he turned with disdain14 from her plain propriety15, and had to be persuaded by Plotina that the marriage was to his interest. It was, at all events, clearly a mariage de convenance, and was destined16 to have the customary sequel.
Sabina would be in her twelfth or thirteenth year at the time, and we can imagine the mating of the prim17 little maiden18 with the brilliant scholar and promising19 officer of twenty-four. For many years she is no more than the silent shadow of her husband, and we can only dimly follow her movements as she accompanies him about the Empire. Whether she accompanied him on the Dacian wars between 101 and 106, or, as seems more probable, remained at Rome to develop a taste for letters in the palace of Plotina, we cannot confidently say, but it is recorded that she did lean to culture. Hadrian was back in 106, high in the favour of Trajan, who gave him the diamond ring he had received from Nerva. He could both fight and carouse20 to the Emperor’s satisfaction. He was made pr?tor on his return, and gave brilliant games—at Trajan’s expense—in which 11,000 beasts were slain21. In quick succession he became legate in Lower Pannonia and consul22. The aged23 statesman Sura told him that he was destined for the throne; the rumour24 went about Rome, and the nobles, at first disdainful of his provincial2 accent and jealous of his progress, began to respect him. He, and most probably Sabina, accompanied Trajan on his fatal journey to the East, and we have seen what happened.
In the year 117, in about the thirtieth year of her age,151 Sabina found herself Empress of Rome, but the elevation25 seems to have brought her little happiness and impelled26 her to no exertion27. There is little room for doubt that, either in the camp or in the tainted28 atmosphere of Rome or Antioch, Hadrian had contracted the vice29 which prevailed among Roman men. There is another reason, however, why Sabina remains30 in obscurity in the chronicles. Hadrian’s biographer, Gregorovius, has relieved him of the common charge that he relinquished31 the conquests of Trajan, and neglected Imperial interests, in a less enlightened zeal32 for art and letters. Hadrian had a clear, commendable33, and vast policy. He believed that the Empire would only be weakened by extension, and that it was a saner34 ambition to enrich and uplift the life within its frontiers than to enlarge them. His life was spent in a magnificent realization35 of this design; and it was a design so far beyond the modest range of Sabina’s political intelligence that she was forced to remain a spectator of his work. She seems, very naturally, to have carped at his one frailty36, which so nearly concerned her, and Hadrian replied peevishly37, and merely conveyed her as an uninterested encumbrance39 in the remarkable40 voyages which fill the twenty years of his reign.
Hadrian was then in his fortieth year, a tall, very handsome and athletic41 man, of brilliant conversation, untiring energy, and great public spirit. The most artistic42 of all Roman Emperors, one of the most artistic and cultured of monarchs43, indeed, he could nevertheless endure the plain bread-and-cheese of the soldier for weeks together; and he so much discarded his horse and his chariot, for their encouragement, that a chronicler describes him as having covered the entire Empire on foot. By diplomacy44 and by bribes45, which we may or may not admire, he secured an almost unbroken peace for the Empire during two decades; and the works of use or adornment46 with which he enriched every province of the Empire during those twenty years make up an almost fabulous47 achievement. Much as we must sympathize with152 the Empress in her resentment48 of the practice into which his Greek-Oriental tastes betrayed him, we cannot deny that Hadrian was a great and beneficent ruler. The sketch49 of his life in that prurient50 work, the “Historia Augusta”—the chronique scandaleuse of the middle Empire—is a monumental, if unconscious, panegyric51.
The biographer of the Empresses cannot escape the conclusion that Sabina was not a fitting mate for so versatile52 and constructive53 a genius. Her superiority in decency54 is enormously outweighed55 by Hadrian’s magnificent work for the Empire. The natural alienation56 of the two in sentiment would not encourage her to co-operate in his work, in the fashion set by Livia and Plotina, but one feels that this is not the sole explanation, and that her mediocre57 faculty58 was entirely59 absorbed in a small pursuit of culture. It is not impossible that, if there had been cordial co-operation between them, she would have saved Hadrian from the only serious stains on the record of his reign.
The first of these occurred in the year following his accession. Bringing to the Imperial task a fresh and vigorous mind, untainted by mere38 military ambition—though he was an excellent soldier—Hadrian glanced round the Empire, and saw that peace must first be established on its frontiers. The East was aflame with revolt, the African and German boundaries were disturbed, and trouble was announced from Britain. He at once sacrificed the conquests beyond the Tigris and Euphrates, appeased60 the Jews and the other peoples of the East, and passed to Lower Germany to still the restlessness of the northern frontier. There had been some discontent among the older soldiers and statesmen of Rome at his being forced on them. From Jud?a he had imprudently sent one of Trajan’s most fiery62 commanders, the Moorish63 prince Lusius Quietus, back in some disgrace to the capital, and this man and others formed a party of opposition64. When they saw that he was sacrificing Trajan’s conquests and reversing his policy, and especially when he proposed to153 evacuate65 Dacia also, they entered, it is said, into something of the nature of a conspiracy66.
How far Hadrian was really responsible for the execution of the leaders of this party we cannot say, and his emphatic67 denial of responsibility is entitled to consideration. We know that, when the aged statesman Attianus wrote to urge him that the Roman prefect and other distinguished68 malcontents ought to be removed, he refused to take any action. The Senate now announced that a plot to assassinate69 Hadrian had been detected, and it put to death, without trial, four men of consular70 rank, Nigrinus, Palma, Celsus, and Lusius Quietus. A sullen71 murmur72 passed through the city, and Hadrian hastily composed his affairs on the Danube and went to Rome. He resolutely73 denied that he had consented to the executions, and the question remains open.
With this public resentment in view, Hadrian at once lavished74 the most princely favours on Rome, and swore that he would never execute a Senator without the consent of his order. He remitted75 debts to the treasury76 to the extent of ￡9,000,000, extended the existing charities to orphans78 and widows, provided magnificent spectacles for the people, and made a sacrifice of Attianus, by deposing79 him, to the anger of the malcontents. When the Senate offered him the triumph which had been due to Trajan for the Eastern victories, he refused it, and placed a wax image of the dead Emperor in the triumphal chariot. The citizens of Rome may have been less impressed when he showed a zeal for public morals, and forbade the mixed bathing that had hitherto been permitted; but he succeeded, by two years of untiring public service, in removing the earlier resentment. That he wished to kill Attianus, and did actually execute the architect Apollodorus, are idle legends. Serviez seriously reproduces the story that the architect had snubbed him—telling him to “go and paint his pumpkins”—when he had made a suggestion to him in earlier years, and that Hadrian avenged80 himself when he came to the throne. The truth is that the “Historia154 Augusta” describes him in consultation81 with Apollodorus on some building project ten years later.
The details of this vast activity of Hadrian’s do not concern us, as Sabina seems to have taken no part in it. The busts83 we have of her seem to show a cold and irresponsive temper, as if the Empress were contemplating84 disdainfully the figure of the beautiful Oriental youth on whom Hadrian’s affection became concentrated. There is distinction in the smooth lines of the face and in the lofty forehead, and there is a proud strength that might very well make her “morose and harsh,” as Hadrian described her, when he gave her such palpable cause for resentment. Her mother died in 119. In a florid oration85 Hadrian praised her beauty of person and character, but the death would not be likely to improve the relations of the Imperial spouses86.
In the year 120 or 121 Hadrian set out on the first of the long journeys which fill the rest of his career, and Sabina made the tour of the world with him. Had their intercourse87 been more pleasant, the lot of Sabina during the next fifteen years would have been one of great fortune. They passed together over the whole Roman world from Eboracum (York) to Arabia and Egypt, surveying the ruined Empires of the past and the young nations of the future in the light of whatever culture the age afforded; and so beneficent was their passage that myriads88 of inscriptions89 and coins, bearing such legends as “Golden Age” and “Restorer of the Earth,” handed on to posterity91 the memory of the great works which Hadrian everywhere inaugurated. Through Gaul—probably through the flourishing Greek colony of Massilia (Marseilles), the solid and cultured city of Lugdunum (Lyons), and the little trading centre, Lutetia, that would one day be brilliant Paris—they passed on to Germany, and traversed the boundless92 forests that hid the soil of a great modern nation. No glittering pomp of guards surrounded the Emperor. Bareheaded alike in the snows of Germany and under the sun of Syria, marching commonly on foot in the dress of155 a soldier, and living on soldier’s fare, he restored the rigid93 discipline of the legions wherever he went. Bridges, aqueducts, roads, temples, and colonnaded94 squares sprang up in the rear of his march. His staff was a band of engineers and architects.
SABINA
In this novel and admirable company Sabina made the round of Gaul and Germany, and crossed over to Britain in the Imperial galleys95. From the little colony of Londinium (London), which had been destroyed sixty years before, and was now restored by Hadrian, they passed along the solid Roman road to Eboracum (York), the last great station from which civilization looked out on the turbulent waves of Scottish barbarism. It was then that Hadrian ordered the building of the great wall, to keep off the Caledonian marauders, of which the traces still exist. Sabina may have remained in York while Hadrian surveyed the rough territory to the north, and it seems to have been on the Emperor’s return that an episode occurred which must have greatly embittered96 her.
One of Hadrian’s secretaries was the historian Suetonius, whose work on the Emperors has provided us with much material. With him and the cultivated commander of the Pr?torian Guards Sabina maintained a close friendship, and Hadrian made a grievance97 of it. So closely did he pry98 into the affairs of his friends that the rumour was set about that he had many mistresses among their wives. It was reported to him that Suetonius and Septicius Clarus “were behaving with more familiarity than the dignity of the Imperial house permitted,” as Spartianus puts it, and they were dismissed. There is no suggestion of grave irregularity on her part. The idea of divorcing Sabina, which Hadrian is said to have discussed, is expressly connected with what he called her “moroseness and asperity99”; and we can well believe that her asperity took the form of bitter complaints about his own conduct. Nothing further was done, and, though we may regard with reserve the statement that Sabina deliberately100 prevented herself from having a child, lest she should put a156 new monster on the throne, the Imperial couple continued their uncongenial companionship.13 Some of the coins which were struck in commemoration of their passage ventured to bear the legend, “Concordia Augusta”—struck in honour of the harmony of the Imperial household.
From Britain they returned to Gaul, where Hadrian excited comment by the opulence101 of his mourning over the death of Plotina. They then passed to Spain, where Roman civilization had taken deep root, and on to the land of the Moors102. The colonies which Rome had planted along the strip of territory descending103 from the mountains to the sea had been devastated104 by the barbarians105, and the frontier had been obliterated106. Hadrian drove back the tribes, restored the towns, and returned, after an absence of more than a year, to Rome. The city was tranquil107, and the building of the great villa108 which still, in its ruins, excites the amazement109 of the visitor at Tivoli, was proceeding110. After a year or two of peaceful administration, seeing that the west, north, and south of the Empire were secure and prospering111, Hadrian turned his face towards the east.
We need not follow him in this journey to Greece and Asia Minor112, since it is not clear whether Sabina accompanied him, but it had a sequel of melancholy113 interest to the Empress. From the cities of Greece he made his way along the coast of the Black Sea to the region of the Parthians, where he again restored peace, and back through Asia Minor and the islands to Rome. Two or three years had been occupied in this journey, and Hadrian had become less Roman in taste than ever. He came home surrounded by Greeks, and with a great157 zeal for Greek and Eastern institutions. In particular he brought in his train a beautiful Bithynian youth whose name is from that time inseparably connected with his. Hadrian’s passion for Antinous is the chief stain on his character, and was probably the chief ground of Sabina’s resentment. The Emperor had visited Bithynia, and presumably met the youth there. Every traveller among rude and healthy nations is aware that such practices are by no means confined to decadent114 civilizations, nor does the student of contemporary morals see in them anything distinctive115 of the life of ancient Syria, Greece, or Rome. Nevertheless, the remarkable beauty of Antinous, which is familiar to us in many a statue, and the wanton openness of his association with the Emperor, attracted general attention and greatly embittered Sabina.
When, therefore, she set out with Hadrian, at the end of 128 or the beginning of 129, for a fresh and more extensive tour in the East, her enjoyment116 must have been heavily clouded by the daily and hourly presence of the Emperor’s companions. The young Adonis was not the only source of offence in Hadrian’s suite. Closer still to Hadrian was a young Roman noble of the most effeminate charm and the most dissolute life. Lucius Ceionius Commodus was later taken into Imperial partnership117 by Hadrian, and, although he did not live to attain118 supreme119 power, his descendants will more than once enter and disturb our story of the Empresses. Spartianus ascribes to him a “regal beauty” of face and person, a manner of great charm, a witty120 and sparkling conversation, and an utter depravity of morals. He had won the regard of Hadrian, not so much by the famous new dish which he had invented for the epicures121 of Rome—a boar, ham, pheasant, and peacock pie—as by the sensuous122 charm of his person and the exotic sensuality of his life. He would lie, washed in exquisite123 Persian ointments124, on a couch strewn with roses, with a coverlet of lilies drawn125 over himself and his companion. Such ways were entirely foreign to the nature of Hadrian, but his robust126 vigour158 was singularly united with a fine artistic sensibility and a love of the softer east, which led him into many inconsistencies.
Sabina had for companion a Greek poetess, Julia Fadilla, of such virtue127 and attainments128 that a statue was somewhere raised to honour her as a pattern of integrity. The incongruous party, with its conflicting groups of virtue and vice—a fitting symbol of the unhappy union of West and East—crossed the sea to Athens, and then visited Corinth, Eleusis, and the other surviving cities of Greece. The frame of that superb civilization still gleamed, almost intact, on the soil of Hellas, though the soul of Greece had departed. It was as if one gazed on the smooth white corpse129 of a beautiful woman. Groups of sophists still disputed in the gardens or under the shady colonnades130; but they were puny131 mimics132 of Socrates, Zeno, and Epicurus. Politicians still babbled133 in the Agora; but they blessed the hand of Rome that had closed brutally134 on the throat of their fair country. The Acropolis still shone in its panoply135 of Parian marble, and Hadrian had restored the harbour and repaired many of the ravages136 of time and violence. He regretted the greed of his forerunners137, and sought to restore the ancient spirit. But the poor revival138 of art and letters and religion, which he succeeded in effecting, was only the last flicker139 of the vitality140 of Greece.
They crossed the sea to Ephesus, which at that time rivalled Antioch and Alexandria as a metropolis141 of the decaying civilizations of the East. Its great Temple of Diana, a teeming142 store of art and treasure, drew men from all parts, while priests of all religions mingled143 in its streets with panders144 to all vices145 and ministers to every form of art and luxury. Smyrna, another flourishing city of Asia Minor, attracted them next, with its magnificent assemblage of temples, colonnades, baths, and theatres, and they passed on to Sardis and the other cities of that fascinating and repellent Greek-Oriental region, where new mysticism ran like veins146 of gold in the old volcanic159 deposits. The winter was spent in the luxury of Ephesus and Smyrna, and with the spring they traversed the successive provinces of Asia Minor, admiring and restoring the remains of Greek and Persian grandeur147. Through Syria, where famous Antioch detained them for a time, they went on, probably, to the ruined cities of Tyre and Sidon, and returned to Heliopolis, Damascus, and Palmyra. In Palestine they found the survivors148 of the scattered149 Jewish nation living in great poverty and dejection among the ruins of their cities, or still scrutinizing150 the prophets and looking for the Messiah in the larger communities on the coast. On the site of Jerusalem, where a few broken towers gave a melancholy reminder151 of their former prosperity, Hadrian ordered that a new Roman colony should be established.
From Jud?a they moved to Arabia, and then to Egypt. Alexandria was then the second city of the world in importance, the first in interest. All the exhausted152 streams of the older civilizations had poured into it. Never before or since was there so cosmopolitan153 a population, such a gathering154 of old vices and new moralities, dead religions and fresh religions, cults155 six thousand years old and the latest gospels of Jud?a and Persia. Its harbour still held the ships of every port in the Mediterranean156, its Serapeum, Museum, and C?sareum sheltered the art and culture of the world, and its deafening157 streets rang with the tongues of the world. But the soul of Egypt, too, was dead, and the Imperial party moved up the Nile to admire the surviving relics158 of its past. No doubt priests and learned men from Alexandria would attend as interpreters. They wandered in Memphis, which the sand of the desert was beginning to bury, passed through Heliopolis, and reached Besa, where they experienced the great sensation of the tour. The beautiful Bithynian youth was drowned in the Nile, and Sabina had to regard with disdain the womanly tears and the extravagant159 mourning of the Emperor. It is not clear to this day whether the death was accidental or voluntary. Hadrian, of course, said that it was accidental;160 but a rumour lingers in the chronicles that the Emperor, in his new zeal for Oriental superstition160, had learned that his life was doomed161 unless some loved being was sacrificed for him, and Antinous offered himself. Hadrian has taken the secret with him, but the temples and statues he raised all over the Empire kept the memory of the pretty youth fresh for centuries.
This occurred about the month of October. The dates of these journeys of Hadrian are much disputed, but a trivial detail has determined162 this part of the tour. They went on to Thebes, and, in accordance with custom, cut their names and the date in the great statue of Memnon. They probably pushed on as far as Phil?, to see the temple of Isis, but we find them back in Syria at the end of the year, or the beginning of 132, and soon afterwards in Rome. The great villa had now been completed at Tivoli, and we must assume that Sabina lived there during the three or four years that remained for her. They were years of continued melancholy. Hadrian was sobered, but soured. The Jews had disturbed his cherished peace by rebelling, on account of his design to cover the site of their holy city with a Roman colony, and he had ruthlessly destroyed what remained of their cities, and erased163 the name of Jerusalem by calling the new town ?lia Capitolina. Illness began to enfeeble his frame, and he brooded darkly over the question of a successor, which men were discussing. He passed in heavy dejection through the lovely gardens and marble temples of his villa, still mourning the loss of Antinous. An obelisk164 has been found there with the inscription90 that it was raised to the youth by Hadrian and Sabina—a fiction that must have angered the Empress, if it were done before her death. But she did not live to see the darker gloom of his closing years. She died in, or about, the year 136, “not without a rumour of poison,” says Spartianus; the rumour is not worth considering. She had been entitled “Augusta” by the Senate in 127, but Hadrian refused her the divine honours which were161 usually bestowed165 on dead Empresses. They were awarded by his successor.
The busts of Sabina which we have suggest just such a personality as we have gathered from the meagre references to her in the chronicles. She was a woman of smooth and regular features and fine person, without beauty or charm. Her face gives an impression of intellect, virtue, and silent suffering. She is the kind of woman who would neither overlook the vice of her husband nor actively166 resent it, or assert herself in any way; the kind of woman to retreat in disdain to her books. That she was “treated as a slave” by Hadrian, as Aurelius Victor says, we may decline to believe, and regard the statement as a popular exaggeration; nor, on the other hand, can we agree with Gregorovius that a letter in which Hadrian invites his mother to dine with him on his birthday, and says that Sabina has gone into the country, shows their “mutual167 dislike.” Duruy quotes this very letter in disproof of the belief that they were estranged168, and points out that it goes on to say that Sabina had “sent her share for the family dinner.” The French historian believes that the legend, “Concordia Augusta,” on some of the medals of the time expressed a fact. We cannot, however, imagine Sabina resigning herself to her husband’s passion for youths, and the few authentic169 details left us about her relations with Hadrian generally indicate a mutual aversion. As an Empress, she was a nonentity170; as a woman, an admirable blend of old-world sobriety and new-world culture.
Hadrian survived her for two unhappy years. The whole Empire was covered with monuments of his public service, the coinage of every province proclaimed his beneficence, the slave, the widow, and the orphan77 gratefully told of his magnanimity. But the illness and depression of his last year permitted him to commit a crime, and, so accustomed was the new generation to good conduct in its rulers, the recollection of his great deeds was almost obliterated. To the astonishment171 of all, and the indignation162 of the thoughtful, Hadrian announced that he had chosen as C?sar his dissolute and decadent companion, Lucius Verus. His brother-in-law Servianus, now an old man of ninety, and the grandson of Servianus, a youth of nineteen, seem to have been among the murmurers, and, on trivial pretexts172, they were put to death. These cruel murders brought a deep shadow over Hadrian’s last year, but a last opportunity was given him to repair his action. Lucius Verus, worn and consumptive from debauch173, died, and Hadrian now made choice of the most worthy174 man in the Senate, Titus Antoninus; adding, however, in his quaint175 way of mingling176 good and evil, that he must in turn adopt the son of Lucius Verus and young Marcus Aurelius, a Sybarite and a Stoic177, two antithetic types of Roman life. He went down to Bai?, suffering acutely from dropsy. The pain and weariness were so great that he tried to secure poison or a sword, but Antoninus prudently61 guarded and nursed him. He died in the year 138, “done to death by physicians,” he ironically said. In his last days he composed some slight verses, which I may translate:
Little soul, so tired and still,
Guest of this decaying flesh,
Whither, now, will thy flight be?
Pale and cold and reft of speech,
Never more to utter joke.
It was the note of the time-spirit, which was so strangely incarnated178 in Hadrian. He united in his person all the contradictions that were at strife179 in his era of change—asceticism and sensuality, public spirit and selfish sensibility, Stoicism and Cyrenaicism. He needed a stronger Empress. But the better spirit prevailed in him at the end, and the Stoics180 came to the throne.
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provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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sedate
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| adj.沉着的，镇静的，安静的 | |
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bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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prim
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| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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carouse
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| v.狂欢；痛饮；n.狂饮的宴会 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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32
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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33
commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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34
saner
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| adj.心智健全的( sane的比较级 )；神志正常的；明智的；稳健的 | |
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35
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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36
frailty
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| n.脆弱；意志薄弱 | |
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37
peevishly
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| adv．暴躁地 | |
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38
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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39
encumbrance
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| n.妨碍物，累赘 | |
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40
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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41
athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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42
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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43
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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44
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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45
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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46
adornment
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| n.装饰；装饰品 | |
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47
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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48
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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49
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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50
prurient
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| adj.好色的，淫乱的 | |
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51
panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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52
versatile
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| adj.通用的，万用的；多才多艺的，多方面的 | |
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53
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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54
decency
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|
| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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55
outweighed
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|
| v.在重量上超过( outweigh的过去式和过去分词 )；在重要性或价值方面超过 | |
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56
alienation
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|
| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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57
mediocre
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| adj.平常的，普通的 | |
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58
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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59
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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60
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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61
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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62
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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63
moorish
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|
| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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64
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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65
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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66
conspiracy
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|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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67
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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68
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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69
assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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70
consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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71
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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72
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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73
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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74
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
remitted
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|
| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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76
treasury
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|
| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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77
orphan
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|
| n.孤儿；adj.无父母的 | |
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78
orphans
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| 孤儿( orphan的名词复数 ) | |
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79
deposing
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|
| v.罢免( depose的现在分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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80
avenged
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|
| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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81
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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82
bust
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|
| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
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83
busts
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|
| 半身雕塑像( bust的名词复数 )； 妇女的胸部； 胸围； 突击搜捕 | |
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84
contemplating
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|
| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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85
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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86
spouses
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|
| n.配偶，夫或妻( spouse的名词复数 ) | |
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87
intercourse
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|
| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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88
myriads
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|
| n.无数，极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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89
inscriptions
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|
| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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90
inscription
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|
| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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91
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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92
boundless
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|
| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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93
rigid
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|
| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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94
colonnaded
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|
| adj.有列柱的，有柱廊的 | |
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95
galleys
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|
| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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96
embittered
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|
| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
grievance
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|
| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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98
pry
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| vi.窥(刺)探，打听；vt.撬动(开，起) | |
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99
asperity
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|
| n.粗鲁，艰苦 | |
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100
deliberately
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|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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101
opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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102
moors
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|
| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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103
descending
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|
| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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104
devastated
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|
| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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105
barbarians
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|
| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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106
obliterated
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|
| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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107
tranquil
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|
| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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108
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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109
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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110
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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111
prospering
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的现在分词 ) | |
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112
minor
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|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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113
melancholy
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|
| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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114
decadent
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|
| adj.颓废的，衰落的，堕落的 | |
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115
distinctive
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|
| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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116
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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117
partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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118
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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119
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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120
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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121
epicures
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| n.讲究饮食的人( epicure的名词复数 ) | |
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122
sensuous
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| adj.激发美感的；感官的，感觉上的 | |
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123
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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124
ointments
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| n.软膏( ointment的名词复数 )；扫兴的人；煞风景的事物；药膏 | |
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125
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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126
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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127
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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128
attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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129
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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130
colonnades
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| n.石柱廊( colonnade的名词复数 ) | |
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131
puny
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| adj.微不足道的，弱小的 | |
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132
mimics
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| n.模仿名人言行的娱乐演员，滑稽剧演员( mimic的名词复数 )；善于模仿的人或物v.（尤指为了逗乐而）模仿( mimic的第三人称单数 )；酷似 | |
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133
babbled
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|
| v.喋喋不休( babble的过去式和过去分词 )；作潺潺声（如流水）；含糊不清地说话；泄漏秘密 | |
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134
brutally
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| adv.残忍地，野蛮地，冷酷无情地 | |
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135
panoply
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| n.全副甲胄，礼服 | |
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136
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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137
forerunners
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| n.先驱( forerunner的名词复数 )；开路人；先兆；前兆 | |
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138
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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139
flicker
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| vi./n.闪烁，摇曳，闪现 | |
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140
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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141
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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142
teeming
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|
| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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143
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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144
panders
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| v.迎合（他人的低级趣味或淫欲）( pander的第三人称单数 )；纵容某人；迁就某事物 | |
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145
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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146
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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147
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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148
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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149
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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150
scrutinizing
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| v.仔细检查，详审( scrutinize的现在分词 ) | |
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151
reminder
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|
| n.提醒物，纪念品；暗示，提示 | |
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152
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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153
cosmopolitan
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|
| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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154
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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155
cults
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| n.迷信( cult的名词复数 )；狂热的崇拜；（有极端宗教信仰的）异教团体 | |
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156
Mediterranean
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|
| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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157
deafening
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| adj. 振耳欲聋的, 极喧闹的 动词deafen的现在分词形式 | |
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158
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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159
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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160
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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161
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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163
erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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164
obelisk
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| n.方尖塔 | |
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165
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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166
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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167
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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168
estranged
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| adj.疏远的，分离的 | |
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169
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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170
nonentity
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| n.无足轻重的人 | |
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171
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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172
pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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173
debauch
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| v.使堕落，放纵 | |
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174
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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175
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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176
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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177
stoic
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| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
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178
incarnated
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| v.赋予（思想、精神等）以人的形体( incarnate的过去式和过去分词 )；使人格化；体现；使具体化 | |
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179
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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180
stoics
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| 禁欲主义者，恬淡寡欲的人，不以苦乐为意的人( stoic的名词复数 ) | |
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