uring a violent snow-storm which overtook us on our march upon Corunna, several of my comrades, and myself among the rest, wearied with fatigue3, took refuge one evening in a small out-house or hovel, as it afforded temporary shelter from the descending4 storm. There we resolved to pass the night; and having gathered a few sticks, we placed them in the middle of the shed, and kindled5 a fire for mutual6 benefit. In the course of the night we were surprised by hearing a rap at the door, accompanied by the weak tone of some one craving7 admission. Half a dozen voices instantly exclaimed: ‘Come in!’ when, lo! a woman, recognised as the wife of a soldier, but hardly able to stand, crept into the shed, and asked protection from the hurricane that was loudly howling along the sierra. Had Satan himself begged an entrance at such a moment, we should scarcely have been able to repress our pity. The poor, wandering woman was received with rough but honest sympathy, and was invited to approach the fire. When able to speak she asked for a certain company, to which her husband belonged; we told her it was considerably9 in advance, and at present out of her reach. Modesty10 prevented the poor 71creature from further explanation; when, to the surprise of the men present, the weak cry of a child was heard. The fact was, the mother had in the course of the preceding day given birth to an infant while on the snowy ridge11 of a desolate12 mountainous tract13, and without the company of a single human being; and yet, so far all was well: there is One Who tempers the wind to the shorn lamb. The lives both of the mother and her offspring were likely to survive. English soldiers know how to feel, nor are they quite destitute14 of discretion15; they may be rather rough in manner, nor can they at all times invent the phraseology of oily compliment, but they have no part of the bear about them except the skin, unless provoked, and then the consequences must be abided: when virtue16 is in distress17, none can show sympathy with greater delicacy18, or exercise benevolence19 with more perfect freedom. At the appearance and sad tale of this suffering daughter of affliction, every heart in the place was touched; wretched as was our own condition, each man contrived20 to spare something. They even parted with some article of their own linen21, much as they needed it, for the purpose of contributing to the warmth and comfort of the sufferer; kindness of speech was added, and it did wonders. While on our march the following day, the woman, again on her feet, was observed by one of our officers; he was told the story of her distress, and, with kindness which none but a great and gallant1 heart possesses, he alighted from his horse and tramped with us in favour of the poor woman and child. The animal, like his master, joined in the scheme, and carried his novel load most comfortably. I rejoice to add, that both root and branch were preserved, and eventually transplanted in the soil at home.
Let me be permitted here to relate the particulars of another circumstance, the truth of which is attested22 by evidence which none need doubt. But it will be as well 72to premise23 at once, that if the fact to be disclosed should meet the eye of any person disposed to deny the doctrine24 of a particular Providence25, overseeing and directing the concerns of men, to bring down the lofty, to raise the lowly, and support the weak and feeble, the detail will be unworthy of notice, as the instruction it conveys is based upon the belief that, from the rapt seraph27 that burns before the throne, to the minutest particle of dust borne upon the eddying28 gale29, and in and through the all but infinite gradations of rational and instinctive30 beings which lie between, almighty31 Goodness provides and metes33 out its dispensations with justest weight and measure.
Not long before our arrival at Corunna, and in the severest part of the retreat, Surgeon Griffith, of the Dragoons, while riding at a rapid pace, observed a woman with a child reclining on the snow: the weather was tempestuous34, and the advanced posts of the enemy not far in the rear. Humanity, however, compelled him to notice the unfortunate female; he immediately reined35 in his horse and dismounted, when he discovered with regret that the woman now stretched upon the ground had just breathed her last. She had dropped, no doubt, and perished like many others from mere36 exhaustion37; while the infant, all unconscious of the calamity38, had nestled his head close to the cold bosom39 of his hapless mother, and was endeavouring to suck as heretofore. The melancholy40 spectacle had now fully41 aroused the compassion42 of the horseman, and as relief came too late for the parent, he determined43 if possible to save the child. He accordingly lifted him up, and after placing him comfortably on the saddle, again mounted and rode on. The apprehended44 danger was soon realised: having lost time by this merciful act, he was overtaken by the enemy’s cavalry45, by whom he and the child were captured and ordered to the rear. This good Samaritan was, however, faithful to his charge, and he and the infant, 73though prisoners, were inseparable companions. After being detained some time in France, and having visited Paris, Griffith obtained his liberty on parole, and proceeded to England. The tender little child had by this time grown into a healthy boy, and was placed by the interest of his benefactor46 in the Military Asylum47 at Chelsea. Even here his kind attentions were continued; he generally paid the lad a Sabbath-day visit, and never failed to bring him a present either for his instruction or amusement, not forgetting to line his pocket with a little of the needful for passing exigencies48.
About three years after the occurrence just related, a soldier who had lost his wife and child in Spain came to the asylum at Chelsea to inquire concerning the welfare of a son of his named Hector, who had been previously49 placed in the establishment. The veteran had not long been engaged in conversation with Hector when the attention of the former was excited by the appearance of a younger lad, in whose countenance50 there were lines on which his sight seemed to be unavoidably riveted51. On consideration, the features were more familiar than ever; the thought then arose, ‘Perhaps this may be my long-lost child who I deemed had perished in the snow,’ The father recollected53 that on a particular place just above one of the knees, his child had a scar; and on raising the boy’s trousers, there it was! The two brothers, though unknown, had been playfellows, and were mutually attached. The delights of this singular recognition may be better conceived than described. Let us hope that a life so remarkably54 preserved was well spent. How justly might the father exclaim: ‘This my son, who was dead, is alive again; and he who was lost is found!’
On the 18th of January, 1809, we left the shores of Spain, and made the voyage home on board the Hindostan, of sixty-four guns, which had been partially55 cut down and 74prepared as a transport. We encountered several heavy gales56 during the passage, but were mercifully preserved from a watery57 grave. It was on a Sabbath evening that the lighthouse near Plymouth became visible from deck; it is built on a ledge58 of rock, about eighteen miles from the harbour, and gave us cheering proof that we were nearing the land we loved. After remaining at anchor for a short time, it was judged advisable to proceed up the Channel; we accordingly weighed, and stood for Portsmouth, at which place the shattered remains59 of our regiment60 were safely landed. Aware of the deplorable figure we made, the debarkation61 was cleverly effected under cover of the night. The pride which urged this method was, I trust, excusable. Such a legion of ragged63 warriors64 I should think never before approached this or any other land; we were therefore glad to escape observation, and march quickly into barracks. Our old clothes, by far too bad for amendment65, were speedily burned, together with a countless66 company of Spanish insects thereunto appertaining, and which, to our oft-repeated sorrow, we were never able fully to eject. A few weeks’ residence on shore restored us to society and our friends; and in a period of time marvellously short we held ourselves ready for service either at home or abroad.
Time rolled rapidly away, and though our stay in England was extended to the space of several months, such was the buoyancy of our spirits and the general hilarity67 that it had passed like a summer’s day. The business of recruiting our ranks had gone on so rapidly that by the end of May we mustered68 a thousand rank and file; nor were our arms in the least danger of contracting rust62: firing at a target was an every-day exercise, field-days were frequently appointed, and the note of warlike preparation was familiar and agreeable. I am sorry to say that my boasting cannot extend to the morals of my friends. 75Cards and dice70, with other games of chance, connected with the intemperance71 and dissipation of which they are the usual forerunners72, consumed the time of most of those by whom I was surrounded. From these excesses I was preserved; and if asked by what means, I can only reply, that I felt an aversion to such practices, grounded, I firmly believe, upon the advices once received from my honoured mother, which as a warning and monitory voice pursued and protected me through life, and by which, though far away, she seemed to speak the words of wisdom. The regularity73 of my conduct as a private soldier attracted the notice of the officers, and I had the satisfaction of hearing that there was some probability of an elevation74 from the place I held in the ranks to that of a corporal in the British army,—a distinction to which my wishes were earnestly directed. Having remained some time at Colchester, orders were received towards the close of May to march to the coast. We accordingly proceeded to Harwich, and immediately embarked75. With the exception of the inconveniences arising from crowded berths76 and provisions of very defective77 quality, nothing occurred to ruffle78 the good humour that prevailed between decks during the passage.
In little more than thirty days from the time of leaving home we were released from our confinement79 on shipboard. It was a pleasing sound when the man on look-out exclaimed, ‘Land ahead.’ In the course of a few hours we passed the castle of St. Julian, and soon after rode at anchor in the Tagus, from whence we were conveyed in boats to Villa80 Franca and Santarem. The latter is a fine, large town, commanding a noble view of the adjacent country. The weather was extremely hot, and water scarce. Wine was cheap, three pints81 of which could be obtained for about fourpence. Anxious to form a junction82 with the forces under Sir Arthur Wellesley, who, it was rightly conjectured83, 76might be engaged with the enemy, our march was urged by every possible means. We suffered in consequence very severely84. Over head the scorching85 rays of an almost vertical86 sun appeared to wither87 the face of nature, while the hot sand on which we trod blistered88 and inflamed89 our feet.
By uncommon90 exertion91 we reached Abrantes, where we found a small encampment, formerly92 occupied but hastily abandoned by the French. Ready to drop as most of us were, the halt, though short, was grateful, and of great value. After a brief stay, our march was renewed with greater speed than before; and as the nights were comparatively cool, we advanced without intermission. Proofs that hard fighting had commenced now crowded on us on every side. We met several dastardly renegade Spaniards, who asserted that the British forces were defeated, and all was lost. Scattered93 groups of wounded men were also occasionally seen silently retiring. The muttering of distant artillery94 had been heard for some time; but these indications of actual contest, so far from dispiriting our party, called forth95 redoubled exertions96 to press forward. Our pace increased to a kind of impetuous movement, which, by tacit agreement, was to be neither retarded97 nor turned aside. The result was, that though three thousand strong, with the exception of seventeen stragglers left behind, one of whom was well thrashed with some olive twigs98 for leaving the ranks, we had, in twenty-six hours, crossed the field of battle in a close and compact body, and passed over sixty-two English miles, in the hottest season of the year, each man carrying from fifty to sixty pounds’ weight upon his shoulders. It is not for me to boast; but if this was not stepping out with spirit, I should like to know what is.
77
GATE IN TALAVERA.
78Our arrival was hailed as an auspicious99 omen8; for though too late to take any part in the battle of Talavera, which had just been fought, our presence served to exhilarate the army, which, though victorious100, required support. The fight had been well sustained on both sides. From nine o’clock in the morning until mid-day the field of battle Offered no appearance of hostility101; the weather was intensely hot, and the troops on both sides descended102 and mingled103, without fear or suspicion, to quench104 their thirst at the little brook105 which divided the positions; but at one o’clock in the afternoon the French soldiers were seen to gather round their eagles, and the rolling of drums was heard along the whole line. Half an hour later the guards of King Joseph, the reserve, and the 4th corps106, were descried107 near the centre of the enemy’s position, marching to join the 1st corps; and at two o’clock the tableland and the height on the French right, even to the valley, were covered with the dark and louring masses. The Duke of Belluno, whose arrangements were now completed, gave the signal for battle; and eighty pieces of artillery immediately sent out a tempest of bullets before the light troops, who, coming on swiftly, and with the violence of a hailstorm, were closely followed by the broad black columns, in all the majesty108 of war.
Sir Arthur Wellesley, from the summit of the hill, had a clear view of the entire scene of action. He saw the 4th corps rush forward with the usual celerity of French soldiers, and, clearing the intrenched ground in their front, fall upon Campbell’s division with prodigious109 fury; but that general, assisted by Mackenzie’s brigade and by two Spanish battalions111, withstood their utmost efforts. The English regiments112 putting the French skirmishers aside, met the advancing columns with loud shouts, and, breaking in on their front, and lapping their flanks with fire, and giving no respite113, pushed them back with terrible carnage. Ten guns were taken; but, as General Campbell prudently114 forbore pursuit, the French rallied on their supports, and made a show of attacking again, but did not 79attempt it. The British artillery and musketry were directed with vehement117 accuracy against their masses, and a Spanish regiment of cavalry charging on their flank at the same time, the whole retired118 in disorder119, and the victory was secured in that quarter. The next grand attack was directed to the English centre, which was thrown into great confusion, and for some time completely broken. The fate of the day for some moments seemed to incline in favour of the French, when suddenly Colonel Donellan with the 48th regiment, was seen advancing through the midst of the disordered masses. At first it appeared as if this regiment must be carried away by the retiring crowds; but, wheeling back by companies, it let them pass through the intervals120, and then resuming its firm and beautiful line, marched against the right of the pursuing columns, plied121 them with such a destructive musketry, and closed upon them with a pace so regular and steady, that the forward movement of the French was checked. The Guards and the Germans immediately rallied; a brigade of light cavalry came up from the second line at a trot122; the artillery battered123 the enemy’s flanks without intermission, and the French, beginning to waver, soon lost their advantage, and the battle was restored.
The annals of warfare124 often tell us that in all actions there is one critical and decisive moment which will give the victory to the general who knows how to discover and secure it. When the guards first made their rash charge, Sir Arthur Wellesley, foreseeing the issue of it, had ordered the 48th down from the hill, although a rough battle was going on there, and at the same time he ordered Cotton’s light cavalry to advance. These dispositions125 gained the day. The French relaxed their efforts by degrees; the fire of the English grew hotter, and their loud and confident shouts, sure augury126 of success, were heard along the whole line. The French army soon after retired to the position 80from whence it had descended to the attack. This retrograde movement was covered by skirmishers, and increasing fire of artillery; and the British, reduced to less than fourteen thousand men, and exhausted127 by toil128 and want of food, were unable to pursue. The battle was scarcely over when the dry grass and shrubs129 taking fire, a volume of flame passed with inconceivable rapidity across a part of the field, scorching in its course both the dead and wounded. The loss of the British in the course of this severe action and previous skirmishing was upwards130 of six thousand men killed and wounded. That of the French, as afterwards appeared in a manuscript of Marshal Jourdan, was rather more than seven thousand three hundred.
The following morning presented a choice of disagreeables. Having taken a position along the battlefield somewhat in advance of the British line, we were surrounded with the dying and the dead. The number of the latter was hourly increasing. Combatants who had mingled in the fray131, belonging to either army, lay intermingled in frightful132 heaps. Many of the bodies, though exposed only for so short a time to the sun’s rays, were offensively putrid133 and discoloured, so that interment without ceremony or distinction became necessary for the safety of the living. Meantime provisions were scanty134, the water we had to drink was stagnant135, the heat of the weather increased, and the enemy was hastily concentrating in great force in the vicinity. The 30th of July was passed by Sir Arthur in establishing hospitals at Talavera, and in fruitless endeavours to procure136 food, and the help required to keep the wounded men from perishing. On this occasion the Spanish behaved infamously137. Not an inhabitant, although possessing ample means, would render the slightest aid, nor even assist to bury the dead. The corn secreted138 in Talavera alone was sufficient to support the army for a month; but the troops were starving, although the inhabitants, who 81had fled across the Tagus with their portable effects at the beginning of the battle, had returned. This conduct left an indelible impression on the minds of the English soldiers. From that period their contempt and dislike of the Spaniards were never effaced139. The principal motive140 in war with these people was personal rancour; hence those troops who had behaved so ill in action, and the inhabitants, who alike withheld141 their sympathy and their aid from the English soldiers, to whose bravery they owed the preservation142 of their town, were busily engaged after the battle in beating out the brains of the wounded French, as they lay upon the field; and they were only checked by the English soldiers, who, in some instances, fired upon the perpetrators of this horrible iniquity143.
Hitherto the allied115 generals had paid little attention to the Duke of Dalmatia’s movements; but on the 30th of July information was received that he had entered Placentia at the head of an imposing144 force. The danger of the British on account of their numerical inferiority was extreme; in fact, the fate of the Peninsula was suspended on a thread, which the events of a few hours might dissever; and yet it was so ordered that no irreparable disaster ensued. The generals on each side at length became acquainted with each other’s strength; and this, it will be believed, was a moment of extreme peril145 for the British. Their progress was barred in front, the Tagus was on their left, impassable mountains on their right, and it was certain that the retreat of the Spanish would bring down the king and Victor upon their rear. In this trying moment Sir Arthur Wellesley abated146 nothing of his usual calmness and fortitude147. He knew not the full extent of the danger; but assuming the enemy in his front to be thirty thousand men, and Victor to have twenty-five thousand others in his rear, he judged that to continue the offensive would be rash, because he must fight and defeat those two marshals 82separately within three days, which, with starving and tired troops, inferior in number, was scarcely to be accomplished148. The movements of Sir Arthur were executed with precision and success. About noon, the road being clear, the columns marched to the bridge, and at two o’clock the whole army was in position on the other side; the present danger was therefore averted149, and the combinations of the enemy baffled.
Our sufferings during these rapid transitions were almost intolerable. During the passage several herds150 of swine were met with, feeding in the woods, when the soldiers ran in among the animals, shooting, stabbing, and, like men possessed151, cutting off the flesh while the beasts were yet alive. Well has it been said that hunger will break through stone walls. I had carried a sheaf of wheat for many miles on my knapsack, rubbing the ears when opportunity offered between my hands, and eating the extracted grain with rapture152. At night, by way of a feast, I used to thrash a little more, by bruising153 the grain, having first laid my greatcoat on the ground for the purpose. On one occasion a comrade, by great exertion, procured154 a small quantity of bullock’s blood. We agreed to boil it for dinner, and halve155 it between us. We did so; and, though unaided even by a bit of salt, I thought it delicious. These privations occurred in our passage through an elevated and open tract of country, where shelter from the sultry heat could hardly be procured. One of these spots we called Mount Misery156. Many a time we have breakfasted upon the acorns157 or oak-nuts beaten down by the Spanish swineherds for the use of the hogs158. A goat’s offal sold at this time for four dollars, or about double the usual price of the whole animal; and men and officers strove to outbid each other in the purchase of this wretched pittance159. In one word, famine raged through the camp; and it was notorious that the Spanish cavalry intercepted160 83the provisions and forage161 destined162 for the English army, and fired upon the foragers, as if they had been enemies.
From Arzobispo the army moved towards Deleytoza; and our brigade, with six pieces of artillery, was directed to gain the bridge of Almarez by a forced march, lest the enemy, discovering the ford2 below that place, should cross the river, and seize the Puerto de Mirabete. The roads were rugged163, and the guns could be drawn164 only by the force of men. The movement was, however, effected. The Spaniards under Albuquerque were not equally successful. The infantry165 were sleeping or loitering about without care or thought, when Mortier, who was charged with the direction of the attack, taking advantage of their want of vigilance, commenced the passage of the river. The French cavalry, about six thousand in number, were secretly assembled near the ford, and about two o’clock in the day General Caulincourt’s brigade suddenly entered the stream. The Spanish, running to their arms, manned the batteries, and opened upon the leading squadrons; but Mortier, with a powerful concentric fire of artillery, overwhelmed the Spanish gunners, and dispersed166 the infantry who attempted to form. On the 20th of August the main body of the British army quitted Jaraicejo, and marched by Truxillo upon Merida. Our brigade, under General Crauford, being relieved at Almarez by the Spaniards, took the road of Caceres to Valencia de Alcantara; but the pass of Mirabete discovered how much we had suffered. Our brigade, which only a few weeks before had traversed sixty miles in a single march, were now with difficulty, and after many halts, only able to reach the summit of the Mirabete, although only four miles from the camp; and the side of that mountain was covered with baggage, and the carcases of many hundred animals that died in the ascent167. In this eventful campaign of two months, the loss of the army was considerable. Above three thousand five hundred men had been killed, or had died of sickness, 84or had fallen into the hands of the enemy. Fifteen hundred horses had perished for want of food; and, to fill the bitter cup, the pestilent fever of the Guadiana, assailing168 those who by fatigue and bad nourishment169 were predisposed to disease, made frightful ravages170. Dysentery, that scourge171 of armies, also raged, and in a short time above five thousand men died in the hospitals.
Passing by the details of successive conflicts sustained with unequal success by the Spanish forces in opposing their invaders173, it may be sufficient generally to state, that their inability to maintain the defensive174 positions assumed, without English co-operation, was evident. An attempt was at length made by the French forces, under Marshal Victor, to gain possession of Cadiz, situate in the Isle175 of Leon, in Andalusia, the finest port in Spain, with a mercantile and wealthy population of a hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants. For this purpose preparations of extraordinary magnitude were made. The assaulting army was spread quite round the margin176 of the harbour. Works of contravallation were constructed not less than twenty-five miles in extent, and strong batteries frowned upon the city wherever they could be erected177 with advantage to the besiegers. The lines of blockade were connected by a covered way concealed178 by thick woods, and when finished mounted three hundred guns. On the other hand, the Spanish troops under Albuquerque, composing the garrison179, were in a miserable180 condition. The whole had been long without pay, and the greater part without arms or accoutrements. Men were placed in command destitute of energy or local influence, and private traffic was unblushingly pursued with the public stores. Albuquerque was afterwards sent ambassador to England, where he died soon after of a frenzy181, brought on, it is said, by grief and passion at the unworthy treatment he received.
In this deplorable state of affairs, British troops again 85appeared, and the surrender of the city by that means was averted. On the 11th of February, 1810, General Stewart arrived in Cadiz with three thousand men, who were received with enthusiastic joy. On the 17th of the same month, thirteen hundred Portuguese182 arrived, and Spanish troops in small bodies came in daily. Two ships of war, the Euthalion and Undaunted, arrived from Mexico, with six millions of dollars; and other British troops having appeared, the whole force assembled behind the Santa Petri was not fewer than eighteen thousand effective men. The worst symptom was, that among the Spaniards there was little enthusiasm, and not a man among the citizens had been enrolled183 or armed, or had volunteered either to labour or fight. General Stewart’s first measure was to recover Matagorda, a most important point, about four thousand yards from the city, which the Spaniards had foolishly dismantled184 and abandoned. In the night of the 22nd, a detachment, consisting of fifty marines and seamen185, twenty-five artillerymen, and sixty-seven of the 94th regiment, the whole under the command of Captain M’Lean, pushed across the channel during a storm and took possession of the dismantled fort, before morning effected a solid lodgment, and although the French cannonaded the work with field artillery all the next day, the garrison was immovable.
Early in March a more minute survey of the general state of the whole of the defensive works was made, when it appeared that the force then assigned was quite inadequate186, and that to secure it against the efforts of the enemy, twenty thousand soldiers, and a series of redoubts and batteries, requiring the labour of four thousand men for three months, were absolutely necessary; and yet an unaccountable apathy187 prevailed. In vain did the English engineers present plans, and offer to construct works: the Spaniards would never consent to pull down a house or destroy a garden; and had the enemy been then prepared to press 86onward vigorously, the city must have been lost by procrastination189 so fatal.
One word more for Matagorda. The capture of this place by a few intrepid190 men has been mentioned. Though frequently cannonaded, it had been held fifty-five days, and contributed to prevent the completion of the enemy’s works at the Troccadero Point. This small fort, of a square form, without a ditch, with bomb-proofs insufficient191 for the garrison, and with one angle projecting towards the land, was little calculated for resistance; and, as it could only bring seven guns to bear, a Spanish seventy-four and an armed flotilla were moored192 on the flanks to co-operate in the defence. The French had, however, raised great batteries behind some houses on the Troccadero, and, as daylight broke on the 21st of April, a hissing193 shower of heated shot falling on the seventy-four and in the midst of the flotilla, obliged them to cut their cables and take shelter under the works of Cadiz. Then the fire of forty-eight guns and mortars194 of the largest size was concentrated upon the little fort of Matagorda, and the feeble parapet disappeared in a moment before this crashing flight of metal. The naked rampart, and the undaunted hearts of the garrison, remained; but the troops fell fast, the enemy shot quick and close; a staff, bearing the Spanish flag, was broken six times in an hour, and the colours were at last fastened to the angle of the work itself; while the men, especially the sailors, besought195 the officers to hoist196 the British ensign, attributing the slaughter197 to their fighting under a foreign flag. Thirty hours the tempest lasted, and sixty-four men out of one hundred and forty were down, when General Graham sent boats to carry off the survivors198. The bastion was then blown up, under the direction of Major Lefebre, an engineer of great promise; and he also fell,—the last man whose blood wetted the ruins thus abandoned.
87
THE HEROINE OF MATAGORDA.
88An action must be here recorded truly heroic. A sergeant199’s wife, named Retson, was in a casemate with the wounded men, when a very young drummer was ordered to fetch water from the well of the fort. Seeing the child hesitate, she snatched the vessel200 from his hand, braving the terrible cannonade herself; and although a shot cut the bucket-cord from her hand, she recovered the vessel, and fulfilled her mission. In July, the British force in Cadiz was increased to eight thousand five hundred men, and Sir Richard Keats arrived to take the command of the fleet. The operations of the besiegers were thus greatly checked; and the mighty32 lines, constructed with so much labour and skill, led to little or nothing.
As the spring of the year advanced, the operation of the campaign became increasingly extended and important. Reinforcements from France continued to crowd the roads. The command of these collected forces, which included seventeen thousand of the Imperial Guards, was entrusted201 to Masséna, Prince of Essling, on account of his great name in arms. Under his auspices202 Ney commenced the first siege of Ciudad Rodrigo; and if he expected to carry it without delay, it only shows that, like some of his predecessors203, he was liable to mistake. The present governor, Don Andreas Herrasti, was a veteran of fifty years’ service, whose silver hairs, dignified204 countenance, and courteous205 manners excited respect; and whose courage, talents, and honour were worthy26 of his venerable appearance. His garrison amounted to six thousand fighting men, besides the citizens; and the place, built on a height overhanging the northern bank of the Agueda river, was amply supplied with artillery and stores of all kinds. The works were, however, weak. There were no bomb-proofs, and Herrasti was obliged to place his powder in the church for security. The country immediately about Ciudad Rodrigo, although wooded, was easy for troops, especially on the left bank of the Agueda, to which the garrison had access by a stone bridge within pistol-shot of 89the castle gate. But the Agueda, itself rising in the Sierra de Francia, and running into the Douro, is subject to great and sudden floods; and six or seven miles below the town, near San Felices, the channel deepens into one continued and frightful chasm206, many hundred feet deep, and overhung with huge desolate rocks.
Towards the end of April a French camp was formed upon a lofty ridge five miles eastward207 of the city; and in a few days a second, and then a third arose. These portentous208 clouds continued to gather on the hills until June, when fifty thousand fighting men came down into the plain, and, throwing two bridges over the Agueda, begirt the fortress209. In the night of the 22nd, Julian Sanchez, with two hundred horsemen, passed silently out of the castle gate, and, crossing the river, fell upon the nearest French posts, pierced their line in a moment, and reached the English light division, then behind the Azava, six miles from Ciudad Rodrigo. We cheerfully received the party, and three days after this feat52 the batteries opened. The assailants were warmly received. Three of their magazines, by the fire of the besieged210, blew up, and killed above a hundred men.
On the 27th Masséna arrived in the camp, and summoned the governor to surrender. Herrasti answered in the manner to be expected from so good a soldier; and the fire was resumed until the 1st of July, when Masséna, sensible that the mode of attack was faulty, directed the engineers to raise counter-batteries, to push on their parallels, work regularly forward, blow in the counterscarp, and pass the ditch in form. On the 9th of July the besiegers’ batteries reopened with terrible effect. In twenty-four hours the fire of the Spanish guns was nearly silenced, part of the town was in flames, a reserve magazine exploded on the walls, the counterscarp was blown in by a mine on an extent of thirty-six feet, the ditch filled by ruins, and a 90broad way made into the place. At this moment three French soldiers, suddenly running out of the ranks, mounted the breach211, looked into the town, and having thus in broad daylight proved the state of affairs, discharged their muskets212, and with singular success retired unhurt. The columns of assault immediately assembled. The troops, animated213 by the presence of Ney, were impatient for the signal to advance. A few minutes would have sent them raging into the midst of the city, when the white flag waved on the rampart, and the venerable governor was seen standing214 alone on the ruins, and signifying by his gestures that he desired to capitulate. The defence made did no discredit215 to the parties. Every one lent a hand. The inhabitants contributed largely in maintaining the vigour216 and resolution of the garrison. Women and children, and even the blind, were earnestly engaged in providing necessaries for the fighting men. Those who were unable to bear arms encouraged those who could. Indeed, it was to the spirit of determined resistance prevailing217 among the people generally within the walls that the powerful force without was so long detained there. Above forty thousand shells had been thrown into the place, and not a house remained uninjured.
One of the favourite designs of Napoleon at this period was to establish his power in Portugal. This the British government was determined, if possible, to prevent; and the person selected to direct the defence of our ancient ally was Lord Wellington. Confidence was felt in no other; and it was a question whether any other military leader was in all respects properly qualified218 for the arduous219 undertaking220. When his lordship required thirty thousand men for the defence of Portugal, he considered the number that could be fed rather than what was necessary to fight the enemy. On this principle he asserted that success must depend on the exertions and devotedness222 of the native 91forces. Two points were to be secured at the very onset223. One was, to concert measures by which sustenance224 might be secured for the united British and Portuguese army and the other, to devise plans by which the enemy should be deprived of supplies whenever and wherever he entered the country. In effecting this latter purpose it was demanded (for the exactions of war are necessarily rigorous) that the people should destroy their mills, remove their boats, break down their bridges, lay waste their fields, abandon their dwellings225, and carry off their property, on whatever line the invader172 should penetrate226; while the entire population, converted into soldiers, and closing on the rear and flanks, should cut off all resources, excepting those carried in the midst of the troops. These were hard sayings; but they were dictated227 by stern necessity, and were positively228 required for the safety of the kingdom. The call was obeyed. Part of the public property was sacrificed in order that the whole might, in some form or other, eventually be restored and rendered safe.
In pursuance of the comprehensive plans adopted by the British leader, it was necessary to find a position covering Lisbon, where the allied forces could neither be turned by the flanks, nor forced in front by numbers, nor reduced by famine. The mountains filling the tongue of land upon which Lisbon is situated229 furnished this keystone to the arch of defence. Lord Wellington then conceived the design of turning these vast mountains into one stupendous and impregnable citadel230, on which to deposit the independence of the whole peninsula. The works were forthwith commenced. Intrenchments, inundations, and redoubts covered more than five hundred square miles of mountainous country, lying between the Tagus and the ocean. The actual force under Lord Wellington cannot be estimated higher than eighty thousand men, while the frontier he had to defend, reckoning from Braganza to 92Ayamonte, was four hundred miles long. The British forces included in the above were under thirty thousand. Every probable movement of the enemy was previously considered; at the same time the English commander was aware how many counter-combinations were to be expected in a contest with eighty thousand French veterans, having a competent general at their head. Hence, to secure embarkation231 in the event of disaster, a third line of entrenchments was prepared, and twenty-four thousand tons of shipping232 were constantly kept in the river to receive the British forces.
Where all behaved so well, distinctions are unnecessary, and may appear invidious. Perhaps, however, I may be allowed to claim at least an equal share of the honours of a successful campaign for the division of the British army under the command of General Crauford, in which was included the 43rd regiment. Without attempting to institute any comparison between him and the commander-in-chief, the comprehensiveness and strength of whose capacity in the direction of extensive movements was unrivalled, it may be safely averred233, that for zeal234, intrepidity235 of spirit, and personal prowess Crauford was not inferior to any general of division in the forces. His men partook in a great measure of the qualities of their leader. Inured236 to almost every species of warlike toil, they were formidable either for assault or defence; and never were the energies of fighting men more thoroughly237 tested than those of this very corps in the course of the few succeeding months.
In the midst of March, Crauford lined the banks of the Agueda with his hussars for a distance of twenty-five miles, following the course of the river. The infantry were disposed in small parties in the villages between Almeida and the lower Agueda. Two battalions of Portuguese cacadores (riflemen) soon afterwards arriving, made a total of four thousand men and six guns. While, therefore, 93the hussars kept a good watch at the two distant bridges, the troops could always concentrate under Almeida before the enemy could reach them on that side; and on the side of Barba del Puerco the ravine was so profound that a few companies of the 95th were considered capable of opposing any numbers. This arrangement was suitable while the Agueda was swollen238; but that river was capricious, often falling many feet in a night without visible cause. When it was fordable, Crauford always withdrew his outposts, and concentrated his division; and his situation demanded a quickness and intelligence in his troops, the like of which has never been surpassed. Seven minutes sufficed for the division to get under arms in the middle of the night; and a quarter of an hour, night or day, to bring it in order of battle to the alarm-posts, with the baggage loaded and assembled at a convenient distance in the rear, and this not upon a concerted signal or as a trial, but at all times, and to a certainty.
Our condition at that season was no unapt epitome239 of what the Christian240 ought to be. With a foe241 so vigilant242 as his spiritual adversary243, the godly man should be all eye and ear, ready to gather himself up for action every moment, both by night and day; not by way of experiment and trial, but as matter of constant and universal practice. The waters of carnal security are sadly deceptive244; the enemy may find some fordable spot when least expected. If the heaven-bound pilgrim cast behind his worldly load, and place it in the rear, as we did our baggage, he would find himself so much the more free to give and take manfully. This is a digression; but men have souls to save though they wear red coats, and an occasional halt to look at eternal things through the vista245 of temporalities may not, after all, produce much loss of time.
But to return. We soon found that our caution was called for. On the 19th of March General Ferey, a bold 94officer, attempted to surprise us, for which purpose he collected six hundred Grenadiers close to the bridge of San Felices, and just as the moon rising behind him cast long shadows from the rocks, and rendered the bottom of the chasm dark, he silently passed the bridge, and, with incredible speed ascending246 the opposite side, bayoneted the sentries247, and fell upon the piquet so fiercely that friends and enemies went fighting into the village of Barba del Puerco, while the first shout was still echoing in the gulf248 below. So sudden was the attack, and so great the confusion, that the British companies could not form, but each soldier encountering the nearest enemy, fought hand to hand; and their colonel, Sydney Beckwith, conspicuous249 by his lofty stature250 and daring actions, a man capable of rallying a whole army in flight, urged the contest with such vigour, that in a quarter of an hour the French column was borne back, and pushed over the edge of the descent. Soon after this the whole army was distressed251 for money; and Crauford, notwithstanding his prodigious activity, being unable to procure food for the division, gave the reins252 to his fiery253 temper, and seized some church plate, with a view to the purchase of corn. For this impolitic act he was immediately rebuked254, and such redress255 granted that no mischief256 ensued. The proceeding257 itself was not, however, altogether useless, as it convinced the priests that our distress was real.
Nothing could be more critical than our position. From the Agueda to the Coa the whole country, although studded with woods and scooped258 into hollows, was free for cavalry and artillery, and there were at least six thousand horsemen and fifty guns within an hour’s march of our position; and yet, trusting to his own admirable arrangements, and to the surprising discipline of his troops, Crauford still maintained his dangerous position, thus encouraging the garrison of Ciudad Rodrigo, and protecting the villages in 95the plain. The fall of that fortress was, however, soon announced. A Spaniard, eluding259 the French posts, brought a note from old Herrasti, the governor, claiming assistance. It contained these words: ‘O ven luégo! luégo! á socorrer esta plaza,’ (O come now, now, to the succour of this place!) But the gallant old man could not be relieved.
Soon after this I had the misfortune to fall into bad hands. Having had occasion to visit a neighbouring village on regimental business, and to make some small purchases for one of the officers, I was detained rather late in the evening, and on attempting on my return to cross a mountainous district without a guide, I lost my way. After wandering in various directions among rocks and low brushwood, two large dogs, singularly fierce and powerful, used by the Spaniards to protect their cattle from wolves, suddenly appeared in the attitude of springing at me. Putting on a bold front, I stepped back, and drew my bayonet, when, to my surprise, they seemed to dislike my appearance, and recoiled260. Concluding that some human abode261 was nigh, I followed the track of the dogs, and presently arrived at an open space, where a few glowing embers indicated that a fire had recently been there. While gazing on the spot my attention was arrested by a rushing noise quite close to my ear, and in almost the same instant, three men darted262 through an adjoining copse, and were on me with incredible violence. One of them, who was armed with a halbert, made a desperate plunge263 with his formidable weapon; and had I not parried it, that moment would have ended my life. The others joined in this unmanly and unaccountable attack; but though roughly used, I escaped without mortal injury. I at first imagined that the fellows were part of a banditti, living by rapine and plunder264, and that, disappointed of booty, they had wreaked265 their resentment266 by violent usage. I found afterwards that they were cattle owners; and what aggravated267 their conduct, 96a report was spread through their agency that I had a design upon their property, than which nothing was further from my thought. The outrage268 being reported to our commander, Major M’Leod, a sergeant with his piquet of men was sent to investigate the truth. On arriving at the place, there they found me, unable to move from the ill treatment I had received. I stated exactly what had taken place, and requested that the men might be secured, and taken to quarters, so that I might confront them before the major. This was acceded269 to, and being permitted to answer for myself, I produced the proper pass, still in my possession, and soon convinced the board that I had been within the line of duty, was the only injured party, and deserved some compensation for the treatment I had received. This was immediately granted; so that with the exception of a few bruises270, which grew better under the agreeable remedy just glanced at, I came off with flying colours, while the dons paid for the entertainment.
At the beginning of July, the enemy began to appear in numbers; but, obstinate271 in maintaining every inch of ground, our division remained firm. The troops were marched in succession slowly, and within sight of the French, hoping that they would imagine the whole British army was come up. By this man?uvre two days were gained, but on the 4th a strong body of the enemy assembled at Marialva; and a squadron of horse, crossing the ford below that bridge, pushed at full force towards Gallegos, driving back the piquets. The enemy then passed the river, and the British retired, skirmishing upon Almeida, leaving two guns, a troop of British and one of German Hussars, to cover the movement. This rearguard drew up on a hill, half cannon-shot from a streamlet with marshy272 banks, which crossed the road to Almeida. In a few moments a column of French horsemen was observed coming on at a charging pace, diminishing its front as it 97approached the bridge, but resolute273 to pass, and preserving the most perfect order in spite of some well-directed shots from the guns. Captain Krauchenberg, of the Hussars, proposed to charge: the English officer did not conceive his order warranted it; but the gallant captain rode full speed against the head of the advanced column with his single troop, and with such a shock that he killed the leading officer, overthrew274 the front ranks, and drove the whole back.
This skirmish was followed by another on the 11th. On this occasion two French parties were observed, the one of infantry near Villa de Puerco, the other of cavalry at Barquillo. An open country on the right would have enabled the six squadrons to get between the infantry in Villa de Puerco and their point of retreat; this was circuitous275, and Crauford preferred pushing straight through a stone enclosure as the shortest road. The enclosure proved difficult, the squadrons were separated, and the French, two hundred strong, had time to draw up in a square on a rather steep rise of land; yet so far from the edge as not to be seen till the ascent was gained. The two squadrons which first arrived galloped276 in upon them; and the charge was rough and pushed home, but failed. The troopers received the fire of the square in front and on both sides, and in passing saw and heard the French captain, Gauche277, and his sergeant-major, exhorting278 the men to shoot carefully. Meanwhile Colonel Talbot, mounting the hill with four squadrons of the 14th Dragoons, bore gallantly279 in upon Captain Gauche; but the latter again opened such a fire that Talbot himself and fourteen men went down close to the bayonets, and the stout280 Frenchman made good his retreat. Crauford fell back to Almeida, apparently281 disposed to cross the Coa; yet nothing was further from his thoughts. Braving the whole French army, he had kept, with a weak division, for three months within two 98hours’ march of sixty thousand men, appropriating the resources of the plains entirely282 to himself. Had he been satisfied with this feat, it would have shown him to be master of some prudence283; but forgetting that his stay beyond the Coa was a matter of sufferance rather than real strength, he resolved, with ambition not easily excusable, in defiance284 of reason and the repeated order of his general, to fight again on the right bank,—a piece of rashness for which we dearly paid.
Upon a calm review of the circumstances under which this engagement took place, I consider it little short of a miracle that a single British soldier survived to describe it. The troops we had to oppose were those of a well-disciplined army, they were commanded by officers of approved talent and courage, and outnumbered us at least in the proportion of four to one. Nor, mingled as I was among the most furious combatants, can I conceive how it happened that I escaped unhurt; to be sure, this is talking as if God and His providence were banished285 from the earth. Danger and death were undoubtedly286 averted by the unperceived but almighty agency of the Divine protection; that delivered my soul from perdition, my eyes from tears, and my feet from falling, in order that in future my days, so singularly lengthened287, should be devoted221 to His service. He gave His angels charge concerning me: such, at least, is my conviction. Millions of spiritual creatures walk the earth, both when we wake and when we sleep: these are all ministering spirits, sent forth to minister to those who are the heirs of salvation288; and as I humbly289 raise my claim for a share therein, why should it be thought a thing incredible that the Almighty was my special defence,
‘And turned aside the fatal blow,
And lifted up my sinking head’?
On the evening of the 24th of July, which was stormy, 99a most dangerous crisis arrived, and it proved to be a memorable290 period. Our whole force under arms consisted of four thousand infantry, eleven hundred cavalry, and six guns; and the position occupied was about one mile and a half in length, extending in an oblique291 line towards the Coa. The cavalry piquets were upon the plain in front, the right on some broken ground, and the left resting on an unfinished tower eight hundred yards from Almeida; the rear was on the edge of the ravine forming the channel of the Coa, and the bridge was more than a mile distant in the bottom of the chasm. The lightning towards midnight became unusually vivid. Having been under arms for several hours, we were drenched292 with rain. As the day dawned a few pistol-shots in front, followed by an order for the cavalry reserve and the guns to advance, gave notice of the enemy’s approach; and as the morning cleared, twenty-four thousand French infantry, five thousand cavalry, and thirty pieces of artillery were observed marching from Turones. Our line was immediately contracted, and brought under the edge of the ravine. In an instant four thousand hostile cavalry swept the plain, and our regiment was unaccountably placed within an enclosure of solid masonry293 at least ten feet high, situate on the left of the road, with but one narrow outlet294 about half musket116-shot down the ravine.
While thus shut up the firing in front redoubled, the cavalry, the artillery, and the cacadores successively passed by in retreat, and the sharp clang of the 95th Rifles was heard along the edge of the plain above. A few moments later and we should have been surrounded; but here, as in every other part of the field, the quickness and knowledge of the battalion110 officer remedied the faults of the general. In little more than a minute, by united effort, we contrived to loosen some large stones, when, by a powerful exertion, we burst the enclosure, and the regiment, reformed in 100column of companies, was the next instant up with the riflemen. There was no room to array the line, no time for anything but battle; every captain carried off his company as an independent body, the whole presenting a mass of skirmishers, acting69 in small parties and under no regular command, yet each confident in the courage and discipline of those on his right and left, and all regulating their movements by a common discretion. Having the advantage of ground and number, the enemy broke over the edge of the ravine; their guns, ranged along the summit, played hotly with grape; and their hussars, galloping295 over the glacis of Almeida, poured down the road, sabreing everything in their way. The British regiments, however, extricated296 themselves from their perilous297 situation. Falling back slowly, and yet stopping and fighting whenever opportunity offered, they made their way through a rugged country, tangled298 with vineyards, in despite of the enemy, who was so fierce and eager, that even the horsemen rode in among the enclosures striking at us, as we mounted the walls or scrambled299 over the rocks. Just then, I found myself within pistol-shot of the enemy, while my passage was checked by a deep chasm or ravine. As not a moment was to be lost, I contrived to mount to the edge, and, having gained the opposite side, put myself in a crouching300 position, and managed to slide down the steep and slippery descent without injury.
On approaching the river, a more open space presented itself; but the left wing being harder pressed, and having the shortest distance, the bridge was so crowded as to be impassable. Here therefore we made a stand. The post was maintained until the enemy, gathering301 in great numbers, made a second burst, when the companies fell back. At this moment the right wing of the 52nd was seen marching towards the bridge, which was still crowded with the passing troops, when M’Leod, a very young man, immediately turned his horse round, called to the troops to follow, and, taking 101off his cap, rode with a shout towards the enemy. The suddenness of the thing, and the distinguished302 action of the man, produced the effect he designed. We all rushed after him, cheering and charging as if a whole army were behind to sustain us; the enemy’s skirmishers, amazed at this unexpected movement, were directly checked. The conflict was tremendous. Thrice we repulsed303 the enemy at the point of the bayonet. M’Leod was in the hottest of the battle, and a ball passed through the collar of his coat; still he was to be seen with a pistol in his right hand, among the last to retire. At length the bugle304 sounded for retreat. Just then, my left-hand man, one of the stoutest305 in the regiment, was hit by a musket-shot; he threw his head back, and was instantly dead. I fired at the fellow who shot my comrade; and before I could re-load, my pay-sergeant, Thomas, received a ball in the thigh306, and earnestly implored307 me to carry him away. As the enemy was not far off, such a load was by no means desirable; but he was my friend. I therefore took him up; and though several shots were directed to us, they all missed, and I was able, though encumbered308 with such weight, to carry him safely over the bridge. At length the assistance of another soldier was procured. We then carried the wounded man between us, and placed him on a car, when he returned me sincere thanks.
As the regiments passed the bridge, they planted themselves in loose order on the side of the mountain; the artillery drew up on the summit, and the cavalry were disposed in parties on the roads to the right, because two miles higher up the stream there were fords, and beyond them the bridge of Castello Bom. The French skirmishers, swarming309 on the right bank, opened a biting fire, which was returned as bitterly; the artillery on both sides played across the ravine, the sounds were repeated by numberless echoes, and the smoke, rising slowly, resolved itself into an immense arch, 102sparkling with the whirling phases of the flying shells. The enemy despatched a dragoon to try the depth of the stream above; but two shots from the 52nd killed man and horse, and the carcases floating down the river discovered that it was impassable. The monotonous310 tones of a French drum were then heard, and in another second the head of a column was at the long, narrow bridge. A drummer and an officer in splendid uniform leaped forward together, and the whole rushed on with loud cries. The depth of the ravine at first deceived the soldiers’ aim on our side, and two-thirds of the passage were won before an English shot had brought down an enemy. A few paces onward188 the line of death was traced, and the whole of the leading French section fell as one man. Still the gallant column pressed forward, but no foot could pass that terrible line. The killed and wounded rolled together, until the heap rose nearly to a level with the parapet. Our shouts now rose loudly, but they were confidently answered; and in half an hour a second column, more numerous than the first, again crowded the bridge. This time the range was better judged, and ere half the distance was passed, the multitude was again torn, shattered, dispersed, and slain311. Ten or twelve men only succeeded in crossing, and took shelter under the rocks at the brink312 of the river. The skirmishing was renewed, and a French surgeon, coming down to the very foot of the bridge, waved his handkerchief, and commenced dressing313 the wounded under the hottest fire. The appeal was heard; every musket turned from him, although his still undaunted countrymen were preparing for a third attempt. This last effort was comparatively feeble, and soon failed. The combat was nevertheless continued by the French, as a point of honour to cover the escape of those who had passed the bridge, and by the English from ignorance of their object. One of the enemy’s guns was dismantled, a powder magazine blew up, and many continued to fall on both sides till four o’clock, 103when a heavy rain caused a momentary314 cessation of fire. The men among the rocks returned unmolested to their own party, the fight ceased, and we retired behind the Pinkel river. On our side upwards of three hundred were killed or wounded. The French lost more than a thousand men.
During the march that ensued, which of necessity was rapid, my mind was deeply impressed with the occurrences of the preceding eventful day. Many of my valued friends were missing, and their remains lay unburied on the spot where they fell. Colonel Hull315, who had joined the regiment only the day before the action, was killed; and I afterwards saw his body, with the face downwards316, thrown across the back of a mule317, for conveyance318 to some place of interment. The colonel’s nephew was also badly wounded in the mouth, and obliged to return to England. Despondency is not, however, the fitting mood for a soldier. Tears for the dead were soon brushed away, and, to secure our own preservation, thought was soon diverted from musing319 on the past to the active operations before us. Unremitted exertions were made by the commissariat to provide us with necessaries. Grapes were plentiful320; vegetables also were within reach. Bread in sufficient quantities, with a pipe of wine in front for regimental use, afforded an agreeable prospect321; and the evening after the arrival of this welcome reinforcement was spent in a good-humoured review of dangers gone by.
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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premise
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| n.前提；v.提论，预述 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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seraph
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| n.六翼天使 | |
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eddying
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| 涡流，涡流的形成 | |
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gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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31
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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32
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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33
metes
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的第三人称单数 ) | |
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34
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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35
reined
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| 勒缰绳使（马）停步( rein的过去式和过去分词 )； 驾驭； 严格控制； 加强管理 | |
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36
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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37
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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38
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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39
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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40
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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41
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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42
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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43
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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44
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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45
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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46
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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47
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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48
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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49
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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50
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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51
riveted
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| 铆接( rivet的过去式和过去分词 )； 把…固定住； 吸引； 引起某人的注意 | |
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52
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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53
recollected
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| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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54
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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55
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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56
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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57
watery
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| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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58
ledge
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| n.壁架，架状突出物；岩架，岩礁 | |
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59
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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60
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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61
debarkation
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| n.下车，下船，登陆 | |
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62
rust
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| n.锈；v.生锈；(脑子)衰退 | |
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63
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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64
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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65
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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66
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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67
hilarity
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| n.欢乐；热闹 | |
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68
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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69
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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70
dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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71
intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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72
forerunners
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| n.先驱( forerunner的名词复数 )；开路人；先兆；前兆 | |
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73
regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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74
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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75
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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76
berths
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| n.（船、列车等的）卧铺( berth的名词复数 )；（船舶的）停泊位或锚位；差事；船台vt.v.停泊( berth的第三人称单数 )；占铺位 | |
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77
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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78
ruffle
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| v.弄皱，弄乱；激怒，扰乱；n.褶裥饰边 | |
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79
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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80
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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81
pints
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| n.品脱( pint的名词复数 )；一品脱啤酒 | |
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82
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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83
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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85
scorching
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| adj. 灼热的 | |
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86
vertical
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| adj.垂直的，顶点的，纵向的；n.垂直物，垂直的位置 | |
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87
wither
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| vt.使凋谢，使衰退，(用眼神气势等)使畏缩；vi.枯萎，衰退，消亡 | |
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88
blistered
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|
| adj.水疮状的，泡状的v.（使）起水泡( blister的过去式和过去分词 )；（使表皮等）涨破，爆裂 | |
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89
inflamed
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|
| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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91
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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92
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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93
scattered
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|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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94
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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95
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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96
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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97
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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98
twigs
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| 细枝，嫩枝( twig的名词复数 ) | |
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99
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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100
victorious
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|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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101
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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102
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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103
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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104
quench
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| vt.熄灭，扑灭；压制 | |
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105
brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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106
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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107
descried
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|
| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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108
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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109
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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110
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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111
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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112
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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113
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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114
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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115
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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116
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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117
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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118
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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119
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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120
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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121
plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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122
trot
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| n.疾走，慢跑；n.老太婆；现成译本；(复数）trots:腹泻（与the 连用）；v.小跑，快步走，赶紧 | |
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123
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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124
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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125
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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126
augury
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| n.预言，征兆，占卦 | |
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127
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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128
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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129
shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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130
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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131
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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132
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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133
putrid
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| adj.腐臭的；有毒的；已腐烂的；卑劣的 | |
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134
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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135
stagnant
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| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
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136
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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137
infamously
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| 不名誉地 | |
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138
secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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139
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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140
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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141
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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142
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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143
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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144
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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145
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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146
abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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147
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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148
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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149
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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150
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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151
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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152
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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153
bruising
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| adj.殊死的；十分激烈的v.擦伤(bruise的现在分词形式) | |
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154
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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155
halve
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| vt.分成两半，平分；减少到一半 | |
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156
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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157
acorns
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| n.橡子，栎实( acorn的名词复数 ) | |
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158
hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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159
pittance
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| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
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160
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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161
forage
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| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
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162
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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163
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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164
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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165
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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166
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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167
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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168
assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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169
nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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170
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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171
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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172
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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173
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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174
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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175
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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176
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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177
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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178
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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179
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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180
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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181
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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182
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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183
enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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184
dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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185
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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186
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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187
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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188
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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189
procrastination
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| n.拖延，耽搁 | |
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190
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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191
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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192
moored
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| adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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193
hissing
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| n. 发嘶嘶声, 蔑视 动词hiss的现在分词形式 | |
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194
mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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195
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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196
hoist
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| n.升高，起重机，推动；v.升起，升高，举起 | |
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197
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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198
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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199
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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200
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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201
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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202
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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203
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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204
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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205
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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206
chasm
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| n.深坑，断层，裂口，大分岐，利害冲突 | |
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207
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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208
portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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209
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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210
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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211
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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212
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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213
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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214
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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215
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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216
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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217
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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218
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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219
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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220
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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221
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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222
devotedness
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223
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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224
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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225
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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226
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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227
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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228
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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229
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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230
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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231
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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232
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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233
averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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234
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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235
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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236
inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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237
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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238
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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239
epitome
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| n.典型，梗概 | |
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240
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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241
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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242
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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243
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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244
deceptive
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| adj.骗人的，造成假象的，靠不住的 | |
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245
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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246
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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247
sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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248
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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249
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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250
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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251
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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252
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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253
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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254
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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255
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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256
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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257
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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258
scooped
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| v.抢先报道( scoop的过去式和过去分词 )；（敏捷地）抱起；抢先获得；用铲[勺]等挖（洞等） | |
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259
eluding
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的现在分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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260
recoiled
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| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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261
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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262
darted
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| v.投掷，投射( dart的过去式和过去分词 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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263
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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264
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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265
wreaked
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| 诉诸（武力），施行（暴力），发（脾气）( wreak的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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266
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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267
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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268
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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269
acceded
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|
| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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270
bruises
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| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
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271
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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272
marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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273
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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274
overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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275
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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276
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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277
gauche
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| adj.笨拙的，粗鲁的 | |
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278
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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279
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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281
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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282
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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283
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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284
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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285
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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286
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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287
lengthened
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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288
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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289
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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290
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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291
oblique
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| adj.斜的，倾斜的，无诚意的，不坦率的 | |
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292
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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293
masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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294
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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295
galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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296
extricated
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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297
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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298
tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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299
scrambled
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| v.快速爬行( scramble的过去式和过去分词 )；攀登；争夺；（军事飞机）紧急起飞 | |
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300
crouching
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的现在分词 ) | |
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301
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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302
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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303
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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304
bugle
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| n.军号，号角，喇叭；v.吹号，吹号召集 | |
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305
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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306
thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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307
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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308
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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309
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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310
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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311
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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312
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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313
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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314
momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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315
hull
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| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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316
downwards
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| adj./adv.向下的（地），下行的（地） | |
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317
mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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318
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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319
musing
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| n. 沉思，冥想 adj. 沉思的, 冥想的 动词muse的现在分词形式 | |
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320
plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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321
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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