IT is difficult to repress a feeling of natural indignation when one considers the policy which the Government and Mr. Robespierre have seen fit to pursue during the last two years, and especially since the unfortunate blunder of Mr. Danton and Mr. Desmoulins. We have never hidden our opinion that these two gentlemen—able and disinterested2 men as they undoubtedly3 were—acted rashly in stepping out of the party (as it were) and attempting to form an independent organisation4 at a moment when the strictest discipline was necessary in the face of the enormous and servile majority commanded by the Government. However unrepresentative that majority may be of the national temper at this moment, the business of a member of the Convention lies chiefly on the floor of the House, and it is the height of unwisdom to divide our forces even by an act of too generous an enthusiasm for the cause. We would not write a word that might give offence to the surviving relatives of the two statesmen we have named, but this much must be said: the genius of the nation is opposed to particular action of this sort; the[98] electors understand Government and Opposition, by separate action like Mr. Danton’s and Mr. Desmoulin’s they are simply bewildered. Such eccentric displays do no good, and may do very great harm. Meanwhile, we must repeat that the general attitude of the Government is indefensible. That is a strong word, but hardly too strong under the circumstances. It is not the executions themselves which have (as we maintain) alienated5 public sentiment, nor their number—though it must be admitted that 1200 in four months is a high record—it is rather the pressure of business in the Courts and the disorganisation of procedure which the Plain Man in the Street notices and very rightly condemns7, and we would warn Mr. Robespierre that unless a larger number of judges are created under his new Bill the popular discontent may grow to an extent he little imagines, and show itself vigorously at the polls. We are all agreed that Mr. Carnot shows admirable tact8 and energy at the War Office, and it is characteristic of that strong man that he has left to others the more showy trappings of power. We would urge upon him as one who is, in a sense, above party politics, to counsel his colleagues in the Government in the direction we have suggested. It may seem a small point, but it is one of practical importance, and the Man in the Street cares more for practical details than he does for political theories.
[99]
The Government Paper: Leader
The present moment is opportune9 for reviewing the work of the Government to date, and drawing up a political balance-sheet as it were of its successes and failures. We have always been open critics of the present Administration, whenever we thought that national interests demanded such criticism, and our readers will remember that we heartily10 condemned11 the ill-fated proposal to change the place of public executions from the Place de la Revolution to the Square de l’Egalité—a far less convenient spot; but apart from a few tactical errors of this sort it must be admitted, and is admitted even by his enemies, that Mr. Robespierre has handled a very difficult situation with admirable patience and with a tremendous grasp of detail. It is sometimes said of Mr. Robespierre that he owes his great position mainly to his mastery over words. To our thinking that judgment12 is as superficial as it is unjust. True, Mr. Robespierre is a great orator13, even (which is higher praise) a great Parliamentary orator, but it is not this one of his many talents which is chiefly responsible for his success. It is rather his minute acquaintance with the whole of his subject which impresses the House. No assembly in the world is a better judge of character than the Convention, and its appreciation14 of Mr. Robespierre’s character is that it is above all a practical one. His conduct of the war—for in a sense the head of the Government and[100] Leader of the House may be said to conduct any and every national enterprise—has been remarkable15. The unhappy struggle is now rapidly drawing to a close and we shall soon emerge into a settlement to which may be peculiarly applied16 the phrase “Peace with Honour.” The restraint and kindliness17 of our soldiers has won universal praise, even from the enemy, and it is a gratifying feature in the situation that those of our fellow-citizens in Toulon, Lyons, and elsewhere who could not see eye to eye with us in our foreign and domestic policy are now reconciled to both. One last word upon the Judges Bill. We implore18 Mr. Robespierre to stand firm and not to increase the present number, which is ample for the work of the Courts even under the somewhat exceptional strain of the last four years. After all it is no more fatigue19 to condemn6 sixty people to death than one. The delay in forensic20 procedure is (or rather was) due to its intolerable intricacy, and the reforms introduced by Mr. Robespierre himself, notably21 the suppression of so-called “witnesses” and of the old-fashioned rigmarole of “defence,” has done wonders in the way of expedition. We too often forget that Mr. Robespierre is not only a consummate22 orator and a past master of prose, but a great lawyer as well. We should be the last to hint that the demand for more judges was due to place-hunting: vices23 of that kind are happily absent in France whatever may be the case in other countries. The real danger is rather that if the new posts were created jealousy[101] and a suspicion of jobbery might arise after they were filled. Surely it is better to leave things as they are.
The Opposition Paper: Lobby Notes
Really the Government Press seems determined24 to misrepresent last Friday’s incident! Mr. Talma has already explained that his allusion25 to cripples was purely26 metaphorical27 and in no way intended for Mr. Couthon, for whom, like everyone in the House, he has the highest respect.
The Government Paper: Lobby Notes
Last Friday’s incident is happily over. Mr. Talma has assured Mr. Couthon that he used the word “cripple” in a sense quite different from that in which that highly-deservedly popular gentleman unfortunately took it.
Social and Personal
The Marquis de Misenscene is leaving Paris tonight for Baden Baden. His Lordship intends to travel in the simplest fashion and hopes his incognito28 may be preserved
Mr. Couthon, the deservedly popular M.P., made a pathetic sight yesterday at Mr. Robespierre’s party in the Tuileries Gardens. As most people know, the honourable29 gentleman has lost the use of his lower[102] limbs and is wheeled about in a bath-chair, but he can still gesticulate freely and his bright smile charms all who meet him.
Madame Talma was At Home yesterday on behalf of the Society for the Aid and Rescue of Criminal Orphans30. Whatever our political differences we all can unite in this excellent work, and the great rooms of Talma House were crowded. At Madame Talma’s dinner before the reception were present Major Bonaparte, Mr. Barrere, Mr. St. Just, Mrs. Danton (widow of statesman), Mrs. Desmoulins (mother of the late well known author-journalist), and Miss Charlotte Robespierre, who looked charming in old black silk with a high bodice and jet trimmings.
Letters to the Papers
Sir,—I hope you will find space in your columns for a protest against the disgraceful condition of the public prisons. I have not a word to say, sir, against the presence of the prisoners in such large numbers at this exceptional moment; moreover, as nearly all their cases are sub judice it would be highly improper31 in me to comment upon them. I refer, sir, only to the intolerable noise proceeding32 from the cells and rendering33 life a burden to all ratepayers in the vicinity. Prisoners are notoriously degenerate34 and often hysterical35, and the nuisance created by their lamentations and protests is really past bearing. I can assure the Government that if they do not[103] provide gags, and use them, they shall certainly not have my vote at the next election.—I am, &c.,
Disgusted.
Sir,—May I trespass36 upon your space to make known to our many friends that the memorial service for my late husband, the Archbishop of Paris, is postponed37 till the 1st Decadi in Fructidor?—With many thanks in advance for your courtesy, I am, &c.,
Aspasia Gorel.
Official News
We are requested by the Home Office to give publicity38 to the arrangements for to-morrow’s executions. These will be found on page 3. There will be no executions on the day after to-morrow.
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1
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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condemns
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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kindliness
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| n.厚道，亲切，友好的行为 | |
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implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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forensic
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| adj.法庭的，雄辩的 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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metaphorical
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| a.隐喻的，比喻的 | |
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incognito
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| adv.匿名地；n.隐姓埋名；adj.化装的，用假名的，隐匿姓名身份的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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orphans
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| 孤儿( orphan的名词复数 ) | |
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improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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hysterical
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| adj.情绪异常激动的，歇斯底里般的 | |
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trespass
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| n./v.侵犯，闯入私人领地 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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