Anastasius, after playing his successive parts as peasant, lay preacher, soldier and ruler of the world, had passed away, amid the derision and rejoicing of his people, in the year 518. His nephews had feeble pretensions10 to succeed him, but the most powerful man in the city, the Prefect Amantius, decided11 that the purple should pass to his friend Theocritus. He therefore sought the commander,22 or Count, of the Excubitors—the more formidable guards of the palace—and placed in his hands a large sum of money for distribution among the troops. Justin, the said commander, was an Illyrian peasant who had won promotion12 in the wars. He was in his later sixties, though still a powerful man, with handsome rosy13 face and curly white hair; but under this disarming14 exterior15 he concealed16 an ambition and astuteness18 which the prefect failed to suspect. He distributed the money in his own interest, and passed unopposed from the modest quarters of the guard to the more luxurious19 chambers20 of the palace.
Euphemia was the wife of Justin, and it may safely be said that no woman ever experienced a more romantic elevation. In his military days Justin had bought a barbaric slave named Lupicina, and raised her to the rank of his concubine; though no doubt he married her in the course of time. She retained the uncouth21 and illiterate22 manners of her class, and Constantinople must have smiled to see her in the richly embroidered23 robes of purple silk, with cascades24 of diamonds and pearls falling from her gorgeous diadem25. The acclamation of the crowd changed her name to Euphemia, and she retired26 to the congenial privacy of her palace. Justin brought his equally illiterate mother Bigleniza to the palace from her rustic28 home, and the two women no doubt contracted a fitting friendship in their wonderful new home. Of public action on their part there is no question, and the events of the next few years do not concern us. I will say only that, after securing his throne by cutting off the head of Amantius and crushing Theocritus under heavy stones in his dungeon29, for venturing to resent the trick he had played them, Justin ruled with moderation, if not prudence30, for nine years. Euphemia died three or four years before him, living just long enough to see, and emphatically resent, her successor, the notorious Theodora.
In approaching the story of Theodora it is necessary23 to premise31 a few words on the authority which has provided most of the sensational32 statements about her, and to pay respectful attention to the efforts of some recent historical writers to discredit33 those statements. The general outline of her story has been made familiar by Gibbon, who has genially34 dilated35 on the elevation of one of the lewdest actresses and most notorious prostitutes of Constantinople to the position, not merely of mistress of the greatest empire of the time, but also of patroness of an important branch of the Church and the daily companion of saintly monks37 and bishops38. Since Theodora is very commonly described by the chroniclers as at least equal in power to her husband, the great Justinian, and since the next most powerful woman in the Byzantine Empire at the time is assigned a similar origin to that of Theodora, the world has long reflected with amazement40 on this spectacle of the Roman Empire at the feet of two imperfectly converted prostitutes. Such a situation could not pass unchallenged before the more critical tribunal of modern history, and there are scholars who have rejected entirely41 the romantic story of the youth of Theodora.6 The majority of historians, including the two chief living authorities, Professor Bury and M. Diehl, regard the story as true in substance though unreliable in detail.
The more romantic statements concerning Theodora are taken from a work that purports42 to have been written by the greatest contemporary historical writer, Procopius, but there are writers (such as Ranke and Bury) who regard the work as, at the most, a later compilation43 of notes left by Procopius, and in any case it is so envenomed in temper, and occasionally so reckless in statement, that it should be regarded with suspicion. The problem cannot be discussed at length here, but it is24 necessary to justify44 the large use I am about to make of the work (the “Anecdotes”) which bears the name of Procopius.
If it were true, as is sometimes said, that we had no authority for the impeachment45 of the character of Theodora beyond the “Anecdotes,” we should have to hesitate very seriously, but this is by no means true. Procopius (“On the Persian War”) represents her as playing a most unscrupulous part in the ruin of John of Cappadocia. Liberatus (a contemporary cleric) and Anastasius exhibit the Empress to us corrupting46 the papacy itself and deposing48 a venerable pontiff by the most cruel and flagrantly dishonest charges. Zonaras and other writers accuse her, not merely of avarice49, as Mr Mallett says, but of the most heartless and unblushing corruption50 in feeding her avarice. There is every reason to regard Theodora, after her elevation to the throne, as a woman devoid51 of moral scruple52. But we now have ample confirmation53 also of the story of her origin. The statement of an eleventh-century writer, Aimoinus, that Justinian took his wife from a brothel, shows, in spite of its wild inaccuracies, that some such tradition was found in European literature quite apart from the “Anecdotes.” But the publication in the nineteenth century of the writings of John, Bishop39 of Ephesus, has furnished a decisive proof. This Monophysite bishop and cultivated writer, who lived for years beside the palace of Theodora, and whose sect54 received the most imperial and incalculable benefits from her, speaks of her as “Theodora of the brothel”; and he uses the phrase in such a way as to intimate plainly that this was the name by which she was known in Constantinople before her elevation to the throne.7 Indeed, the fact that the author of the “Anecdotes” does not assail55 the25 chastity of Theodora after her marriage increases our confidence in his account of her earlier life; as he did not intend to publish his work—it was not published until 1623—it would have been just as easy to invent or collect legends about her after as before her marriage. On the other hand, the temper of the writer is so bitter and malignant56 that we must reserve our judgment57 in regard to the details of his strange narrative58. He has gathered together every defaming rumour59 about Theodora and Justinian that circulated in Constantinople, even admitting nonsense obviously unworthy of a serious writer, and we cannot sift60 the true from the legendary61. The source of his animosity cannot be determined62. From the tone of his remarks on religion I gather that he was one of the many surviving pagans who were forced into outward conformity63 with the new religion, and, after giving formal praise in his historical works to Justinian and Theodora for the splendour of their reign64, he relieved his soul, in this secret collection of notes, of the deep disgust he felt at the contrast between their characters and their professions and between the glamour65 and the misery66 of their empire. It must be remembered that the thoroughly67 Christian68 and very weighty authority, Evagrius, is just as severe on Justinian; there was in Justinian, he says, “something surpassing the cruelty of beasts,” and any prostitute could despoil69 a wealthy man by a false charge (say, of unnatural70 vice71—a trick of Theodora’s) “provided she let Justinian share her vile72 gain.” It is the common teaching of the authorities that the Empress was worse than the Emperor.
In point of fact, there is nothing implausible or improbable in the details of Procopius’s story of Theodora’s early life, and the judicious74 reader will merely make allowance for the rhetorical strength of its superlatives. Her father Acacius had been a keeper of the bears which were baited in the Hippodrome in the reign of Anastasius. The Hippodrome at Constantinople united the functions which at Rome had been divided between26 the circus, the theatre and the amphitheatre. Its chief attraction was the chariot-racing which provided the central and most thrilling sensation of Roman life.8 Between the races, however, there were contests with wild beasts in the arena75, and there were the numerous nondescript performances which occupied the theatre at Rome—mimes (actors by gesture), clowns, acrobats77, conjurers, etc. Acacius was bear-keeper to the “greens,” and, when he died, his widow promptly78 secured another partner and claimed the office for him. But the superintendent79 Asterius had sold the office to another man, and the shrewd widow appealed to the sympathy of the crowd by parading in the Hippodrome, the heads and hands of her three daughters crowned with the emblems80 of virginity. The “greens” jeered—possibly at the sight of the eldest81 daughter, Comitona, a loose girl of seventeen, dressed as a Vestal Virgin—but the “blues” received them with sympathy; a distinction which the pale and slender little Theodora would never forget.
The mother, who is said to have come from Cyprus, either before or after the birth of Theodora, then pressed the fortunes of her daughters in the theatrical82 world. Comitona was already a mime76 (or actress without words) and, as was usual, a prostitute. The young Theodora presently began to attend her elder sister, and is said to have begun her career of infamy83 as she waited among the slaves and lackeys84 on the fringe of the Hippodrome. When she in turn became an actress, her pretty pale face, lithe85 figure and unrestrained gaiety and dissoluteness made her a great favourite. She stripped to the narrowest limit of decency86 which the very liberal law permitted, performed the most nearly obscene ribaldries27 which the Roman theatre allowed, and was pre-eminent for the abandonment of her gestures and movements; and in the hours of the night, when the wealthier patrons of the Hippodrome entertained themselves in perfumed chambers with the actresses and courtesans, Theodora was in the greatest favour.
It is absurd to say that this is to impute88 to Theodora “a moral turpitude89 unparalleled in any age.” It was the common turpitude of that age, of our age, and of every intervening age. The theatre, indeed, no longer admits the very broad licence which was admitted at Constantinople, but the performances which are ascribed by Procopius to Theodora are innocent in comparison with certain performances which may be witnessed, in semi-publicity, in very many cities of Europe to-day. Of Theodora’s private behaviour—that she practised both forms of unnatural, as well as natural, vice—one need only say that it is, and always has been, common to her class. An actress at that time meant a woman of loose conduct. The imperial decrees and the Church fully90 recognised this, and it is significant that one of the theatres—if not the one theatre—of Constantinople was called “The Harlots,” and is so named in an imperial document. Procopius is merely imputing91 to Theodora the common practices of loose women of her time and our own. And when, in later pages, we come to realise the fiery92 and unrestrained temper of the beautiful Greek, we can well believe that she was at that time one of the worst of her class.
Not less plausible73 is the next chapter in the life of Theodora. A wealthy official, Hecebolus, induced her to accompany him to the African province which he was to administer, and her very brief career at Constantinople came to a close. M. Diehl conjectures93 that this occurred in 517, in her eighteenth year, and that she remained a few years with Hecebolus. However that may be, she was, about the year 521, ejected from the governor’s house, and she passed to Alexandria, and thence to28 Antioch and the other cities of Syria and Asia Minor95. It is most probable that this was the time when, either at Alexandria or Antioch, she became a convert to the Monophysite faith. The question of the true character of Christ had racked and rent the Eastern world, amidst all its ribaldry and vice, for two hundred years, and the burning issue at this time was whether the nature of Christ should be described as single or twofold; the Monophysites held that there was but one nature in Christ, and were bitterly opposed to the “Synodists,” or supporters of the orthodox Council of Chalcedon. It may seem incongruous to drag in so solemn an issue on so defiled96 a page of biography, but it is essential for the understanding of Theodora’s career.
According to Procopius, Theodora still practised her evil profession in the cities of Asia. For the next few years, however, there is much obscurity about her movements, and the biographer cannot proceed with great confidence. One eleventh-century writer represents that Justinian and the commander Belisarius chose their wives in a loose house in Constantinople; another equally remote and unreliable chronicler says that Justinian found Theodora living a modest life, supporting herself by spinning wool, in a small house under the portico—a very strange residence for a virtuous98 woman. I prefer still to follow the very plausible story (in substance) of the “Anecdotes.” At Antioch Theodora went in great distress99 to visit Macedonia, an actress who had influence with Justinian. It is hardly strained to conjecture94 that this was the real occasion of her introduction to Justinian; that she went on to Constantinople with a recommendation to him and was at once taken into his house. Beyond question she was his mistress for some years before he married her.
Justin had brought from Upper Macedonia, and educated in the schools of Constantinople, the favourite nephew who was to become the Emperor Justinian. At the time when Theodora came back to Constantinople,29 about the year 522, he approached his fortieth year: a handsome, wealthy and free-living bachelor, of fresh and florid complexion100 and the curly hair of a Greek. His reputation was somewhat sinister101: his influence unbounded. In entertaining the populace on his elevation to the consulship102 in the previous year he had spent about ￡160,000, and had turned twenty lions and thirty leopards103 together into the arena. He was plainly marked for the throne. The pretty pale face and bright eyes and graceful104 figure of Theodora captivated him, and her experienced art enabled her to profit by the infatuation. Justinian lived in the palace of Hormisdas on the shore of the Sea of Marmora, and Constantinople would take little scandal at his connexion with Theodora. Four or five years’ absence would have enfeebled the memory of her earlier career, and the zeal105 for the true religion—the Monophysite heresy106, which she paraded from the moment of her connexion with Justinian—would ensure the genial27 indulgence of the frivolous107 population. Justinian had her made a “patrician” (or noble), lodged108 her in his beautiful palace, and showered his favours upon her. It is at this point that Bishop John begins to describe his co-religionists appealing to the protection of “Theodora of the brothel” from all parts of the Empire.
There were two obstacles to marriage. Justin was feeble and senile, and little able or disposed to resist his nephew’s whims109, but Euphemia strongly opposed the marriage until her death in 523 or 524. The more serious impediment was the standing97 law of the Roman Empire, that a noble could not wed87 a woman of ill-fame (an actress, tavern-girl or courtesan). Justinian afterwards removed this restriction110, but it must have been in some way overruled by Justin, and many authorities believe that the first law in the Justinian Code on the point was really promulgated111 by Justin. A daughter seems to have been born before the marriage, possibly before the connexion with Justinian, as John of Ephesus confirms the30 statement of Procopius that Theodora had a marriageable grandson before she died (in 548).
The next step for the enterprising young Greek was the attainment112 of the throne. Justin was pressed, as he aged9, to associate his nephew in the government, and, although he nervously113 refused for some time, he at length (April 527) conferred the supreme114 dignity of Augustus on his nephew and of Augusta on Theodora. She now entered upon the full splendour of imperial life, and no parvenue ever bore it with more exaggerated dignity than the ex-actress, as we shall see. There must have been many who smiled when Theodora first witnessed the old sights of the Hippodrome from the imperial chapel115 of St Stephen, or sat for the homage116 of the Senators in the long gold-embroidered mantle117, with the screen of heavy jewels falling in chains from her diadem upon her neck and breast, as we find her depicted118 in a mosaic119 at Ravenna; but her formidable power and her unscrupulous use of it would soon extinguish the last echo of her opprobrious120 nickname.
The early years of Theodora’s power were spent in enlarging the prestige of her position and in recompensing her friends. The existent palaces could not meet the requirements of the woman who, a few years before, had begged money of an Antioch courtesan. Justin had to annex121 his palace of Hormisdas to the imperial domain122 and build fresh palaces. The favourite residence of Theodora was the cool and superb palace of Hieria across the water, and in spite of the lack of accommodation for her enormous suite123 and the terrors of a whale, popularly named Porphirio, which infested124 the waters of Constantinople at the time, she frequently crossed to it.
At home, in the sacred palace, she led a life strangely opposed to that of the temperate125, accessible and hard-working Justinian. Rising at an early hour she devoted126 a considerable time to the bath and toilet, by which she trusted to sustain her charm, in spite of delicate health.31 After breaking her fast, she again retired to rest before she would consent to receive courtiers and suitors. In view of her paramount127 influence with the Emperor many sought her patronage128, or dreaded129 to incur130 her terrible resentment131, by seeming indifferent to it. Numbers of nobles waited, sometimes for days, in the hot ante-room to her apartments, standing on tiptoe to catch the eye of the pampered132 eunuchs who passed to and fro. After a long delay they might be admitted to kiss the golden sandals of Theodora, and listen to her august wishes. No man was permitted to speak except in reply to a question. In the course of time, as we shall see, the highest nobles eagerly submitted to this humiliating treatment, in order to preserve their wealth from the extortioner. Dinner and supper, at which, though Theodora ate little, the most opulent banquets had to be served, occupied the further hours of the day, together with Theodora’s abundant devotions and converse133 with holy men.
Her friends were generously admitted to share her advantages. The “Anecdotes” tell a story of an illegitimate son of hers who discovered his birth, came to the Empress for recognition or money, and was at once despatched to another world. That seems to be one of the calumnious134 fables135 which the writer too eagerly admitted into his indictment136. The “Anecdotes” themselves rather show that Theodora did not make every effort to conceal17 the past, however strongly she might resent discussion of it. Her sister Comitona was certainly married in the first year of her reign to a wealthy and powerful noble. It is not so certain, but probable enough, that she cherished her earlier theatrical friends, Chrysomallo and Indara, and found wealthy husbands for their daughters. The woman whose name we shall find most closely connected with hers, Antonina, the wife of the great general Belisarius, is said to have been her tirewoman before she married Belisarius. This would account for Theodora’s coolness until Antonina32 won her by securing her revenge on John of Cappadocia, when Theodora is said not merely to have overlooked, but promoted, the vices137 of her friend. There is, at least, no room for doubt about the character of Antonina.
But while Theodora admitted these mute reminders138 of her earlier life, she turned with extraordinary severity upon her earlier colleagues as a body and undertook the purification of the city. The decrees of Justinian for regulating the morals of Constantinople—decrees which go so far as to define the penalties for people who made assignations in churches, and on the strength of which bishops were castrated and exhibited in public for unnatural vice—are generally ascribed to her influence. She had the imperial net dragged through the loose houses of Constantinople, and five hundred of the occupants were imprisoned140 in an ancient palace on the Asiatic shore: a form of enforced piety141 which, the carping Procopius says, drove many of them to suicide. Many writers think this zeal for purity inconsistent with the story of her earlier life. It has rather the appearance of a feverish142 affectation of repentance143, and must be balanced by the many proofs we have of Theodora’s really corrupt47 and unscrupulous character. One may recall that Domitian drastically punished the vices of others. Procopius would have us believe that Theodora compelled unmarried women to marry, and that when two delicate widows fled to the Church to escape her pressure, she had them dragged from the altar and married to men of infamous144 life. Yet, he says, vice was rampant145 in Constantinople, and protected by the Empress, when money was paid into her greedy coffers. Such details we cannot control, and must reproduce with reserve; we know only from other sources that she extorted146 money by corrupt means.
And the most singular and piquant147 feature of Theodora’s life at this period was her zealous148 patronage of the Monophysites. Long before her coronation, from the time when she became the mistress of Justinian, the33 joyous149 news of her elevation flew throughout the Empire among the persecuted150 heretics. They had had their hours of triumph under Basiliscus and Anastasius, but with the accession of Justin the orthodox had returned to power, and the twofold nature of the gentle Christ had been urged with bloody151 arguments. From the monasteries152 and towns of the provinces pilgrims now began to arrive at the Hormisdas palace in great numbers, and through Justinian she obtained relief and money for them. When she entered the imperial palace the procession increased, and, while the nobles of Constantinople were detained for hours before being permitted to kiss her feet, ragged139 monks and unlettered deacons strode into the imperial apartments without a moment’s delay.
So zealous, indeed, was Theodora for their edifying153 conversation that she kept them as long as possible about her. St Simeon of Persia came to plead the cause of his persecuted brethren, and was induced to live for a year in the luxurious palace. Arsenius of Palestine, one of the chief firebrands of his province, was cherished by her; though Procopius affirms that he at length lost her favour and was crucified. Orthodox monks were even permitted with impunity154 to rebuke155 the terrible Empress. A holy hermit156 came one day to chide157 Theodora for her heresy. Ragged and dirty, with garment so patched that hardly three inches of cloth of one colour appeared in it, he admonished158 her in fiery language. Theodora was so charmed with his piety that she sought to add him to her domestic collection of sanctities. When persuasion159 failed, she resorted to corruption; we read the story, not in the “Anecdotes,” but in John. She had a large sum of gold concealed in linen160 and imposed on him, but the fiery monk36 hurled161 it across the palace, crying: “Thy money perish with thee.” St Sabas, also, the unlettered and unadorned abbot of an orthodox monastery162 at Jerusalem, came to ask her patronage. His piety excused his heresy in her eyes,34 and she kept him for days at the palace, and humbly163 asked his prayers that she might have a son. The grim monk refused, and, when companions asked how he could scorn the request of so generous a patroness, he replied: “We do not want any fruit from that womb, lest it be suckled on the heretical doctrines164 of Severus.”
So great at length became the number of pious165 pilgrims from the provinces, and so eager was Theodora to retain them near her person, that the Hormisdas palace, which Justinian had richly decorated for her and enclosed within the area of the imperial palace, was converted into a monastery. Then were witnessed the quaintest166 scenes that ever enlivened the passion-throbbing palace of the Eastern Emperors. Five hundred monks, of all ages and nationalities, of every degree of sanctity and raggedness167, were crowded in or about its marbled walls. Every form that monastic fervour had assumed in the fiery provinces of Syria or Egypt was exemplified in it. The orderly community sang its endless psalms168 and macerated its flesh in the rooms where Justinian had dallied169 with his mistress: little huts were scattered170 about the grounds for those who were called to the life of the hermit: and even columns were set up here and there for those who would imitate the more novel and arduous171 piety of St Simeon Stylites, and pass, at the open summit of the column, a kind of existence which the polite pen must refrain from describing. All the beggars of Constantinople gathered for the crumbs172 of this remarkable colony, and crowds of citizens pressed to witness this singular oasis173 of virtue174 in the most corrupt city of the world. Theodora rarely let a day pass without crossing the gardens to receive the blessing175 and enjoy the pious conversation of such of the saints as would deign176 to converse with a woman.
How she went on to put a courtly heretic upon the archiepiscopal throne of Constantinople, and, by an extraordinary piece of intrigue177 and corruption, depose178 a pope and replace him by one who pretended to favour35 her designs, we shall see presently. We must now set forth179 the imperial career of Theodora in chronological180 order, and learn what kind of character this remarkable woman maintained amid the chants and prayers of her deeply venerated181 monks.
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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fawning
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| adj.乞怜的，奉承的v.（尤指狗等）跳过来往人身上蹭以示亲热( fawn的现在分词 )；巴结；讨好 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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aged
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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disarming
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| adj.消除敌意的，使人消气的v.裁军( disarm的现在分词 )；使息怒 | |
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exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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conceal
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astuteness
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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uncouth
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| adj.无教养的，粗鲁的 | |
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illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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embroidered
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cascades
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| 倾泻( cascade的名词复数 )； 小瀑布（尤指一连串瀑布中的一支）； 瀑布状物； 倾泻（或涌出）的东西 | |
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diadem
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retired
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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rustic
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dungeon
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prudence
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premise
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sensational
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discredit
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genially
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| adv.亲切地，和蔼地；快活地 | |
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dilated
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| adj.加宽的，扩大的v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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37
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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38
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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39
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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40
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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41
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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42
purports
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| v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的第三人称单数 ) | |
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43
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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44
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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45
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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46
corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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47
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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48
deposing
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| v.罢免( depose的现在分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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49
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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50
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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51
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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52
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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53
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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54
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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55
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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56
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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57
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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58
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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59
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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60
sift
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| v.筛撒，纷落，详察 | |
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61
legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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62
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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63
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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64
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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65
glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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66
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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67
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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68
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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69
despoil
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| v.夺取，抢夺 | |
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70
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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71
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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72
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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73
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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74
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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75
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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76
mime
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| n.指手画脚，做手势，哑剧演员，哑剧；vi./vt.指手画脚的表演，用哑剧的形式表演 | |
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77
acrobats
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| n.杂技演员( acrobat的名词复数 )；立场观点善变的人，主张、政见等变化无常的人 | |
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78
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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79
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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80
emblems
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| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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81
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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82
theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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83
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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84
lackeys
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| n.听差( lackey的名词复数 )；男仆（通常穿制服）；卑躬屈膝的人；被待为奴仆的人 | |
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85
lithe
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| adj.(指人、身体)柔软的，易弯的 | |
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86
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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87
wed
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| v.娶，嫁，与…结婚 | |
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88
impute
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| v.归咎于 | |
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89
turpitude
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| n.可耻；邪恶 | |
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90
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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91
imputing
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的现在分词 ) | |
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92
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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93
conjectures
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| 推测，猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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94
conjecture
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|
| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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95
minor
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|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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96
defiled
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|
| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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97
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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98
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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99
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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100
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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101
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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102
consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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103
leopards
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| n.豹( leopard的名词复数 )；本性难移 | |
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104
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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105
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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106
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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107
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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108
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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109
WHIMS
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| 虚妄，禅病 | |
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110
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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111
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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112
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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113
nervously
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| adv.神情激动地，不安地 | |
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114
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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115
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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116
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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117
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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118
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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119
mosaic
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| n./adj.镶嵌细工的，镶嵌工艺品的，嵌花式的 | |
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120
opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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121
annex
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| vt.兼并，吞并；n.附属建筑物 | |
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122
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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123
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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124
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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125
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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126
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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127
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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128
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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129
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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130
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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131
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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132
pampered
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| adj.饮食过量的，饮食奢侈的v.纵容，宠，娇养( pamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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134
calumnious
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| adj.毁谤的，中伤的 | |
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135
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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136
indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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137
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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138
reminders
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| n.令人回忆起…的东西( reminder的名词复数 )；提醒…的东西；（告知该做某事的）通知单；提示信 | |
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139
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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140
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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142
feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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143
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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144
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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145
rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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146
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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147
piquant
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| adj.辛辣的，开胃的，令人兴奋的 | |
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148
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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149
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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150
persecuted
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|
| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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151
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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152
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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153
edifying
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|
| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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154
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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155
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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156
hermit
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| n.隐士，修道者；隐居 | |
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157
chide
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| v.叱责；谴责 | |
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158
admonished
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| v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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159
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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160
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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161
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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162
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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163
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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164
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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165
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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166
quaintest
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| adj.古色古香的( quaint的最高级 )；少见的，古怪的 | |
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167
raggedness
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| 破烂，粗糙 | |
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168
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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169
dallied
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| v.随随便便地对待( dally的过去式和过去分词 )；不很认真地考虑；浪费时间；调情 | |
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170
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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171
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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172
crumbs
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| int. (表示惊讶)哎呀 n. 碎屑 名词crumb的复数形式 | |
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173
oasis
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| n.（沙漠中的）绿洲，宜人的地方 | |
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174
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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175
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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176
deign
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| v. 屈尊, 惠允 ( 做某事) | |
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177
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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178
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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179
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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180
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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181
venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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