A few outrages12 soon taught them that the laws would not be enforced against them, and before long the city of Constantinople became, during the night, a land of terror. The citizen who dared to pass along the streets with a gold clasp to his belt or his cloak or money in his purse was robbed, and women could not move after nightfall. The continued silence of the authorities encouraged the blues, and drew all the dissolute elements of the city into their ranks. They now began to force37 the doors of the houses, plunder13 the coffers, rape14 the wives and daughters, and carry off the more handsome slaves and boys. At the least resistance their deadly poniards were drawn15, and murder became frequent. When the authorities intervened, none but the greens were punished. The evil rapidly spread from night to day, and from the metropolis16 to other cities. It would be futile17 in this case to quarrel with the details given in the “Anecdotes.” The great riot into which the greens were stung by this reign of terror is an historical fact; and nothing but the vindictive18 memory of Theodora can explain how Justinian, the great legislator, permitted so appalling19 a disorder.
Theodora meantime enjoyed the conversation of her monks20 and hermits22, and even Justinian seems to have been unconscious that he was slipping the leash23 of beasts whom he might be powerless to control. At length, on 14th January 532, the greens stirred. The Emperor appeared in his kathisma at the Hippodrome, and an appeal was made to him for justice. His officer replied disdainfully, and a long and curious conversation took place.9 The Emperor still refused to grant the impartial25 administration of justice or to punish the murderers, and the greens left the Hippodrome. They gathered in strength in the streets, and, although Justinian prudently26 sent to learn and partly to remove their grievances27, they remained in arms. Belisarius was now sent against them with a troop of Goths, and the rioting and burning began. Unfortunately for the Court an accident then happened which had the singular effect of uniting the two factions28 against the troops. Seven criminals were to be executed, and Procopius cannot conceal29 the fact—in spite of his insistence30 that the blues were never38 punished—that some of the seven were blues and some greens. After five of the seven had been despatched, the rope broke, and the crowd demanded the acquittal of the remaining two. The authorities refused, and, as one criminal was a blue and the other a green, the factions turned in common anger upon the prefect and the troops.
The terrible riot that followed during four days must be read in history. The first part of the palace, the great church of St Sophia, and many other churches, mansions32 and public buildings were destroyed. Priests who rushed into the fray34 holding aloft the disarming35 emblems37 of their faith were cut down. On the fourth day, a Sunday, Justinian entered the Hippodrome with a Bible in his hand, and took a solemn oath to spare the offenders38 if they would disarm36. “Ass, thou art perjuring39 thyself,” was the infuriated answer; and he retired40 to contemplate41 with Theodora the impending42 ruin of their reign. On the following day the crowd forced Hypatius, nephew of the Emperor Anastasius, to accept such purple robes as they could obtain, marched with him in triumph to the Hippodrome, and exulted43 in the downfall of Justinian and Theodora, who were believed to have fled to Asia.
The “great” Justinian makes a lamentable44 appearance throughout the whole riot, which he had guiltily occasioned, but Theodora and the abler ministers were not minded to yield. As they gathered in the hall of the palace, to which the cries in the Hippodrome must almost have penetrated45, the chief eunuch Narses came to report that by a judicious46 distribution of money he had distracted the factions and weakened the cause of Hypatius. It is probably this news that turned the scale in the wavering counsels of Justinian and his ministers, but it was Theodora who pressed it home. The speech which Procopius assigns to her is worth reproducing, though we cannot regard it as more than a rhetorical paraphrase47 of the words she used:
39
“In my opinion this is no time to admit the maxim48 that a woman must not act as a man among men; nor, if she fires the courage of the halting, are we to consider whether she does right or no. When matters come to a crisis, we must agree as to the best course to take. My opinion is that, although we may save ourselves by flight, it is not to our interest. Every man that sees the light must die, but the man who has once been raised to the height of empire cannot suffer himself to go into exile and survive his dignity. God forbid that I should ever be seen stripped of this purple, or live a single day on which I am not to be saluted49 as Mistress. If thou desirest to go, Emperor, nothing prevents thee. There is the sea; there are the steps to the boats. But have a care that when thou leavest here, thou dost not exchange this sweet light for an ignoble50 death. For my part I like the old saying: empire is a fine winding-sheet.”
Some such sentiments, we may believe, were urged by Theodora, and affected51 the decision. The populace was penned in the Hippodrome, and Justinian’s officers and troops stealthily surrounded it. Rushing in at the various entrances, they fell with such fury upon the people that the sun went down on the corpses52 of between thirty and forty thousand citizens heaped in its arena53 or on the terraced seats.
The health of Theodora suffered from the strain of this terrible week, and she went to take the waters at the Pythian baths in Bithynia: a crowd of nobles and four thousand soldiers and eunuchs forming her retinue54. Meantime Justinian set about the congenial task of re-erecting the Chalke (or front part of the palace), the church of St Sophia and the other ruined buildings, on a more splendid scale than before. We shall see later by what means he and his Empress obtained the prodigious56 sums of money they needed for their enormous expenditure57. We will also postpone58 for a moment the40 early relations of Theodora to the general Belisarius and his romantic spouse59, and consider the next important episode in which her character is seen.
In spite of the orthodoxy and religious zeal60 of Justinian, his wife had such influence over him and apart from him that in the year 535 she secured the see of Constantinople for the Monophysite Anthimus, to the unbounded delight of her sect61 and amidst the furious maledictions of the orthodox throughout the Empire. Rome was at that time regarded only as a sister Church of great authority and antiquity62, but its venerable Bishop63 Agapetus was summoned to the Eastern metropolis and he succeeded in ousting64 Theodora’s favourite. Agapetus, however, died soon afterwards at Constantinople, and Theodora now conceived the bold design of putting a Monophysite pope upon the throne at Rome itself. For the remarkable65 events which follow I am not using the “Anecdotes” at all. The story is told in substance by a contemporary ecclesiastical writer, Liberatus the Deacon, of Carthage, and the chronicler Victor, and is repeated, with large and legendary66 additions, by Anastasius, the Roman librarian, of the ninth century.
In the suite67 of Agapetus at Constantinople was an ambitious and courtly deacon named Vigilius, who contrived68 to let his accommodating temper become known to the Empress. He was taken to her apartments, and he promised, if the Roman see and a large sum of money were bestowed69 on him, to reinstate Anthimus and the other Monophysite bishops70. In the meantime the Gothic ruler of Italy had appointed a certain Silverius to the Roman see. Theodora tested him with a request that he would restore Anthimus, but he refused; murmuring, it is said, as he wrote the letter: “This will cost me my life,” as it did. The Byzantine general Belisarius had meantime taken and occupied Rome, and a few words must be said to introduce him, and his wife Antonina, into the story of Theodora.
THE EMPRESS THEODORA AND HER ATTENDANTS
41 I have previously72 mentioned an eleventh-century legend concerning Belisarius and Justinian and their wives. It was said that the two men had one day entered a house of ill-fame, found there two captive and fascinating Amazons named Antonia [Theodora] and Antonina, and married them. The myth seems to have crystallized about a belief that Antonina had risen from the same depths as Theodora, as the “Anecdotes” say, and the fact that Antonina was a woman of abandoned character and a leading lady in the service of the Empress seems to confirm this. In any case, she is openly assailed74 by Procopius (her husband’s secretary) in his historical works as “capable of anything,” and is described in the Lexicon75 of Suidas as “an infamous76 adulteress.” She had married Belisarius, and accompanied him in 533 on his brilliant campaign for the recovery of Africa from the Vandals. With them went a handsome and foppish77 Thracian youth named Theodosius. He was fresh from the baptismal font, in which the patriarch had washed away his Monophysite heresy78, and it was believed that the presence of so sacred a youth would bring luck to the fleet. Before they reached Carthage Antonina enjoyed the secret love of the youth, but a servant betrayed them, and Theodosius fled to Ephesus, where we must leave him for a time. It is said that Antonina had the servant’s tongue cut out.
Belisarius passed from the subjugation79 of North Africa to a victorious80 war in Italy, and he and Antonina were staying at a palace on the Pincian Hill at Rome when the deacon Vigilius—now, no doubt, a priest—came with the commands of Theodora. “Trump up a charge against Silverius, and send him to Constantinople,” the order ran, according to the Roman librarian, and as the more authoritative81 Liberatus affirms that the charge was false, and was supported by mendacious82 witnesses and forged letters, there is no possibility of freeing Theodora from this grave imputation83. The Pope was summoned to the palace, where Antonina lay on a couch with Belisarius42 at her feet. Antonina at once charged him with treasonable correspondence with the Goths. We may or may not believe the picturesque84 version of Anastasius: that the servants at once stripped the Pope of his robes, dressed him as a monk21, and interred85 him in a distant monastery86. It is certain, at least, that Silverius was, at Theodora’s command, deposed88 on a false charge and thrust out of sight. Vigilius became Pope, and the fate of Silverius is unknown to history.
I cannot entirely89 omit a later sequel to this sacrilegious and unscrupulous deed, though it rests only on the feebler authority of Anastasius. For a few years Theodora demanded in vain that Vigilius should fulfil his promise. He had, he said, come to see the heinousness90 of such a promise, and could not discharge it. In 544, therefore, Theodora sent an officer to Rome with a command which Anastasius gives in these words: “If you find him in the church of St Peter spare him, but if in the Lateran or the palace, or in any other church, put him on ship at once, and bring him to us. If you fail, I will, by Him that liveth for ever, have your skin torn from your body.” It is known, at least, that Vigilius was shipped away from Rome at the end of 544; but that he was at once taken to Constantinople, and that Theodora had him dragged through the streets like a bear, is untrue. He reached Constantinople after her death. We cannot therefore follow the deposition91 of Vigilius as confidently as we follow the sordid92 story of his elevation93, but we can have little doubt that Theodora punished him.
Another authentic94 episode of the time reveals the same unscrupulous disdain24 of principles in the patroness of the Monophysite sect. The story is told by Procopius, not in the “Anecdotes,” but in his open and authoritative work “On the Persian War,” in spite of his usual extreme care to suppress offensive details. The Prefect of Constantinople, John of Cappadocia, had incurred95 the bitter hostility96 of the Empress. The very43 unattractive portrait which Procopius supplies, and Gibbon reproduces, of John prevents us from thinking that in this case an innocent man was persecuted97. While he freely promoted all the schemes of Justinian and his notorious steward98 to wring99 money out of the citizens—“by fair means and foul,” as Zonaras says—he levied100 his private tithe101 on all their gains, and was popularly believed to indulge in secret the most sensual tastes and the even worse abominations of some pagan cult11. He seems to have been the one man to regard Theodora with open disdain, and she retorted with venomous hate. Although guards surrounded his bedroom, he started every hour from his feverish102 slumbers103 to look for the expected assassin.
His value to Justinian enabled him to keep his position until the year 540, when Belisarius and Antonina returned from Italy to Constantinople.10 Antonina remained in the city while her husband went against the Persians. She feverishly104 summoned her Thracian lover from the monastery in which he hypocritically lingered at Ephesus, but the wrath105 of Belisarius held him aloof106. Whether or no Antonina then deliberately107 sought the intervention108 of the Empress, we cannot say, but she proceeded to merit it. She learned of Theodora’s hatred109 of John, and conceived a plot for his destruction.
John had an ingenuous110 and amiable111 daughter who seems to have been not unacquainted with the political situation. Twice had the brilliant Belisarius been withdrawn112 to the city in a fit of jealousy113, and there were rumours115 that the strong man was wearying of serving an Emperor who could do nothing but employ others and reap their glory. Antonina won her way to the heart and confidence of the girl, and betrayed to her that44 her husband was secretly disaffected116. The artless Euphemia hastened to tell her father that there was a prospect117 of overthrowing118 Theodora, whom they both hated. Even John was deceived by the astute119 adventuress. It was arranged that Antonina should go to her suburban120 palace and meet John there during the night. We do not know that Theodora had a share in framing this diabolical121 plot, but it was now communicated to her by Antonina, and she at once pressed it and used her resources for carrying it out with safety. In the dead of the following night John entered the palace of the unscrupulous adventuress and listened to her whispers of treachery. Procopius says that Theodora had initiated122 the Emperor to the plot, and he had consented, but at the last moment sent a messenger to John not to see Antonina. This seems to be a piece of polite fiction in the interest of the Emperor; it is incredible that an astute and experienced minister would risk his neck after such a message. John went, and, in the apparently124 lonely palace, spoke125 his secret sympathy with the supposed design of Belisarius. No sooner had he uttered the words than a troop of imperial guards entered the room to arrest or assassinate126 him, but John also had brought soldiers and they enabled him to escape.
Had John gone straight to the palace of Justinian, he might still have saved his position. Instead, he fled nervously127 to the sanctuary128, and Theodora hardened the mind of her husband. The wealthy and powerful noble was stripped of his estates and forced to enter the ranks of the clergy—one of the quaintest129 penalties of the time—in the suburb of Cyzicus. There the people whom he had oppressed might behold130 their once powerful enemy, the secret pagan and Sybarite, shaven and humiliated131. It appears that Theodora was not yet satisfied, though she is not directly implicated132 by Procopius in the last act of the tragedy. The Bishop of Cyzicus was murdered, and as John was one of his many bitter enemies, he was arrested, scourged133, and driven into exile and poverty.45 The fate of the unhappy Euphemia is unknown; she was probably compelled to enter a nunnery and weep there over the memory of the imperial tigress and her friend.
This story of perfidy135, corruption137 and vindictiveness138, which Procopius tells openly in his historical work, disposes us to believe the sequel, as it is narrated139 in the “Anecdotes,” even if we must regard certain details of the narrative140 with reserve. There was with Belisarius in Persia a son of Antonina by a former husband (or lover) of the name of Photius. Bitterly ashamed of his mother’s conduct, he accepted from Belisarius the charge of watching her lover Theodosius. At Ephesus he learned that Theodosius was in Constantinople, and soon caused him to fly back to Ephesus and cling to the altars which had sheltered so much vice73 and crime since the law of sanctuary had been established. The prelate, however, delivered Theodosius to the youth, and he was imprisoned141 in Cilicia.
Theodora was now eager to reward her friend and she had Photius arrested and scourged. He refused to reveal the prison in which he had placed Theodosius, but an officer was bribed142 to betray the secret, and the Thracian was brought to Theodora’s apartments. Theodora then sent for Antonina and said: “Dear patrician143, yesterday there fell into my hands a gem144 finer than any that mortal eye has ever seen; if you would like to see it, I will show it to you.” Procopius concludes this astounding145 story by saying that Photius was kept for four years in the Empress’s underground dungeons146. Twice he escaped to the church of St Sophia, and twice he was dragged back; at length he got away from Constantinople and hid from the vindictiveness of Theodora in the robes of a monk. There are writers who flatly refuse to believe this statement, though the authentic actions of Theodora which we have described lend it some plausibility147. Once more, however, the recently published works of the contemporary Bishop of Ephesus supply some confirmation148. We read in them that46 Photius, son of Antonina, “became a monk for some cause or other”; but the pathos149 of Gibbon’s picture of his fate is somewhat lessened150 when we read that he still enlivened the monastic life with his genial55 soldierly vices151 and led the troops to the plunder of the southern provinces.
I have mentioned the underground prisons of Theodora. Since it is from the “Anecdotes” alone that we learn of these dungeons, we should regard the statements with some reserve, and in this case there is additional reason for reserve. As Gibbon says: “Darkness is propitious152 to cruelty, but it is likewise favourable153 to calumny154 and fiction.” Procopius seems to know too much of what passed in these carefully guarded places. Theodora doubtless had spies everywhere, and it would be easy enough for her to have her enemies conveyed into the palace during the night, or to some prison in remote provinces. Somewhere about this time (541), we learn from John of Ephesus, her episcopal friend Anthimus incurred the anger of the Emperor and disappeared. John assures us that Anthimus was hidden in the Empress’s apartments for seven years. The two chamberlains who waited on him alone knew the secret, besides Theodora, until the day of her death. A woman with such resources could easily maintain private dungeons if she willed, and we can hardly say that it would be inconsistent with her character. But when Procopius minutely describes the fetid condition of these prisons, and tells how fiercely the prisoners were scourged, or how cords were tightened155 round their heads until the eyes started from their sockets156, we are disposed to think that he has hastily admitted popular rumours which the judicious historian must set aside as unauthoritative.
On the other hand, a set of grave charges which Procopius combines with these statements are not without very serious confirmation. His most persistent157 charge against Justinian and Theodora is that they47 extorted158 money by cruel and flagrantly dishonest means. The superb buildings—the new palace, the new St Sophia, etc.—with which Justinian adorned159 the city absorbed stupendous sums of money; and the personal luxury and religious munificence160 of Theodora were such that a vast fortune would be needed to sustain them. It is equally certain that the money was largely raised by corrupt136 means. I have quoted the monastic writer Zonaras saying that Justinian raised money “by fair means and foul” and by “dishonest practices”; and the weighty testimony161 of Evagrius that the Emperor was of such “insatiable avarice” that he would share the “vile gain” of loose women impeaching162 wealthy men on false charges. The most that we can say for Justinian is that the money was not spent in personal luxury, and that it was extorted by subordinate officers. Agathias, another good authority, tells us how the steward Anatolius used to forge or suppress wills, and practise other dishonest arts, so that he might affix163 to houses and estates the strip of purple which betokened164 that they had become the property of the Emperor.
It is indisputable that the metropolis and the provinces suffered a most unjust and corrupt spoliation in order to sustain the splendour of the reign of Justinian and Theodora. Now Zonaras declares that the Empress was “worse than Justinian in extorting165 money, both by unlawful and lawful166 means,” and that she was “especially ingenious in finding ways” to enrich herself. Wealthy men had charges of secret heresy or unnatural167 vice brought against them, and their fortunes passed into the coffers of Theodora. This must mean that her servants, as the informers, claimed for her the legal share of the confiscated168 property which went to an informer.
Here again, therefore, the charges in the “Anecdotes” are substantially confirmed. Not content with securing testaments169 in her favour, she had them forged or altered. She suborned witnesses to support charges of vice or48 heresy. The only difference from Zonaras is in the added allegation of physical cruelty, and on this point Procopius is at times explicit170. A member of the blue party, Bassus, a refined and delicate youth, issued some squib upon the Empress, possibly referring to her early career. He was dragged from the church in which he had taken refuge, charged with and convicted of vice, and subjected, before an indignant crowd, to the barbaric mutilation with which such vice was then punished. His property went to Theodora—in part, I assume, for laying information. Usually it was the greens who suffered. So angry were the people that they accused Theodora of a secret (but “impotent”) love of the sinister171 Syrian financier, Peter Barsymes, who had succeeded John of Cappadocia in the duty of governing and exploiting Constantinople. The restraint with which Procopius represents her love as “impotent” lends credit to his other charges. An accusation172 of an actual liaison173 would have been more credible123 than some of the stories he reproduces.
A few episodes remain in the career of Theodora from which we may confirm our impression of her remarkable personality. Unfortunately, they rest entirely on the authority of the “Anecdotes,” and cannot be pressed; we know only from another, and a sound, authority that Belisarius was maliciously174 attacked and disgraced after his many brilliant campaigns on behalf of the Empire.
To the evils of oppression, spoliation, corruption of justice, and persecution175 which afflicted176 the Eastern Empire under Justinian and Theodora there was added in the year 542 the deadly scourge134 of the plague, and for several years in succession it scattered177 the seeds of death over the broad provinces. Justinian at length contracted it, and became dangerously ill. As he had no son, the question of the succession to the throne was very naturally discussed, and the generals Belisarius and Buza in the Persian camp incautiously expressed themselves on the rumour114 that Justinian was dying, or were represented49 to the Empress by her spies as having done so. She at once ordered them to Constantinople. Buza is said to have been lodged178 in her underground prisons, and Belisarius was stripped of his rank, his guard and his immense wealth. A eunuch was sent by Theodora to secure the large sums he had deposited in the east, and the chosen soldiers who formed his personal guard, and were maintained at his expense, were distributed among the army. The greatest soldier that the Eastern Empire ever possessed179, the most brilliant contributor to the success of Justinian’s reign, a man who had preserved his loyalty180 in a decade of supreme181 military power, he was received at the palace with cold haughtiness182, and retired in deep distress183 to his mansion33. When at length he observed the approach of a servant of the Empress, he prepared for death. Instead of death, however, Theodora’s officer brought this extraordinary message: “You know what you have done to me, Belisarius, but I forgive your crimes on account of what your wife has done for me. Hope for the future through her, but know that we shall hear how you bear yourself to Antonina.” And the episode closes with the great soldier kissing the feet of his perfidious184 wife, vowing185 that he will be her slave, and accepting the office of master of the stables in the imperial service which he had so gloriously illumined. Theodora had secured an enormous sum of money and intimidated186 an enemy.
Up to the last year of Theodora’s life (548) the implacable writer of the “Anecdotes” pursues his record of her misdeeds. Ever attentive187 to the men who might some day dislodge her and her relatives from the palace, Theodora watched with especial jealousy the grave and distinguished188 nephew of the Emperor, Germanus, and his three children. His eldest189 daughter Justina was in her nineteenth year, yet none had dared, out of fear of Theodora, to offer marriage to her. Theodora then decided190 to unite the fortunes of the two houses, and secure the succession, by commanding Justina to wed50 her grandson Anastasius—obviously the son of an illegitimate daughter of the Empress, since it was little over twenty years since her marriage to Justinian. Justina refused, and was vindictively192 married by the Empress to a common officer. She then commanded the daughter of Belisarius, Joannina, to wed31 Anastasius. Procopius, forgetting that he has stripped Belisarius of almost all his wealth (an exaggeration), says that Theodora wanted in this way to secure the general’s fortune, but we may assume that Theodora was mainly endeavouring to secure the succession to the throne for her grandson. Her own health was delicate, and Justinian was well over sixty. Belisarius shrank from the union, and even Antonina seems to have refused to further it. All knew that a struggle impended193 between the families of Justinian and Theodora, and it must have been the general feeling that the former would win. Theodora is said to have angrily united Joannina to her grandson in the loose popular form of marriage; indeed later rumour said that she had the young woman violated first.
Another matrimonial interference of the Empress in her later years exhibits the better features of her character. An ambitious general, Artabanes, sought and obtained the hand of Justinian’s niece, whom he had delivered from peril194 in Africa. Soon afterwards, however, a woman appeared who claimed that she was the legitimate191 wife of Artabanes. She appealed to the Empress, and Theodora forced Artabanes to take back his humbler wife. Procopius tells this story in one of the historical works in which he was careful not to offend the ruling powers, and he courteously195 adds that “it was the nature of Theodora to befriend afflicted women.” It is the only instance of her doing so that has reached us, and, ungracious as it may seem to cast a doubt upon the pure humanity of that one recorded good deed, one is compelled to suggest that it was not to her interest to see a niece of Justinian married to a successful commander.
On the 29th of June 548, after a reign of twenty-one51 years, Theodora died of cancer. Her body was embalmed196 and exposed for public veneration197 in the golden-roofed Triclinon of the palace. There, still dressed in the imperial purple, still bearing the magnificent diadem198 for a few days, she lay on a golden bed for friends and enemies to gaze upon the last state of one of the most remarkable personalities199 of the time.
The character of Theodora must be interpreted in so purely200 oriental a sense that it is difficult for the modern European to understand it. Whether Greek or Syrian in origin, she was an incarnation of the spirit of the great metropolis in whose life Syria and Greece were so singularly blended. It is useless any longer to cast doubt upon her earlier career. She was reared in that old theatrical201 world in which moral restraint was wholly unknown; and her beauty, vivacity202 and nervous strength make it probable enough that she was distinguished in it for dissoluteness. That in her later life she spent vast sums of money on the Church and philanthropy is unquestionable; nor would I doubt for a moment that she was perfectly203 sincere in her endless conversations with holy men. But her passionate3 nature, difficult position and supple204 intelligence gave her a genius for casuistry, and she fell into vices far worse than the vices of her youth. Quite apart from the attacks of her bitter, anonymous205 enemy, we have ample evidence that she was vindictive, cruel, unscrupulous, dishonest and callous206. To send a bejewelled cross to the holy church at Jerusalem, or build a monastery, she would ruin and despoil207 an innocent man or wreck208 the happiness of a woman: to secure the preaching of the true faith in Christ she would depose87 an upright Pope on forged evidence and put a scoundrel in the most sacred chair in Christendom. It was the temper of Constantinople—to rise from vice and folly209 to defend the doctrines210 of the Church and enforce them with the dagger211 or the torch. The further things that are said of her in the famous “Anecdotes” must, for the serious historian, remain unproved but not improbable.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
blues
|
|
| n.抑郁，沮丧；布鲁斯音乐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
compassionately
|
|
| adv.表示怜悯地，有同情心地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
passionate
|
|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
impunity
|
|
| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
swollen
|
|
| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
conceit
|
|
| n.自负，自高自大 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
disorder
|
|
| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
faction
|
|
| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
invaders
|
|
| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
cult
|
|
| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
outrages
|
|
| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
plunder
|
|
| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
rape
|
|
| n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
metropolis
|
|
| n.首府；大城市 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
futile
|
|
| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
vindictive
|
|
| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
appalling
|
|
| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
monks
|
|
| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
monk
|
|
| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
hermits
|
|
| （尤指早期基督教的）隐居修道士，隐士，遁世者( hermit的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
leash
|
|
| n.牵狗的皮带，束缚；v.用皮带系住 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
disdain
|
|
| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
impartial
|
|
| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
prudently
|
|
| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
grievances
|
|
| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
factions
|
|
| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
conceal
|
|
| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
insistence
|
|
| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
wed
|
|
| v.娶，嫁，与…结婚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
mansions
|
|
| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
mansion
|
|
| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
fray
|
|
| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
disarming
|
|
| adj.消除敌意的，使人消气的v.裁军( disarm的现在分词 )；使息怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
disarm
|
|
| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
emblems
|
|
| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
offenders
|
|
| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
perjuring
|
|
| v.发假誓，作伪证( perjure的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
retired
|
|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
contemplate
|
|
| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
impending
|
|
| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
exulted
|
|
| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
lamentable
|
|
| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
penetrated
|
|
| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
judicious
|
|
| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
paraphrase
|
|
| vt.将…释义，改写；n.释义，意义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
maxim
|
|
| n.格言，箴言 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
saluted
|
|
| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
ignoble
|
|
| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
affected
|
|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
corpses
|
|
| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
arena
|
|
| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
retinue
|
|
| n.侍从；随员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
genial
|
|
| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
prodigious
|
|
| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
expenditure
|
|
| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
postpone
|
|
| v.延期，推迟 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
spouse
|
|
| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
sect
|
|
| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
antiquity
|
|
| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
bishop
|
|
| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
ousting
|
|
| 驱逐( oust的现在分词 )； 革职； 罢黜； 剥夺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
remarkable
|
|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
legendary
|
|
| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
suite
|
|
| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
contrived
|
|
| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
bestowed
|
|
| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
bishops
|
|
| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
mosaic
|
|
| n./adj.镶嵌细工的，镶嵌工艺品的，嵌花式的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
previously
|
|
| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
vice
|
|
| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
assailed
|
|
| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
lexicon
|
|
| n.字典，专门词汇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
infamous
|
|
| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
foppish
|
|
| adj.矫饰的，浮华的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
heresy
|
|
| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
subjugation
|
|
| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
victorious
|
|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
authoritative
|
|
| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
mendacious
|
|
| adj.不真的，撒谎的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
imputation
|
|
| n.归罪，责难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
picturesque
|
|
| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
interred
|
|
| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
monastery
|
|
| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
depose
|
|
| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
deposed
|
|
| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
entirely
|
|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
heinousness
|
|
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
91
deposition
|
|
| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
sordid
|
|
| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
elevation
|
|
| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
authentic
|
|
| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
incurred
|
|
| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
hostility
|
|
| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
persecuted
|
|
| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
steward
|
|
| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
wring
|
|
| n.扭绞；v.拧，绞出，扭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
levied
|
|
| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
tithe
|
|
| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
feverish
|
|
| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
slumbers
|
|
| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
feverishly
|
|
| adv. 兴奋地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
wrath
|
|
| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
aloof
|
|
| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
deliberately
|
|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
intervention
|
|
| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
hatred
|
|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
ingenuous
|
|
| adj.纯朴的，单纯的；天真的；坦率的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
amiable
|
|
| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
withdrawn
|
|
| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
jealousy
|
|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
rumour
|
|
| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
rumours
|
|
| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
disaffected
|
|
| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
prospect
|
|
| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
overthrowing
|
|
| v.打倒，推翻( overthrow的现在分词 )；使终止 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
astute
|
|
| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
suburban
|
|
| adj.城郊的，在郊区的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
diabolical
|
|
| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
initiated
|
|
| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
credible
|
|
| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
assassinate
|
|
| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
nervously
|
|
| adv.神情激动地，不安地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
sanctuary
|
|
| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
quaintest
|
|
| adj.古色古香的( quaint的最高级 )；少见的，古怪的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
behold
|
|
| v.看，注视，看到 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
humiliated
|
|
| 感到羞愧的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
implicated
|
|
| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
scourged
|
|
| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
scourge
|
|
| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
perfidy
|
|
| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
corrupt
|
|
| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
corruption
|
|
| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
vindictiveness
|
|
| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
narrated
|
|
| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
narrative
|
|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
imprisoned
|
|
| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
bribed
|
|
| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
patrician
|
|
| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
gem
|
|
| n.宝石，珠宝；受爱戴的人 [同]jewel | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
astounding
|
|
| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
dungeons
|
|
| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
plausibility
|
|
| n. 似有道理, 能言善辩 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
confirmation
|
|
| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
pathos
|
|
| n.哀婉，悲怆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
lessened
|
|
| 减少的，减弱的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
vices
|
|
| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
propitious
|
|
| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
favourable
|
|
| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
calumny
|
|
| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
tightened
|
|
| 收紧( tighten的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）变紧； （使）绷紧； 加紧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
sockets
|
|
| n.套接字，使应用程序能够读写与收发通讯协定(protocol)与资料的程序( Socket的名词复数 )；孔( socket的名词复数 )；（电器上的）插口；托座；凹穴 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
persistent
|
|
| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
extorted
|
|
| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
adorned
|
|
| [计]被修饰的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
munificence
|
|
| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
testimony
|
|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
impeaching
|
|
| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的现在分词 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
163
affix
|
|
| n.附件，附录 vt.附贴，盖(章)，签署 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
betokened
|
|
| v.预示，表示( betoken的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
extorting
|
|
| v.敲诈( extort的现在分词 )；曲解 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
lawful
|
|
| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
unnatural
|
|
| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
confiscated
|
|
| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
testaments
|
|
| n.遗嘱( testament的名词复数 )；实际的证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
explicit
|
|
| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
sinister
|
|
| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
accusation
|
|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
liaison
|
|
| n.联系，（未婚男女间的）暖昧关系，私通 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
174
maliciously
|
|
| adv.有敌意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
175
persecution
|
|
| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
176
afflicted
|
|
| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
177
scattered
|
|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
178
lodged
|
|
| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
179
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
180
loyalty
|
|
| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
181
supreme
|
|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
182
haughtiness
|
|
| n.傲慢；傲气 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
183
distress
|
|
| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
184
perfidious
|
|
| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
185
vowing
|
|
| 起誓，发誓（vow的现在分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
186
intimidated
|
|
| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
187
attentive
|
|
| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
188
distinguished
|
|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
189
eldest
|
|
| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
190
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
191
legitimate
|
|
| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
192
vindictively
|
|
| adv.恶毒地；报复地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
193
impended
|
|
| v.进行威胁，即将发生( impend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
194
peril
|
|
| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
195
courteously
|
|
| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
196
embalmed
|
|
| adj.用防腐药物保存（尸体）的v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的过去式和过去分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
197
veneration
|
|
| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
198
diadem
|
|
| n.王冠，冕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
199
personalities
|
|
| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
200
purely
|
|
| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
201
theatrical
|
|
| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
202
vivacity
|
|
| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
203
perfectly
|
|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
204
supple
|
|
| adj.柔软的，易弯的，逢迎的，顺从的，灵活的；vt.使柔软，使柔顺，使顺从；vi.变柔软，变柔顺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
205
anonymous
|
|
| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
206
callous
|
|
| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
207
despoil
|
|
| v.夺取，抢夺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
208
wreck
|
|
| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
209
folly
|
|
| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
210
doctrines
|
|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
211
dagger
|
|
| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |