CHAPTER II. THE REGALIA, OR RIGHTS OF ROYALTY.

 In the strict theory of the Anglosaxon constitution the King was only one of the people[27], dependent upon their election for his royalty³, and upon their support for its maintenance. But he was nevertheless the noblest of the people, and at the head of the state, as long as his reign⁴ was felt to be for the general good, the keystone and completion of the social arch. Accordingly he was invested with various dignities and privileges, enabling him to exercise public functions necessary to the weal of the whole state, and to fill such a position in society as belonged to its chief magistrate⁵. Although his life, like that of every other man, was assessed at a fixed⁶ price,—the price of an æðeling or person of royal blood,—it was further guarded by an equal amount, to be levied⁷ under the name of cynebót, the price of his royalty; and the true character of these distinctions is clear from the fact of the
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first sum belonging to the family, the second to the people[28].
His personal rights, or royalties⁸, consisted in the possession of large domains⁹ which went with the crown[29], a sort of τεμενος, which were his own property only while he reigned¹¹, and totally distinct from such private estates as he might purchase for himself; in short his Woods and Forests, which the Crown held under the guarantee and supervision¹² of the Witena gemót. Also, in the right to receive naturalia, or voluntary contributions in kind from the free men, which gradually became depraved into compulsory¹³ payments. Of these the earliest mention is by Tacitus[30], who tells us that it was the custom, voluntarily and according to the power of the people, to present their princes with cattle and corn, which was not only a mark of honour but a substantial means of support; and the annals of
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the Frankish kings abound¹⁴ with instances of these presentations, which generally took place at the great meetings of the people, or Campus Madius[31]. His further privileges consisted in the right to receive a portion of the fines payable¹⁵ for various offences, and the confiscation¹⁶ of offenders¹⁷’ estates and chattels¹⁸; in various distinctions of dress, dwelling¹⁹, and the like; above all, in the maintenance of a standing²⁰ army of comrades, called at a late period Húscarlas or household troops. It was for him to call together the Witena gemót or great council of the realm, whenever occasion demanded, and to lay before them propositions touching²¹ the general welfare of the state; in concurrence²² also with them, to extend or amend²³ the existing legislation. At the same time I do not find that he possessed²⁴ the power of dismissing these counsellors when he thought he had had enough of their advice, or of preventing them from meeting without his special summons: in which two rights, when
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injudiciously exercised, the historian finds the key to the downfall of so many monarchies²⁶. As general conservator of the public peace, both against foreign and domestic disturbers, the king could call out the fyrd, an armed levy²⁷ or militia²⁸ of the freemen, proclaim his peace upon the high-roads, and exact the cumulative²⁹ fines by which the breach³⁰ of it was punished. He was also the proper guardian³¹ of the coinage; and, in some respects, the fountain of justice, seeing that he might be resorted to, if justice could not be obtained elsewhere. We may also look upon him as, at least to a certain degree, the fountain of honour, since he could promote his comrades, thanes or ministers to higher rank, or to posts of dignity and power. All these various rights and privileges he possessed and exercised, by and with the advice, consent and licence of his Witena gemót or Parliament. It is desirable to consider the various details connected with this subject, in succession, and to illustrate³⁴ them by examples from Anglosaxon authorities.
Although under a Christian³⁵ dispensation the king could no longer be considered as appertaining to a family exclusively divine, yet the old national tradition still aided in securing to him the highest personal position in the commonwealth³⁶. He had a wergyld indeed, but it far exceeded that of any other class: nor was it in this alone that his paramount³⁷ dignity was recognized, but in the comparative amount of the fines levied for offences against himself, his dependents or his property. And as the principle of all Teutonic law is, that the
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amount of bót or compensation shall vary directly with the dignity of the party leased, the high tariff³⁸ appointed for royalty is evidence that the king really stood at the summit of the social order, and was the first in rank and honour, whatever he may have been in power. This is equally apparent in the earliest law, that of Æðelberht, as in Eádweard the Confessor’s, the latest. Thus, if he called his Leóde, fideles or thanes, to him, and they were injured on the way, a compensation double the ordinary amount could be exacted, and in addition a fine of fifty shillings to the king[32]. And so likewise, if he honoured a subject by drinking at his house, all offences, then and there committed, were punishable by a double fine[33]. Theft from him bore a ninefold, from a ceorl or freeman only a threefold, compensation[34]. His mundbyrd or protection was valued at fifty shillings; that of an eorl and ceorl at twelve and six respectively[35]: this applied³⁹ to the cases where a man slew⁴⁰ another in the king’s tún, the eorl’s tún, or the ceorl’s edor[36]; and to the dishonour⁴¹ of his maiden⁴²-serf, which involved a fine of fifty shillings, while the eorl’s female cupbearer was protected only to the amount of twelve, the ceorl’s to that of six shillings[37]. His messenger or armourer, if by chance they were guilty of manslaughter, could only be sued for a mitigated⁴⁴ wergyld, by
34
which they, though probably unfree, were placed upon a footing of equality with the freeman[38]. His word, like that of a bishop⁴⁵, was to be incontrovertible, that is, no oath could be tendered to rebut⁴⁷ it[39]. He that fought in the king’s hall, if taken in the act, was liable to the punishment of death, or such doom⁴⁸ as the king should decree[40]: the king’s burhbryce, or violence done to his dwelling, was valued at 120 shillings, an archbishop’s at 90, a bishop’s or ealdorman’s at 60, a twelfhynde man’s at 30, a syxhynde’s at 15, but a ceorl’s or freeman’s only at 5; and these sums were to be doubled if the militia was on foot[41]. His borhbryce, or breach of surety, and his mundbyrd or protection were raised by Ælfred to five pounds, while the archbishop’s was valued at three, the bishop’s or ealdorman’s at two pounds[42]. He could give sanctuary⁴⁹ to offenders for nine days[43], and peculiar⁵⁰ privileges of the same kind were extended to those monasteries⁵¹ which were subject to his farm or pastus[44]. His geneát or comrade, if of the noble class, could swear for sixty hides of land[45]. His horsewealh, the Briton employed in his stables, was placed on an equal footing with the freeman, at a
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wergyld of 200 shillings[46]; and even his godson had a particular protection[47]. Lastly, high-treason, by compassing the king’s death, harbouring of exiles, or of the king’s rebellious⁵² dependents, was made liable to the punishment of death[48].
The political position of the king, at the head of the state, was secured by an oath of allegiance taken to him, by all subjects of the age of twelve years[49],
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the ealdormen in the shires, the geréfan in the various districts or towns, summoned his witan and
37
the legal period of majority among the Germans, for public purposes. In this capacity he appointed
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named the members of their body[50]. In this capacity he was empowered to inflict⁵³ fines upon the public officers, and even private individuals, for such neglect of duty as endangered the public interests: these fines were paid under the title of the king’s oferhýrnes, literally⁵⁵ his disobedience: thus, if a man when summoned refuse to attend the gemót; if a geréfa refuse to do justice, when called upon, or to put the law in execution against offenders[51], and in other similar cases where the whole framework of society requires the existence of a central support, having power to hold its scattered⁵⁶ elements together, and in their places.
The maintenance of the public peace is the first duty of the king, and he is accordingly empowered to levy fines for all illegal breaches⁵⁷ of it, by offences against life, property or honour[52]: in very grave cases of continued guilt⁴³, he is even entrusted⁵⁸
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with the right of banishing⁵⁹ and outlawing⁶⁰ offenders, whose wealth and family connexions seem to place them beyond the reach of ordinary jurisdictions[53]. Where the course of private war is to be settled by the legal compensations, it is the king’s peace which is established between the contending parties, the relatives and advocates of the slayer⁶³ and the slain[54]. And in accordance with these principles, we find the kings’s peace peculiarly proclaimed upon the great roads which are the highways of commerce and means of internal communication, and the navigable streams by which cities and towns are supplied with the necessary food for their inhabitants[55]. And hence also he was allowed to proclaim his peace over all the land at certain times and seasons; as, for eight days at his coronation, and the same space of time at Christmas, Easter and Whitsuntide. He might also, either by his hand or writ⁶⁴, give the privileges of his peace to estates which would otherwise not have possessed it, and thus place them upon the same footing of protection as his own private residences[56]. The great divisions of the country, that is the shires, could only
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be determined⁶⁵ by the central power: it is therefore provided that these shall be in the especial right of the king: “Divisiones scirarum regis proprie cum iudicio quatuor chiminorum regalium sunt[57].” And to the end of maintaining peace, it appears to me that the king must also have been the authority to whom, at least in theory, it was left to settle the boundaries even of private estate; which on the conversion⁶⁶ of folcland into bócland, he did, generally by his officers, but sometimes in person[58].
But the great machinery⁶⁷ for keeping peace between man and man, is the establishment of courts of justice, and a system by which each man can have law, by the consent and with the co-operation of his neighbours, without finding it necessary to arm in his own defence. It has been shown in the First Book, that such means did exist in the Mark and Gá courts; and that for nearly all the purposes of society, it is sufficient and advisable that justice should be done within the limits and by the authority
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of the freemen. A centralized system however brings modifications⁶⁸ with it, even into the administration of justice. If, as I believe, the original king was a judge, who superinduced the warlike upon his peaceful functions, we can easily see how, with the growth of the monarchy⁶⁹, the judicial⁷⁰ authority of the king should become extended. I cannot doubt that, in the historical times of the Anglosaxons, the king was the fountain of justice; by which expression I certainly do not mean that every suit must be commenced in one of the superior courts, or by an original writ, issuing out of the royal chancery[59], but that the king was looked upon as the authority by whom the judges were supported and upheld, who was to be appealed to, if no justice could be got elsewhere, and who had the power to punish malversation in its administration by his officers.
We may leave the tale of Ælfred’s hanging the unjust judges to the same veracious⁷¹ chapter of history as records his invention of trial by jury: but it is obvious, from the words of his biographer, that he assumed some right to direct them in the exercise of their functions. He there appears not to have waited until complaints were made of their maladministration; but to have adopted the Frankish and Roman custom of dispatching Missi or royal commissioners⁷² into the provinces subject to his rule, in order to keep a proper check upon the
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proceedings⁷³ of the public officers of justice. Asser says,—and I record his words with the highest respect and admiration⁷⁵ of Ælfred’s real and great deserts,—that “he investigated with great sagacity the judgments⁷⁶ given throughout almost all his region, which had been delivered when he was not present, as to what had been their character, whether they were just, or unjust. And if he detected any injustice⁷⁸ in such judgments, he, either in person, or by people in his confidence, mildly enquired⁷⁹ why the judges had given such unjust decisions, whether through ignorance, or through malversation of another kind, as fear, or favour, or hope of gain. And then, if the judges admitted that they had so decided⁸⁰, because they knew no better in the premises⁸¹, he would gently and moderately correct their ignorance and folly⁸², and say: ‘I marvel⁸³ at your insolence⁸⁴, who, by God’s gift and mine, have taken upon yourselves the ministry⁸⁵ and rank of wise men, but have neglected the study and labour of wisdom. Now it is my command that ye either give up at once the administration of those secular⁸⁶ powers which ye enjoy, or pay a much more devoted⁸⁷ attention to the studies of wisdom.’”
A certain pedantry⁸⁸ is obvious enough in all this story, which, taken literally, under the circumstances of the time, is merely childish. Still, as Asser, though he may not entirely⁹⁰ represent the facts of this period[60] in their true Germanic sense,
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does very likely represent some of the king’s private wishes and opinions, this, among other passages, may serve to show why, in spite of his great merits, Ælfred once in his life had not a man to trust to in his realm. Let us look at the matter a little more closely. In the many kingdoms and districts which by conquest or inheritance came under the Westsaxon rule, various customary laws had prevailed[61]. It is very natural that judgments given in accordance with these customs should often appear inconsistent and discordant⁹¹ to a body of men collected from different parts of the realm. Asser is therefore very probably in the right, when he says: “The nobles and non-nobles alike were frequently at variance⁹² in the meetings of the comites and praepositi, [that is, in the Witena gemóts,] so that scarcely any one would admit the decisions of the comites and praepositi [that is, in the shire, hundred and burhmót] to be correct.” But it is also probable that he misstates or overstates the extent of the royal power, when he continues: “But Ælfred, who for his own part knew that some injustice arose thereby⁹³, was not very willing to meddle⁹⁴ with the decision of this judge or that; although he was compelled thereunto both by force of law and by stipulation[62].”
For in fact the king was the authority to be resorted to in the last instance; not because he could
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introduce a system of jurisprudence founded upon Roman Decretals or Alaric’s Breviary,—which his favourite advisers⁹⁵ would probably have liked much better than his ealdormen, præfects and people,—but because he could lend the aid of the state to enforce the judgments of the several courts, or even compel the courts to give judgment⁷⁷, by reason of the central power which he wielded⁹⁶ as king. As long however as the courts themselves were willing to decide causes brought before them, which the people assembled in the gemóts did, under the presidency⁹⁷ and direction of the customary officers, the king had no right to interfere⁹⁸: and even to appeal to the king until justice had been actually denied in the proper quarter was an offence under the Saxon law, punishable by fine[63]. In short, under that law, the people were themselves the judges, and helped the geréfa to find the judgment, be the court what it might be. The king’s authority could give no more than power to execute the sentence. It is remarkable⁹⁹ enough that while Asser speaks of the instruction and correction which Ælfred administered to his judges, he does not even insinuate¹⁰⁰ that their decisions were reversed,—a fact perfectly¹⁰¹
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intelligible¹⁰² when we bear in mind that these decisions were not those of judges in our sense of the word, and as the Mirror plainly understood them, but of the people in their own courts, finding the judgment according to customary law. It would have been a very different case had the courts been the king’s courts; and in those where the class called king’s thanes stood to right either before the king himself, or the king’s geréfa, it is possible that Ælfred may have interfered¹⁰³. This he had full right to do, inasmuch as these thanes were exclusively his own sócmen, and must take such law as he chose to give them[64]. Indeed the words of Asser seem reconcileable with the general state of the law in Ælfred’s time only on the supposition that he refers to these royal courts or þeningmanna gemót; for the king could never have been expected to be present at every shire- or hundred-mót, and yet Asser says he diligently¹⁰⁴ investigated such judgments as were given when he was not present, almost all over his region. This only becomes probable when confined to the administration of justice in the several counties in his own royal courts, and by his own royal reeves, in whose method of proceeding⁷⁴ he was at liberty to introduce much more extensive alterations¹⁰⁶ at pleasure, than he could have done in the customary law of the shires or other districts.
If however justice was entirely denied in the shire or hundred, then, iure imperii, the king had
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the power of interfering¹⁰⁸: and as it seems clear that such a case could only arise from the influence of some great officer being exerted to prevent the due course of law, it follows that the only remedy would lie in the king’s power to repress him; either by removing him from his office, if one derived¹⁰⁹ from the crown, or iure belli, putting him down as a nuisance to the realm[65].
In the later times of the Anglosaxon monarchy, a more immediate¹¹⁰ interference of the king in the administration of justice is discernible. It consists in what might be called the commendation of suits to the notice of the proper courts: and this, which was done by means of a writ or insigel, probably at first took place only in the case where a sócman of the king was impleaded in the shiremoot touching property subject to its jurisdiction⁶¹, in fact where one party was a free landowner, the other in the king’s service or sócn; where of course the first would not stand to right in the royal courts, but before his peers in the shire or hundred[66]. There is
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no mention in the laws of the Insigel or Breve[67], but the charters give some evidence of what has
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been averred¹¹¹. In a very important record of the time of Æðelrǽd (990-995) these words occur[68]:— “This writing showeth how Wynflǽd led her witness at Wulfamere before King Æðelrǽd; now that was Sigeríc the archbishop, and Ordbyrht the bishop, and Ælfríc the ealdorman, and Ælfðrýð the king’s mother: and they all bore witness that Ælfríc gave Wynflǽd the land at Hacceburnan, and at Brádan-felda in exchange for the land at Deccet. Then at once the king sent by the archbishop and them that bore witness with him, to Leófwine, and informed him of this. But he would consent to nothing, but that the matter should be brought before the shiremoot. And this was done. Then
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the king sent by Ælfhere the abbot, his insigel to the gemót at Cwichelmeshlǽw, and greeted all the Witan who were there assembled,—that is, Æðelsige the bishop, and Æscwig the bishop, and Ælfríc the abbot, and all the shire, and bade them arbitrate between Leófwine and Wynflǽd, as to them should seem most just[69].”
There can be no mistake about the fact; but it does not amount to a proof that the cause could not have been settled without this formality: both parties to it were of the highest rank; but if the king’s arbitration¹¹³ were refused, the title to the land at Bradfield could legally be tried only in the county of Berkshire in which it lay. Something similar may have been intended by the notice which occurs in the record of another shiregemót (held about 1038 at Ægelnóðes stán in Herefordshire) where it is said that Tófig Prúda came thither¹¹⁴ on the kings errand[70].
PARDON.—When judgment was pronounced, it appears that in certain cases, at least, the king possessed the power to stay execution and pardon the offender,—an exertion¹¹⁵ of the royal prerogative¹¹⁶ which one feels pleasure in thus referring to so
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ancient a period. The necessary evidence is supplied in many passages of the Laws[71].
ESCHEAT AND FORFEITURE¹¹⁸.—As the royal power became consolidated¹²⁰, and the great struggle between centralization and local independence assumed the new form of offences against the state, the nature of punishments became somewhat changed. The old pecuniary¹²¹ fines were found insufficient¹²² to repress disorder¹²³, and forfeiture to the king was resorted to, as a measure of increased severity. The laws proclaim this in the case of various breaches of the public peace: in treason Ælfred’s witan decreed not only the punishment of death, but also confiscation of all the possessions[72]: in addition to the capital penalty which was incurred¹²⁴ by fighting in the king’s house, forfeiture of all the chattels was decreed by Ini[73]. If a lord maintained and abetted¹²⁵ a notorious thief, he was to forfeit¹¹⁷ all he had[74]. And if he neglected the fines provided, and would break the public peace either by thieving or supporting thieves, it was provided that the public authorities should ride to him, that is make war upon him, and despoil¹²⁶ him of all he
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had, whereof half was to go to the king, half to the persons who took part in the expedition[75]. But the charters supply numerous instances of forfeiture in consequence of crime, where the bóclands as well as the chattels are seized into the king’s hand; though in the case of folcland it is possible that the king could not claim the forfeiture without a positive grant of the witan. About 900, Helmstán having been guilty of theft, Eánwulf, the king’s geréfa at Tisbury seized all his chattels to the king’s hand[76]: he held only lǽnland, and that could not be forfeited¹²⁷ by him; but the words made use of show, that had it been his own bócland, it would not have escaped. We have an instance of a thane forfeiting¹²⁸ lands to the king for adultery[77], although he only held them on lease from the bishop of Winchester; and in like manner, a lady was deprived of her estate for incontinence[78]. In 966 the bishop of Rochester having obtained judgment and damages against a lady, for forcible entry upon his lands (reáflác), the sheriff of Kent seized her manors¹²⁹ of
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Fawkham and Bromley; all her possessions being forfeited to the king[79]: lastly in various instances of theft, treason, and maintenance of ill-doers, we learn that their lands were forfeited to the king[80].
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In a case of intestacy, where there were no legal heirs, the king was allowed to enter upon the lands of Burghard, probably because he had been a royal geréfa[81]. And in the ninth century, Wulfhere, an ealdorman, having deserted¹³¹ his duchy, his country and his lord, without license¹³², his lands were adjudged as forfeit to the king[82]. It would seem however that the mere⁸⁹ neglect to cultivate or inhabit the land involved its confiscation to the king’s hand[83], which may have been confined to folcland.
FINES.—It is hardly necessary to enter into any
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great detail respecting the fines which were imposed for various offences against the state, and which were levied by the public officers to the king’s use. The laws abound with examples: it may in general be concluded that the proceeds were nearly absorbed by the cost of collection, and that little remained to the king when the portions of the ealdorman and geréfa had been deducted¹³³. But still these fines require a particular notice, because they are especially enumerated¹³⁵ by Cnut among the rights of his crown. He says:—“These are the rights which the king enjoys over all men in Wessex: that is, Mundbryce, and Hámsócne, Foresteal, Flýmena fyrmð, and Fyrdwíte, unless he will more amply honour any one, and concede to him this worship[84].” In Mercia, he declares himself entitled to the same rights[85], and also by the Danish law, that is in Northumberland and Eastanglia,—with the addition of Fihtwíte, and the fine for harbouring persons out of the Fríð or public peace[86]. These evidently belong to him in his character of conservator of that peace: Mundbryce is breach of his own protection: Hámsócn is an aggravated¹³⁶ assault upon a private dwelling: Foresteal here, the maintenance of criminals and interference to prevent the course of justice: Flýmena fyrmð, the comforting and supporting of outlaws¹³⁷ or fugitives¹³⁸: Fyrdwíte, the penalty for neglecting to attend, or for deserting, the armed levy when
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duly proclaimed: Fihtwíte is the penalty for making private war. These regalia he could grant to a subject if such were his pleasure. But they are far from exhausting the catalogue of his rights: he possessed many others, which were either honourable¹³⁹ or profitable, and were by him alienated¹⁴⁰ in favour of his lay or clerical favourites.
TREASURE TROVE⁴⁶.—The first of these is Treasure-trove, which was, in all probability, of considerable importance and value: it is designated in Anglosaxon charters by the words “ealle hordas búfan eorðan and binnan eorðan,” and frequently occurs in the grants to monastic houses. In very early and heathen periods various causes combined to render the burial of treasure common. It was a point of honour to carry as much wealth with one from this world to the next as possible; and it was a recognized duty of the comites and household of a chief to sacrifice at his funeral, whatever valuable chattels they might have gained in his service. We may infer from Beówulf[87] that a portion at least of the treasure he gained by his fatal combat with the firedrake was to accompany him in the tomb. Some of it was to be burnt with his body, but some, according to the practice of the pagan North, to be buried in the mound¹⁴¹ raised over his ashes[88].

Hí on beorg dydon
beág ⁊ beorht siglu,
. . . . . . . . . . . .
forléton eorla gestreón
eorðan healdan,
gold on greóte,
ðǽr hit nú gen lífað
eldum swá unnýt
swá hit ǽror wæs.
They put into the mound
rings and bright gems¹⁴²,
. . . . . . . . . . . .
they let earth hold
the gains of noble men,
gold in the dust,
where it doth yet remain
useless to men
even as before it was[89].
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When we consider the truly extraordinary number of mounds¹⁴³ or heathen burial-places which are mentioned in the boundaries of Saxon charters, we cannot doubt that large quantities of the precious metals were thus committed to the earth. To this superstitious¹⁴⁴ cause others of a more practical nature were added. In all countries where from want of commerce and convenient internal communication, or from general insecurity, there is no profitable investment for capital, hoarding¹⁴⁵ is largely resorted to by those who may chance to become possessed of articles of value: we need go no further than Ireland or France for an example, where one of the most striking signs of the prevalent barbarism, is the concealment¹⁴⁷ of specie and plate, often underground[90]. And in cases of sudden invasion, especially by enemies who had not the habit of sparing religious houses, the earth may have been resorted to as the safest depository of treasure
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which it was impossible to transport[91]. William of Malmesbury attributes to the fears of the Britons the accumulations which he says were frequently discovered in his own day[92], and there can be little doubt that this even among the Saxons tended to increase the quantity of gold and silver withdrawn¹⁴⁸ from general use. It may have been partly the conviction of the mischief¹⁵⁰ resulting to society from this habit,—by which gold was made “eldum swá unnýt swá hit ǽror wæs,”—that caused the very frequent and strong expression of blame which we find in Anglosaxon works applied to those who bury treasure, and apparently¹⁵¹ also to treasure-hunters. It may be that it was thought impious to violate even the heathen sanctuary of the dead; at all events, the popular belief was encouraged that buried treasure was guarded by spells, watched by dragons[93], and loaded with a curse which would cleave¹⁵² for ever to the discoverer: hidden gold is in
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fact always represented as heathen gold, which, we may readily suppose, could only be purified from its mischievous¹⁵³ qualities by passing through the hands of the universal purifiers in such cases, the clergy¹⁵⁴. Strictly¹⁵⁵ however the king was the proper owner of all treasure-trove, and where the lord of a manor¹³⁰ obtained the right to appropriate it to himself, it could only be by grant from the representative of the whole state[94]. Probably the sovereigns were not quite so superstitious as the bulk of their subjects, and certainly they were much better able to defend their own rights than the simple landowners in the rural districts. Still in a very great number of cases they granted away their privilege; probably finding it easier and more profitable to give it up to those who would have used it, without a grant, than to undergo the trouble of detecting and punishing them for taking it unpermitted into their own hands.
PASTUS or CONVIVIUM, Cyninges feorm.—One of the royal duties was to make, in person or by deputy, periodical journeys through the country, progresses, in the course of which the king visited different districts, proclaimed his peace, confirmed
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the rights and privileges of the freemen or free communities, and heard complaints against the officers of the executive, if such had arisen during the exercise of their functions. This, which on its first occurrence immediately after his election was known in Germany by the name of the Einritt ins land, or Landbereisung[95], was probably connected with the principle of the king’s being the proper guardian of the boundaries: and in the period when the people had lost the power of electing their king at a general meeting, it may have served the purpose of giving them an opportunity of becoming acquainted with the person of their ruler. It is difficult to say when the system of progresses entirely ceased; but there can be no doubt that it subsisted¹⁵⁶ in one form or another till a very late period in England. Under the Anglosaxon law it was by no means a matter of amusement or caprice, but of positive duty, on the part of the king; and Royalty in eyre was a necessary condition of a state of society which would have rejected as a ludicrous tyranny the pretension¹⁵⁸ of any one city to be the central deposit of all the powers and machinery of government. The kings of the Merwingian race in France, who probably retained something of an old priestly character, made these circuits in the celebrated¹⁵⁹ chariot drawn¹⁴⁹ by oxen, which later and ill-informed writers have imagined was a sign of their degradation¹⁶⁰, instead of their dignity[96]. Of this particular part of the ceremony no trace remains¹⁶¹
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in England, and it is probable that as occasion served, the king either rode on horseback, circumnavigated, or was towed or rowed along the navigable rivers[97]. On these occasions particularly, he had a right to claim harbour and refection for himself and a certain number of his suite¹⁶² in various places, principally religious houses. These claims, which answer in many respects to the procuratio of the ecclesiastical law, were gradually extended so as to include the royal commissioners or Missi, and in many cases became a fixed charge upon the lands, whether the king actually visited them or not[98].
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Very many of the charters granted to monasteries record the exemption¹⁶⁴ from them, purchased at a heavy price by prelates, from his avarice¹⁶⁵ or piety[99]. And as the king himself gradually ceased to undertake these distant and fatiguing¹⁶⁶ expeditions, and entrusted to his special messengers the task of seeing and hearing for him, so they in time established a claim to harbourage and reception in the same places. This was extended to all public officers going on the king’s affairs, called Angelcynnes men, Fæsting men, Rǽde fasting, and the like: to all messengers dispatched on the public service from one kingdom to another, while there were several kingdoms; and very probably to those who carried communications from the ealdormen to the king, when one rule comprehended all the several districts. And not only for those who travelled on important affairs of state, and who were very often persons of high birth and distinguished¹⁶⁷ station, but even for certain servants of the royal household were these claims enforced. The huntsmen, stable-keepers and falconers of the court could demand bed and board in the monasteries, where they were often unwelcome guests enough: and this royal right, no doubt frequently used by the ealdorman or sheriff as an engine of oppression, was also bought off at very high prices.
PALFREYS.—Somewhat allied¹⁶⁸ to this was the
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king’s right to claim the service of horses or palfreys, for the carriage of effects from one royal vill to another, or for the furtherance of his messengers or the public servants[100]. This, which in Hungary still subsists¹⁶⁹ under the name of Vorspann, was a heavy burthen, as it tended to withdraw horses from agricultural labour, at the moment when they were most wanted; and it is to be feared that they were, on this pretext¹⁷¹, only too often taken from the harvesting of the bishop or abbot and his tenants¹⁷², to secure that of the ealdorman. This therefore is frequently compounded for, at a dear rate, under the expression of freedom a parafrithis or paraveredis[101].
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VIGILIA.—Another right which the king claimed was that of having proper watch set over him when he came into a district. This, called Vigilia and Custodia in the Latin authorities, is the Heáfodweard, or Headward of the Saxons. It extended also to the guard kept for him on his hunting excursions[102]; and coupled with it was his claim to the assistance of a certain number of men in the hunt itself, either as beaters or managers of the nets in which deer were taken[103].
Sǽweard or coast-guard was also a royal right, performed by the tenants of those landowners whose estates lay contiguous to the sea. The miserable¹⁷⁴ condition to which England was frequently reduced, by the systematic¹⁷⁵ incursions of Scandinavian invaders¹⁷⁶, rendered this a very important duty, even in spite of the efforts of successive kings who early comprehended the destinies of this nation, and entrusted her defence to maritime¹⁷⁷ armaments. It seems probable that various ports on the coast of Kent and Norfolk may have been particularly charged with this burthen, and that the butsecarlas or shipmasters were held bound to supply craft on emergencies, or even for a regular system of
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patrolling. In this may have lain the foundation of the privileges enjoyed by the Cinque Ports, and similar coast towns, even before the Norman conquest.
ÆDIFICATIO.—It was further a royal right to claim the aid even of the freemen towards building and fencing the residence or fortress¹⁷⁸ of the king: a certain amount of personal labour was thus demanded of them, in analogy with the trinoda necessitas from which no estate could possibly be relieved. This kind of corvée was no doubt performed by tenants whom the landowners settled on their estates, but really was due from the landowners themselves, except where their estates of bócland had been expressly freed from the royal burthens. Where the royal vill was also a district fortification, not even this general exception relieved the bóclands; fortifications being especially reserved in every charter, as well as building and repair of bridges.
WRECK¹⁷⁹.—Doubts have been started upon the subject of wreck, which do not appear well founded: it is true that circumstances of suspicion attach to the documents upon which the arguments pro¹⁰ and con¹ were based in the time of Selden; but we are now in possession of further evidence, of a nature to remove all difficulty. I have no hesitation¹⁸⁰ in including Wreck, both jetsam and flotsam, among the Regalia, which were granted not only to ecclesiastical corporations, but even to private landowners.
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The History of Ramsey[104] states that Eádweard the Confessor, whereby he might show a profitable love to the place, bestowed¹⁸² upon it Ringstede[105] with the adjacent liberty, and all that the sea cast up, which is called Wreck. We have yet the charter by which this grant is supposed to have been made[106], and it is very explicit¹⁸³ upon the subject. After conveying lands and other possessions in Huntingdonshire, he proceeds to give several places, tenements¹⁸⁴ or rents, on the coast of Norfolk and the Wash, at Wells, and Branchester, etc. In the last-named place, he adds, “cum omni maris proiectu, quod nos anglicè shipwrec appellamus.” He further adds, “de meo iure quod mihi soli competebat, absque ullius reclamatione vel contradictione ista addidi: inprimis Ringested, cum omnibus ad se pertinentibus, et cum omni maris eiectu, quod shipwrec appellamus,” etc. Now, although the authenticity¹⁸⁶ of this charter, in its present form may be open to question, this fact does not of itself justify¹⁸⁷ us in at once concluding against the privilege claimed under it. On the other hand the recognized right of the king throughout the Norman times, and the total absence of any opposition¹⁸⁸ to its exercise, are primâ facie evidence of its having resided in the crown before the Conquest[107].
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Naufragium and Algarum maris are distinctly stated to be rights of the crown, in the laws of Henry the First[108], and we can give examples from other Saxon charters whose genuineness is beyond dispute. The Saxon Chronicle under the date 1029 records a grant made by Cnut to Christchurch, Canterbury, of the haven¹⁸⁹ of Sandwich. The passage is defective¹⁹⁰, but enough of it remains to prove that it refers to an original document, of which very early copies are still in our possession[109]. In this he says:—
“Concedo eidem aecclesiae ad victum monachorum portum de Sanduuíc et omnes exitus eiusdem aquae, ab utraque parte fluminis cuiuscumque terra sit, a Pipernæsse usque ad Mearcesfleóte, ita ut natante nave¹⁹¹ in flumine, cum plenum fuerit, quam longius de navi potest securis parvula quam Angli vocant Tapereax super terram proici, ministri aecclesiae Christi rectitudines accipiant, ... Si quid autem in magno mari extra portum, quantum mare¹⁹² plus se retraxerit, et adhuc statura unius hominis tenentis lignum quod Angli nominant spreot, et tendentis ante se quantum potest, monachorum est. Quicquid etiam ex hac parte medietatis maris inventum et delatum ad Sanduuíc fuerit, sive sit vestimentum, sive rete, arma, ferrum, aurum, argentum, medietas monachorum erit, alia pars¹⁹⁴ remanebit inventoribus.”
These words are quite wide enough to carry wreck, although this be not distinctly stated by name. But Eádweard the Confessor furnishes us
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with still further evidence. In a writ addressed by him to Ælfwold bishop of Sherborne, earl Harold, and Ælfred the sheriff of Dorsetshire, he says[110]: “Eádweard the king greets well Bishop Ælfwold, earl Harold, Ælfred the sheriff and all my thanes in Dorsetshire: and I tell you that Urk my húscarl is to have his strand¹⁹⁵, over against his own land, freely and well throughout, up from sea, and out on sea, and whatsoever¹⁹⁶ may be driven to his strand, by my full command.”
In this, as in many other cases, the principle seems to be, that that which has no ostensible¹⁹⁷ owner is the property of the state, or of the king as its representative; and hence, in the later construction of the law of wreck, it was necessary that an absolute abandonment should have taken place, before wreck could be claimed. If there were life on board, even a dog, cat, or lower animal, there could legally be no wreck, and this provision of the law has very often led to the perpetration of the most savage¹⁹⁸ murders, as a precaution lest any living creature, by reaching the strand, should defeat the avarice of its barbarous owners. From the little evidence we can now recover, of the Saxon practice, this limitation does not appear to have existed.
MINT.—The coinage has always in every country been numbered among the regalia, and this land appears to make no exception. Although the
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Witena gemót, in conjunction with the king, exercise a general superintendence over this most important branch of the public affairs, still certain details remain which belong to the king exclusively. The number of moneyers generally in the various localities, the necessity of having one standard over all the realm, the penalties for unfaithful discharge of the moneyer’s duty, or for fraudulently imitating the money of the state, and similar enactments¹⁹⁹, might be determined by the great council of the realm; but the coin bore the image and superscription of the king, he received a description of seigneuriage upon delivery of the dies, and he changed the coin when it seemed to require renovation²⁰¹ or improvement. Thus we learn that Eádgár called in the old, and issued a new coinage, in the year 975, because it had become so clipped as to fall far short of the standard weight[111]: and in the Domesday record, the dues payable to the king on each change of die are noticed[112]. It seems clear that this royal right had been assumed by private individuals, or granted to them, like other royalties, previous to the time of Æðelrǽd: that prince enacted²⁰² not only that there
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should be no moneyers beside the kings, but also that their number should be altogether diminished[113]; by which we may suppose that it was his intention to do away with the mints which the bishops²⁰³ had before possessed legally[114] in various towns, and which from the passages cited out of Domesday book, evidently continued to subsist¹⁵⁷, in spite of the provisions of the Council of Wantage. But if the coins themselves are to be trusted, we may conclude that on some occasions this right had been granted by the crown to others than the clergy. One piece still bears the name and head of Cyneðrýð, probably Offa’s queen[115]; and another with the impress of Hereberht, was probably coined by a Kentish duke. Both these cases, which are in themselves doubtful, are a hundred years earlier than Æðelrǽd’s law, above quoted.
MINES.—Mines and minerals are also among the regalia of a German king, and were so in England. The cases which principally come under our observation in the charters are salt-works and lead-mines; but in a document of the year 689, which however is not totally free from suspicion, Osuuini of Kent grants to Rochester a ploughland at Lyminge in Kent, in which he says there is a mine
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of iron[116]. In 716, Æðelbald of Mercia granted certain salt-works near the river Salwarpe at Lootwíc in Worcestershire, in exchange however for others to the north of the river[117]. In the same year he granted a hid of land in Saltwych, vico emptorio salis, to Evesham[118]. In 732, Æðelberht of Kent gave abbot Dun a quarter of a ploughland at Lyminge, where there were salt-works, that is evaporating pans[119], and added to it a grant of a hundred loads of wood per annum, necessary to the operation. In 738 Eádberht of Kent includes salt-works in a grant to Rochester[120], and similarly in 812, 814, Coenuulf, in grants to Canterbury[121]. In 833 Ecgberht gave salt-works in Kent, and a hundred and twenty loads of wood from the weald of Andred, to support the fires[122]. Three years later Wigláf of Mercia confirmed the liberties of Hanbury in Worcestershire, with all its possessions, including salt-wells and lead-works[123]. In 863, Æðelberht
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granted salt-works in Kent to Æðelred, with four waggons²⁰⁴ going for six weeks into the royal forest[124]. In 938, Æðelstán gave to Taunton three híds of land, and salt-pans[125].
The king in all these cases had possessed a right to levy certain dues at the pans or the pit’s mouth, upon the waggons as they stood, and upon the load being placed in them: these dues were respectively called the wǽnscilling and seámpending, literally wainshilling and loadpenny, and were entirely independent of the rent which might be reserved by the landlord for the use of the ground, whether he were the king or a private person. And immunity²⁰⁵ from these dues might also be granted by the crown, and was so granted. In 884, Æðelred, duke of Mercia, who acted as a viceroy in that new portion of Ælfred’s kingdom, and exercised therein all the royal rights as fully²⁰⁶ as any king did in his own territories, gave Æðelwulf five híds at Humbleton, and licence to have six salt-pans, free from all the dues of king, duke or public officer, but still reserving the rights of the landlord[126]. But the
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same prince, about the same period, when conferring various royalties upon the cathedral of Worcester, retained the king’s dues at the pans in Saltwíc[127].
The peculiar qualities of salt, which make it a necessary of life to man, have always given a special character to the springs and soils which contain it. The pagan Germans considered the salt-springs holy, and waged wars of extermination²⁰⁷ for their possession[128]; and it is not improbable that they may generally have belonged to the exclusive property of the priesthood. If so, we can readily understand how, upon the introduction of Christianity, they would naturally pass into the hands of the king: and this seems to throw light upon the origin of this royalty, which Eichhorn himself looks upon as difficult of explanation[129]. Many of the royal rights were unquestionably inherited from the pagan priesthood.
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MARKET.—The grant of a market, with power to levy tolls²⁰⁹ and exercise the police therein, was also a royalty, in the period of the consolidated monarchy; and to this head may be added the right to keep a private beam or steelyard, trutina or tróne, yard-measure, and bushel. Of these the charters supply examples. The last-named rights were purchased in 857 by bishop Alhhun of Worcester, from Burgred, who, as king of Mercia, disposed of them to him, with a small plot of land in London. The price paid was sixty shillings, or a pound, to Ceólmund, the owner of the land, a like sum to the king, and an annual rent of twelve shillings to the latter[130]. Thirty-two years later, Ælfred and Æðelred of Mercia gave another small plot in the same city to Werfrið, also bishop of Worcester. He was to have a steelyard, and a measure, both for buying and selling, or for his own private use. And if any of his people dealt in the street or on the bank where the sales took place, the king was to have his toll²⁰⁸: but if the bargain was struck within the bishop’s curtis, he was to have the toll[131].
In 904 Eádweard gave a market in Taunton to the bishop of Winchester, with the toll therefrom
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arising, by the name of “ðæs túnes cýping”[132]: and a few years earlier Æðelred of Mercia granted half the market-dues and fines at Worcester to the bishop of that city[133]. The Frankish emperors possessed and exercised the same right[134]. The strict law of the Anglosaxons, which treated all strangers with harshness, was unfavourable to the chapmen or pedlars, who in thinly-peopled countries are relied upon to bring markets home to every one’s door: and it must be admitted that, where internal communication is yet imperfect, stringent²¹⁰ measures are necessary to guard against the disposal of goods improperly²¹¹ obtained. The details of these measures belong to another part of this work, but it is necessary to call attention here to the endeavour on the part of the authorities, to confine all bargaining as much as possible to towns and walled places[135]: the small tolls payable on these occasions to the proper officers were a reasonable sacrifice for the sake of a certificate of fair dealing²¹², and the assured warranty²¹³ of what the Saxon law calls unlying witnesses. The king, as general conservator of the peace, had this royalty, and, as we have seen, granted it in various towns to those who would
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be able and willing to perform the duties which it implied.
TOLL.—Closely connected with this are tolls, which, here as well as in Germany, the king claimed in harbours, and upon transport by roads and by navigable streams[136], and which he either remitted²¹⁴ altogether in favour of certain favoured persons or empowered them to take; thus, in the first instance, creating for them a commercial monopoly of the greatest value, by enabling them to enter the market on terms of advantage. As early as the eighth century we find Æðelbald of Mercia granting to a monastery²¹⁵ in Thanet, exemption from toll throughout his kingdom for one ship of burthen[137], remitting²¹⁶ to Milræd, bishop of Worcester, the dues upon two ships, payable in the port of London[138], and to the bishop of Rochester the toll of one ship, whether his own or another’s, in the same port[139]. And the
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grant to St. Mildðrýð in Thanet was confirmed for himself, and increased by Eádberht of Kent in 761, and extended to London, Fordwíc and Seorre[140]; and if the actual ship to which this privilege was attached should become unseaworthy through age, or perish by shipwreck²¹⁸, a new one was to receive the same favour.
A common privilege in charters of liberties is Tol, but this probably refers rather to a right of taking it upon sales within the jurisdiction, than properly to dues levied on transport. Such however are occasionally mentioned as matter of grant. Eádmund Irensída, conveying lands which had belonged to Sigeferð (whose widow he had married), includes toll upon water-carriage among his rights[141]. Cnut gave the harbour and tolls of Sandwich to Christchurch Canterbury[142], together with a ferry. This right, under Harald Haranfót, was attempted to be interfered with by the abbot of St. Augustine’s, who even at last went so far as to dig a canal in order to divert the channel of trade; but the monks²²⁰ of Christchurch nevertheless succeeded in
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retaining their property[143]. These examples, although not very numerous, are sufficient to show that the
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Anglosaxon kings fully possessed the right of levying²²¹ and granting toll, as well as exemption from its payment; and they are sufficiently²²² confirmed by Domesday and the laws of the kings themselves[144].
FOREST.—It may be doubted whether the right of Forest was at any time carried among the Saxons to the extent which made it so hateful a means of oppression under the Norman kings; but there can be no question that it was one of the royalties. In every part of Germany the bannum Forestae or Forstbann
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was so[145], and even to this day is as much an object of popular dislike in some districts as it ever was among our forefathers²²³. In countries which depend much upon the immediate produce of the soil for support, hunting is not a mere amusement to be purchased or rented by the rich as a luxury, but a very necessary means of increasing the supply of food; and where coal-mines have not been worked, the forest alone or the turf-heap can furnish the means of securing warmth, as indispensable a necessary of life as bread or flesh: we have seen moreover that it was essential to the comfort of a Saxon family to possess a right of masting cattle in the neighbouring woods.
In the original division of the lands large tracts²²⁴ of forest may have fallen to the king’s share, which he could dispose of as his private property. Much of the folcland also may have been covered with wood, and here and there may have lain sacred groves²²⁵ not included within the limits of any community[146]. It is not unreasonable²²⁶ to suppose that all these were gradually brought under the immediate influence and authority of the king; and that when once the royal power had so far advanced as to reduce the scír-geréfa to the condition of a crown
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officer, the shire-marks or forests would also become subject to the royal ban[147]. That very considerable forest rights still continued to subsist in the hands of the free men, in their communities, may be admitted, and is evidence of the firm foundation for popular liberty which the old Mark-organization laid. But even in these, the possession was not left totally undisturbed, and the public officers, the king, ealdorman and geréfa appear to have gradually made various usurpations valid²²⁸.
Over his private forests the king naturally exercised all the rights of absolute ownership; and as his ban ultimately implies this, at least in theory, it becomes difficult to distinguish those which he dealt with as dominus fundi, from those in which he acted iure regali. That he reserved the vert and venison in some of them, and preserved with a strictness worthy²¹⁷ of more enlightened ages, is clear from the severe provisions of Cnut’s Constitutiones de Foresta[148]. According to this important document, the forest law was as follows. In every county there were to be four thanes, whose business it was, under the title of Head-foresters, primarii forestae, to hold plea of all offences touching the forest, and having the ban or power of punishing for such offences. Under them were sixteen lesser²²⁹ thanes, but gentlemen, whose business it was to
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look after the vert and venison; and these had nothing to do with the process in the forest court. To each of the sixteen were assigned two yeomen, who were to keep watch at night over the vert and venison, and do the necessary menial services: but they were freemen, and even employment in the forest gave freedom. All the expenses of these officers were defrayed by the king, and he further supplied the outfit²³⁰ of the several classes: to the head-foresters, yearly, two horses, one saddled, a sword, five lances, a spear, a shield and two hundred shillings of silver: to the second class, one horse, one lance, one shield and sixty shillings: to the yeomen, a lance, a cross-bow and fifteen shillings. All these persons were quit and free of all summonses, county-courts, and military dues: but the two secondary classes owed suit and surface to the court of the primarii (Swánmót), which held plea and gave judgment in their suits: in those of the primarii themselves, the king was sole judge. The court of the Forest was to be held four times a year, and was empowered to administer the triple ordeal²³¹, and generally to exercise such a jurisdiction as belonged only to the higher and royal courts. The persons of the head-foresters were guarded by severe penalties; violence offered to them was punished in a free man with loss of liberty, in a serf with loss of the hand; and a second offence entailed²³² the penalty of death.
The offences against the forest-law were various and of very different degrees: the ferae forestae were not nearly so sacred as the ferae regales, and
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as for the vert, it was of so little regard that the law hardly contemplated²³³ it, always excepting the breaking the king’s chace. To hunt a beast of the forest (fera forestae), either voluntarily or intentionally²³⁴, till it panted, was punished in a free man by a fine of ten shillings: in one of a lower grade[149], by a fine of twenty: in a serf, by a flogging. But if it were a royal beast (fera regalis) which the English call a stag, the punishments were to be respectively, one and two years servitude, and for the serf, outlawry²³⁵. If they killed it, the free man was to lose scutum libertatis[150], the next man his liberty, and the serf his life. Bishops, abbots and barons²³⁶ were not to be vexed²³⁷ with prosecutions²³⁸ for hunting, except they killed stags: in that case they were liable to such penalty as the king willed. Besides the beasts of the forest, the roebuck, hare and rabbit were protected by fines. Wolves and foxes were neither beasts of the forest nor chace, and might be killed with impunity²³⁹, but not within the bounds of the forest, as that would be a breaking of the chace; nor was the boar considered a beast of venery. No one was to cut brushwood without permission of the primarius, under a penalty; and he that felled a tree which supplied food for the beasts, was to pay a fine of twenty shillings over and above that for breaking the chace. Every free man might have his own vert and venison on his own lands, but without a chace; and no man
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of the middle class (mediocris) was to keep greyhounds. A gentleman (liberalis[151]) might, but he must first have the knee-sinew cut in presence of the head-forester, if he lived within ten miles of the forest: if his dogs came within that distance, he was to be fined a shilling a mile: if the dog entered the precincts of the forest, his master was to pay ten shillings. Other kinds of dogs, not considered dangerous, might be kept without mutilation; but if they became mad and by the negligence²⁴⁰ of their masters went wandering about, heavy fines were incurred. If found within the bounds of the forest, the fine was two hundred shillings: if such a rabid dog bit a beast of the forest, the fine rose to twelve hundred: but if a royal beast was bitten, the crime was of the deepest dye.
Such is the forest legislation of Cnut, and its severity is of itself evidence how much the power of the king had become extended at the commencement of the eleventh century. It is clear that he deals with all forests as having certain paramount rights therein, and it seems probable that this organization was intended to be established all over England. Still it is observable that he gives certain rights of hunting to all his nobles, reserving only the stags to himself, and that he allows every freeman to hunt upon his own property, so that he does not interfere with the royal chaces[152]. We may
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however infer that at an earlier period the matter was not regarded so strictly. A passage has been already cited[153] where Ælfred implies that a dependent living upon lǽnland could support himself by hunting and fishing, till he got bócland of his own. The bishops possessed the right in their forests—whether proprio iure or by royal grant, I will not venture to decide—as early as the ninth century[154], and still retained it in the tenth[155]. And while the communities were yet free it is absurd to suppose that they allowed any one to interfere with this pursuit, so attractive to every Teuton, so healthy, so calculated to practise his eye and limbs for the sterner duties of warfare²⁴¹, and so useful to recruit a larder²⁴² not over well stored with various or delicate viands²⁴³.
However this may have been with the game, it is certain that the most important privileges were those of masting swine, and cutting timber or brushwood in the forests[156]. Grants to this effect are
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common, and it is plain that a considerable quantity of woods were in the hands of corporations, and even of private individuals, as well as of the Crown. How they came into private hands is not clear; some perhaps by bargain and sale, some by inheritance, some by grant, some no doubt by usurpation²²⁷. The most powerful markman may at last have contrived²⁴⁴ to appropriate to himself the ownership of what woodland remained, though he was still compelled to permit the hereditary²⁴⁵ axe¹⁹³ to ring in the forest[157]; and all experience shows that both here and in Germany monasteries were often founded in the bosom²⁴⁶ of woods, granted for religious purposes, out of what perhaps had once endowed an earlier religion, and which supplied at once building materials, fuel and support for cattle[158]. But even in these, it seems that the king, the duke and the geréfa interfered, claiming a right to pasture certain numbers of their own swine or cattle in them, and to give this privilege to others.
In 845, Æðelwulf gave pasture to Badonoð for his cattle with the king’s beasts, apparently in the
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pastures of the town of Canterbury[159]. In 855, the same king gave his thane Dun a tenement¹⁸⁵ in Rochester, together with two waggon-loads of wood from the king’s forest, and common in the marsh[160]. In 839 he licensed²⁴⁷ for Dudda two waggons to the common wood, probably Blean[161]; in 772, Offa granted lands to Abbot Æðelnoð, and added a perpetual right of pasture and masting in the royal wood, together with licence for one goat to go with the royal flock in the forest of Sænling[162]. Numerous other examples are supplied by the charters, which may be classed under the following heads: first, royal forests, as Sænling, Blean, Andred and the like, called silvae regales, and in which the king granted timber, common of mast and pasture or estovers: secondly²⁴⁸, forest appertaining to cities and communities (ceasterwara-weald, burhwara-weald, silva communis), in which the king granted commons: thirdly, small woods, appurtenant to and part of estates, but not named, and the enjoyment²⁴⁹ of which is conveyed in the general terms of the grant, as terram cum communibus utilitatibus, pascuis, pratis, silvis, piscariis, etc.: lastly, private forests or commons of forest specially¹³⁴ named as
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appurtenant to particular estates, or given by favour of the king to the tenant¹⁷³ of those estates. To all these heads ample references will be found in the note below[163]. His right to deal at pleasure with the silvae regales requires no particular notice, but the grants of pasture and timber in the forests of cities and communities[164] can only be explained by the assumption of a paramount royalty in the Crown. And that this was exercised in the private forests of monasteries, also appears from exemptions²⁵⁰ sometimes purchased by them. In 706, Æðelweard of the Hwiccas consented to confine his right of pasture to one herd²⁵¹ of swine, and that only in years when mast was abundant, in the forests belonging to Evesham; and he released them from all claims of princes and officers, except this one of his own[165]. Similarly, with regard to timber, Ecgberht in 835 gave an immunity to Abingdon, against the claim of king or prince, to take large or small wood for his buildings from the forests of
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the monastery[166]. This right of the king to timber for public purposes was maintained and claimed till the time of the rebellion, and was a fertile source of malversation and extortion[167].
STRANGER.—To the king belonged also the protection of all strangers within his realm, and the consequent claim to a portion of their wergyld, and their property in case of death, a droit d’aubaine. This was a natural deduction²⁵³ from the principles of a period and a state of society in which every man’s security was founded upon association either with relatives or guildsmen: and as no one could have these in a foreign mark,—the associations being themselves in intimate connection with the territory,—it is obvious that the public authorities alone could exercise any functions in behalf of the solitary²⁵⁴ chapman. As general conservator of the peace, these necessarily fell to the king; but the duties and advantages which he thus assumed became in turn matter of grant, and were conferred by him upon other public persons or corporations.
The laws declare the king, earl and bishop to be
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the relatives and guardians²⁵⁵ of the stranger[168]; and the charters show that the consequent gains were alienated by him at his pleasure. In 835, Ecgberht gave the inheritance of Gauls and Britons, and half their wergyld, to the monastery at Abingdon[169]. Among these strangers, the Jews were especially mentioned. Anglosaxon history has not indeed recorded any of those abominable²⁵⁶ outrages²⁵⁷ upon this long-suffering people which fill the annals of our own and other countries during the middle ages; but there can be no doubt that a false and fanatical view of religion, if not their way of life and their accumulations, must have ever marked them out for persecution²⁵⁸. Eichhorn has justly characterized the feeling which prevailed respecting them in all parts of Europe[170], and has remarked to the honour of the Popes that they were the first
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to preach toleration and command the attempt at conversion. But the utility of the Jewish industry especially in thinly peopled countries, and their importance as gatherers of capital, were ever engaged in a struggle against bigotry²⁵⁹; hence the Jews could generally obtain a qualified²⁶⁰ protection against all but sudden outbreaks of popular fury. As these latter had mostly other deep-seated causes, the ruling classes may sometimes have seen without regret the popular indignation vent²⁵ itself in a direction which did not immediately endanger themselves: but as a general rule, the Jews enjoyed protection, and were made to pay dearly for it. Both parties were gainers by the arrangement. Among the Saxons this could not be otherwise, for it was impossible for a Jew to be in a hundred or tithing as a freeman; and he would probably have had but little security in the household and following of an ordinary noble. The readiest and most effective plan was to place him, wherever he might be, especially under the king’s mundbyrd. Accordingly the law of Eádweard the Confessor declares the king to be protector of all Jews[171], and this right descended²⁶¹ to his Norman successors. Similarly as the clergy relinquished²⁶³ their mǽsceaft or bond of kin², on entering into orders, the king became their natural mundbora[172].
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BRIDGE.—It is probable that no one could build a bridge without the royal licence, though I am not aware of any instance in the Saxon times: but I infer this from grants of the Frankish emperors and kings to that effect[173]. It is possible that this may have depended upon the circumstance that toll would be taken by the owner of such a bridge; but we may believe that other reasons concurred²⁶⁴ with this, and that the bridge originally had something of a holy character, and stood in near relation to the priesthood[174].
CASTLE.—In like manner we may doubt whether the kings did not gradually draw into their own hands the right to have fortified²⁶⁵ houses or castles, which we find them possessing in the Norman times, and which they extended to their adherents²⁶⁶ and favourites by special licence. In
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mediæval history, the fortification of their houses by the inhabitants of a city is the very first result of the establishment of a Communa, commune or free municipality; and the destruction of such fortifications the first care of the victorious²⁶⁷ count, bishop or king upon his triumph over the outrecuidance of the burghers[175]. The clearest instance of
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the royal licence to a subject is a grant of Æðelræd and Æðelflæd to the bishop of Worcester, about 880, which recites that they built a burh or fortress for him, in his city, probably to defend his cathedral in those stormy days of Danish ravage[176]. In very early times there may have been fortresses²⁶⁸ belonging to private persons; this may be inferred from names of places such as Sulmonnes burh, Sulman’s castle; and under the later Anglosaxon kings, various great nobles may have obtained the privilege of fortifying²⁶⁹ their own residences, as for example we read of Pentecost’s castle and Rodberht’s castle under Eádweard the Confessor[177], an example very likely to have been followed by the powerful chieftains of Godwine’s, Sigeweard’s and Leófríc’s families; but the cases were probably few. Of course fortresses built and garrisoned²⁷⁰ by the king for the public defence are quite another matter: these were imperial, and to their construction, maintenance and repair, every estate throughout the land, whether of folcland or bócland, was inevitably²⁷¹
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bound, not even excepting the demesne²⁷² lands of the king himself or of the ecclesiastical corporations.
ROADS and CANALS.—There is no very clear evidence respecting roads and canals, licence to make which was a subject of grant by the Frankish emperors[178]. But except as regarded the great roads which were especially the king’s, and the cross roads, which were the county’s, it is probable that there was no interference on the part of the state. Every landowner must have had the privilege of making private paths, large or small at his pleasure, by which access could be given to different parts of his own property. We do occasionally find roads mentioned by the name of the owners, and a common service of the settlers on an estate was the liability to assist in making a new road to the farm or mansion[179]. In an instance already cited we have seen an abbot of St. Augustine’s digging a canal with the object of diverting traffic from the haven of Sandwich. It may unhesitatingly be asserted that he claimed this right under his general power as a landlord, and not by any special grant for the purpose: this is evident from the whole tenour of the narrative²⁷³.
PORTS.—Ports and Havens²⁷⁴ were, however, essentially²⁷⁵ royalties, and, as we have seen, could be granted to religious houses. They were naturally in
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the king’s hand, for this reason: in the early times of which we treat, the stranger is looked upon as an enemy, and every one who does not belong to the association for the maintenance of peace, is primâ facie out of the peace altogether. This applies to sailors, as well as travelling chapmen who wander from mark to mark or county to county; and it applied with peculiar force to England after her coasts became exposed to repeated invasions from the North. Still as England could not subsist without foreign commerce, and early became alive to that great principle of her existence, a system of what we may call navigation laws was established. The bottoms of friendly powers were of course received upon terms of reciprocal favour, but even strange ships had the privilege of safety if they made certain harbours, designated for that purpose. At the treaty of Andover, in 994, Æðelræd and his witan agreed, that every merchant-ship that voluntarily came into port should be in the peace; and even if it were driven into port (whether by force or by stress of weather is not specified), and there were a friðburh, asylum²⁷⁶, or building in the peace, in which the men took refuge, they and their ship and cargo²⁷⁷ should enjoy the peace[180]. It is hardly to be doubted that the king had the power of declaring what ports should be gefriðod or in the peace; and as this privilege would necessarily draw many advantages to any harbour that possessed it, we can reasonably conclude that it was made a source of profit, both
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by the king and those to whom he might think fit to grant it.
WARDSHIP²⁷⁸ and MARRIAGE.—Wardship and Marriage appear to have been royalties; we must however believe them to have been confined to the children and widows of the thanes or comites, and to be a deduction from the principles of the Comitatus itself.
In the secular law of Cnut there is a series of provisions, extending from the 70th to the 75th clause, which can only be looked upon in the light of alleviations, and which in the 70th clause the king himself declares so to be. From the nature of the relief thus afforded, we may infer that the royal officers had exercised their powers in a manner oppressive to the subject. Accordingly the king and his witan proceed to regulate the voluntary nature of the feormfultum, the legal amount of heriot, the descent of property in the case of intestacy, and the kings’s guardianship²⁸⁰ of the same; they protect the widow and heirs against vexatious suits, by providing that they shall not be sued, if the lord and father had remained undisturbed, and lastly they regulate what appear to me to be the rights of wardship and marriage.
“And let every widow remain for a twelvemonth without a husband; then let her do her pleasure. But if within the year she choose a husband, let her forfeit the morgengyfu and all the property she had through her first husband, and let her nearest kin take the land and property she had before.
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And let the husband be liable in his wer to the king, or to whomsoever he may have granted it. And even if she have been taken by force, let her forfeit her possessions, unless she be willing to go home again from the man, and never become his again.... And let no one compel either woman or maiden to him whom she herself mislikes, nor for money sell her, unless the suitor will give something of his own good will[181].”
This of itself does not imply the royal right of marriage; but it becomes much more significant, when we learn that estates had been given to influential²⁸¹ nobles, for their intercession with the king, on behalf of profitable alliances: then, the circumstances, combined together, seem to imply that Cnut desired to reform the miserable condition in which he found England, in the hope, no doubt, by such reform to consolidate¹¹⁹ his own power. The evidence of what may almost be called purchasing a marriage—though not in the truly gross and vulgar sense of such purchases among those whom writers of romances represent as the chivalrous²⁸² Normans,—is supplied by the monk²¹⁹ of Ramsey: the instance dates from the middle of the tenth century. In mentioning an estate of five hides at Burwell, the chronicler adds: “This is the estate which—as we find in the very ancient English charters referring to it—a certain man named Eádwine, the son of Othulf, had in old times granted to archbishop Oda, as a reward for his pains and trouble in bringing king Eádred to consent, that
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Eádwine might have leave to marry the daughter of a certain Ulf, whom he desired[182].” This Ulf does not, I believe, occur among the signitaries to any of the charters, unless the name represent some one of the many Wulfgárs or Wulfláf’s of the time: but still we must suppose him to have been a person of consideration, since a large estate was given for his daughter’s marriage. In the absence of all details we cannot form any clear decision as to the royal right in this respect, though the balance of probability seems to me to incline to the view that the king had some right of wardship and marriage over the children and widows of his own thanes or sócmen. This seems to lie in the very nature of their relative position. With the widow or child of a free man, it is of course not to be imagined that the king could interfere; but in the time of Eádred there were probably not many free men whose wealth rendered interference worth the trouble.
HEREGEATWE. HERIOT.—The general nature of Heriot has been explained in the First Book: it was there shown that it arose from the theory of the comes having been originally armed by the king, to whom upon his death the arms reverted²⁸³: and in imitation of this, Best-head or Melius catallum, distinguished in our law as Heriot-custom, was shown to have arisen. But whatever may have been its origin or early amount,—and its earliest amount
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was no doubt unsettled, depending upon the will of the chief who might take all or some of his thanes’ chattels at his pleasure,—in process of time it became assessed at a fixed amount, according to the rank of the person from whose estate it was paid. The law of Cnut[183] which determined this amount was probably only a re-enactment²⁰⁰, or confirmation²⁸⁴ of an older custom, and appears to have been introduced to put an end to disputes upon the subject; it declares as follows:—
“Let the heriots be as fits the degree. An earl’s as belongs to an earl’s rank, viz. eight horses, four saddled, four unsaddled, four helmets, four coats-of-mail, eight spears, eight shields, four swords and two hundred mancuses of gold. From a king’s thane, of those who are nearest to him, four horses, two saddled, two unsaddled; two swords, four spears, four shields, a helmet, a coat-of-mail and fifty mancuses of gold. From a medial thane, a horse equipped, and his arms; or his healsfang in Wessex, and in Mercia and Eastanglia two pounds. Among the Danes, the heriot of a king’s thane who has his sócn[184] is four pounds: if he stand in nearer relation to the king, two horses, one equipped, a sword, two spears, two shields and fifty mancuses of gold. And from a thane of the lower order, two pounds.”
The following are examples of heriots paid both before and after the time of Cnut.
The estate of Ðeódrǽd bishop of London and
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Elmham, about 940, paid, four horses the best he had, two swords the best he had, four shields, four spears, two hundred marks of red gold, two silver cups, and his lands at Anceswyrð, Illingtún and Earmingtún[185].
In 946-956, the estate of Æðelwald the ealdorman paid four horses, four spears, four swords, four shields, two rings each worth one hundred and twenty mancuses, two rings each worth eighty mancuses (in all four hundred mancuses) and two silver vessels[186].
About 958, Ælfgár gave the king two swords with belts, three steeds, three shields, three spears, and two rings each worth fifty mancuses of gold[187].
The heriot of Beorhtríc, about 962, was, four horses, two equipped, two swords and belts, a ring worth eighty mancuses of gold, a sword of the same value, two falcons²⁸⁵, and all his stag-hounds[188].
The great duke Ælfheáh of Hampshire, 965-971, gave to Eádgár, who had married his cousin Ælfðrýð, duke Ordgár’s daughter, the following property: it is hard to say how much of it was heriot: six horses with their trappings, six swords, six spears, six shields, one sword worth eighty mancuses of gold, one dish of three pounds, one cup of three pounds, three hundred mancuses of gold, one hundred and twenty hides of land at Wyrð, and his estates at Cóchám, Dæchám, Ceóleswyrð, Incgeneshám, Æglesbyrig and Wendofra[189].
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Æðelríc, in 997, paid two horses, one sword and belt, two shields, two spears, and sixty marks of gold[190].
Archbishop Ælfríc, 996-1006, devised to the king, as his heriot, sixty helmets, sixty coats-of-mail, and his best ship with all her tackle and stores[191].
Ælfhelm paid four horses, two equipped, four shields, four spears, two swords, and one hundred mancuses of gold[192].
Wulfsige paid two horses, one helmet, one coat-of-mail, one sword, one spear twined with gold[193].
The majority of these cases belong to periods previous to Cnut’s accession, but they seem to imply an assessment²⁸⁶ very similar to his own. And in this view of the case, where the payment had become a settled amount due from persons of a particular rank, it became possible for women to be charged with it, which we accordingly find. In 1046 Wulfgýð commences her will by desiring that her right heriot may be paid to the king[194]: Æðelgyfu in 945 gave the king thirty mancuses of gold, two horses and all her dogs[195]: Ælflǽd left him by will her lands at Lamburnan, Ceólsige and Readingan, four rings worth two hundred mancuses of gold, four palls²⁸⁷, four cups, four drinking-horns and four horses[196]: and lastly queen Ælfgyfu in 1012
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left the king, six horses, six shields, six spears, one cup, two rings worth one hundred and twenty mancuses each, and various lands[197]. Taken in connection with the case of Wulfgýð, these bequests²⁸⁸ appear very like heriots. The heriots mentioned in Domesday agree with the details given above, and serve to show that the right had undergone no material alteration¹⁰⁵ till the time of the Confessor[198]. That the Best-head or Melius catallum was paid to the king by his unfree tenants, as well as to other lords, is probable, but we have no instance of it[199]. By the law of Cnut, the widow was to have a reasonable time for payment of the heriot, and it was altogether remitted to the family of him who fell
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bravely fighting in the field before the presence of his lord.
It appears from what has been said in this chapter that the kings were provided very sufficiently with the means of maintaining their dignity: the benefactions which they were enabled to make out of the folcland relieved their private estates from the burthen of supporting the thanes, clerical and lay, who flocked to their service. Still there must have been a constant drain upon their possessions; and many of the regalia became lost to the crown by successive alienations. It is true that they were generally purchased at a high price, but in this case the king who sold them was the only gainer: he secured considerable sums for himself, but he impoverished²⁸⁹ all his successors to a much greater amount. The loans for which we occasionally find him indebted to his prelates, show how completely at times the crown had been pillaged²⁹⁰, as well as who were the principal sharers in the plunder²⁹¹. The attempt to draw in lands and privileges which had once been alienated, was questionable²⁹² in policy and harsh to the innocent holders²⁹³; but it does not always seem to have been viewed impartially²⁹⁴ even by those least concerned; we may however now express our conviction that in many cases the alienations themselves had been made improperly and without sufficient authority; and, that if it was hard upon an abbot or bishop to lose what his predecessor²⁹⁵ had gained, it was very hard upon a king to be without what his predecessor had unjustly and often illegally squandered²⁹⁶.

27. The names by which the King is commonly known among most of the Germanic nations are indicative of his position. From Þeód, the people, he is called þeóden: from his high birth (cyne nobilis, and cyn genus, i.e. generosus a genere), he is called Cyning: from Dryht, the troop of comites or household retainers, he is Dryhten: and as head of the first household in the land, he is emphatically Hláford: his consort²⁹⁷ is seó Hlǽfdige, the Lady. His poetical²⁹⁸ and mythical²⁹⁹ names need not be investigated on this occasion.
28. Be Wergyldum, Norðleóda laga, § 1. Myrcna laga, § 1. Thorpe, i. 186, 190: “Se wer gebirað magum ⁊ seó cynebót ðám leódum.”
29. Æðelred about 980, gives the following reasons for a grant made by him to Abingdon. During the lifetime of Eádgar, this prince had given to the monastery certain estates belonging to the appanage of the princes of the blood, “terras ad regios pertinentes filios:” these, on Eádgar’s death and Eádweard’s accession, the Witena gemót very properly claimed and obtained, handing them over to Æðelred, then prince royal: “quae statim terrae iuxta decretum et praeceptionem cunctorum optimatum de praefato sancto coenobio violenter abstractae, meaeqae ditioni, hisdem praecipientibus, sunt subactae: quam rem si iuste aut iniuste fecerint, ipsi sciant.” All the crown lands thus fell to Æðelred, he having no children at his brother Eádweard’s death: “et regalium simul, et ad regios filios pertinentium, terrarum suscepi dominium.” Having now scruples³⁰⁰ of conscience about interfering with his father’s charitable intentions, he gave the monastery an equivalent out of his own private property,—“ex mea propria haereditate.” Cod³⁰¹. Dipl. No. 3312.
30. Germ. xv.
31. See Domesday, passim. Cnut commanded to put an end to these compulsory demands: no man was to be compelled to give his reeves anything towards the king’s feormfultum, against his will, under a heavy penalty, but the king was to be provided for out of the royal property. Cnut, § 70. Thorpe, i. 412. If Phillips is right in supposing the Fóster of Ini’s law (§70. Thorpe, i. 146) to be this burthen, heavy charges lay upon the land in the eighth century. Angels. Recht. p. 87. But I doubt the application in this particular case. See also, Anon. Vita Hludov. Imp¹⁰⁷. § 7; Pertz, ii. 610, 611; Annal. Laurish. 753; Ann. Bertin. 837; Pertz, i. 116, 430, and Hincmar. Inst. Carol. ibid. ii. 214. Aids and benevolences have acquired a notoriety in English history which will not be forgotten while England survives: but the prerogative lawyers had ancient prescription³⁰² to back them. On the whole subject see Grimm, Rechtsalt. p. 245. Eichhorn, § 171. vol. i. p. 730 seq.
32. Æðelb. i. § 2. This enactment has been supposed to be the foundation of one of those privileges of Parliament, which we have seen solemnly discussed on a late occasion.
33. Æðelb. i. § 3.
34. Ibid. § 4, 9.
35. Ibid. § 8, 15.
36. Ibid. § 5, 13.
37. Ibid. § 10, 14, 16.
38. Æðelb. § 7, 21.
39. Wihtr. § 16. The position and privileges of the clergy at this very early period, and especially in Kent, were very exalted³⁰³. Æðelberht places the king only on the footing of a priest, in respect to his stolen property. Æðelb. § 1. But this grave error was remedied as society became better consolidated, although to the very last the clergy were left in possession of far too much secular power.
40. Ini, § 6. Ælf. § 7.
41. Ini, § 45. Ælfr. § 40.
42. Ælfr. § 3. Cnut, ii. § 59.
43. Æðelst. iii. § 6; iv. § 4; v. § 4.
44. Ælfr. § 2.
45. Ini, § 19.
46. Ini, § 33.
47. Ibid. § 76.
48. Ælf. § 4. Cnut, ii. § 58.
49. “Imprimis ut omnes iurent in nomine Domini, pro quo sanctum illud sanctum est, fidelitatem Eádmundo regi, sicut homo debet esse fidelis domino suo, sine omni controversia et seditione, in manifesto³⁰⁴, in occulto, in amando quod amabit, nolendo quod nolet.” Eádm. iii. § 1. Thorpe, i. 252. “And it is our will, that every man above twelve years of age, make oath that he will neither be a thief, nor cognizant of theft.” Cnut, ii. § 21. Thorpe, i. 388. “Omnis enim duodecim annos habens et ultra, in alicuius frithborgo esse debet et in decenna; sacramentumque regi et hæredibus suis facere fidelitatis, et quod nec latro erit, nec latrocinio consentiet.” Fleta, lib. i. cap. 27. § 4. This was the basis upon which the associations of freemen among the Anglosaxons entered into their alliances, offensive and defensive³⁰⁵, with their kings. Charlemagne caused an oath to be taken to himself as emperor, by all his subjects above twelve years old. Dönniges, p. 3. The Hyldáð or oath of fealty³⁰⁶ is given in the Anc. Laws, i. 178. The dependent engages to love all the lord loves, and shun³⁰⁷ all that he shuns³⁰⁸: these are the technical terms throughout Europe. The king himself took a corresponding oath to his people. We still have the words of that which was administered by Dúnstán to Æðelred at Kingston.

“Ðis gewrit is gewriten, stæf be stæfe, be ðám gewrite ðe Dúnstán arcebisceop sealde úrum hláforde æt Cingestúne á on dæg ðá hine man hálgode tó cinge, and forbeád him ælc wedd tó syllanne bútan ðysan wedde, ðe he úp on Cristes weofod léde, swá se bisceop him dihte. ‘On ðǽre hálgan Þrynnesse naman, Ic þreo þing beháte cristenum folce and me underþeóddum: án ærest, ðæt ic Godes cyrice and eall cristen folc mínra gewealda sóðe sibbe healde: óðer is, ðæt ic reáflác and ealle unrihte þing eallum hádum forbeóde: þridde, þæt ic beháte and bebeóde on eallum dómum riht and mildheortnisse, ðæt ús eallum ærfaest and mildheort God þurh ðæt his écean mittse forgife, se lifað and rixað.’”—Reliq. Ant. ii. 194.
“This writing is copied, letter for letter, from the writing which archbishop Dúnstán delivered to our lord at Kingston on the very day when he was consecrated³⁰⁹ king, and he forbad him to give any other pledge but this pledge, which he laid upon Christ’s altar, as the bishop instructed him. ‘In the name of the Holy Trinity, three things do I promise to this Christian people, my subjects: first, that I will hold God’s church and all the Christian people of my realm in true peace: second, that I will forbid all rapine and injustice to men of all conditions: third, that I promise and enjoin³¹⁰ justice and mercy in all judgements, whereby the just and merciful God may give us all his eternal favour, who liveth and reigneth!’”
It is worth while to compare with this the coronation oath of king Eirek Magnusson, of Norway, which we learn from the following valuable document of July 25th, 1280.
“Pateat universis tam clericis quam laicis per regnum Norwegie constitutis presens scriptum visuris vel audituris quod anno domini mo. cco. lxxxo. in festo sancti Suithuni Bergio in ecclesia cathedrali magnificus princeps et nobilis dominus . Eiricus dei gracia rex Norwegie illustris filius domini Magni quondam regis coram reverendo patre et venerabili domino Johanne secundo divina miseracione . Nidrosiensi archiepiscopo qui eum coronando in regem coronam capiti eius inposuit . ipsiusque suffraganeis et multis clericis et laicis qui presentes fuerant . tactis ewangeliis iuramentum prestitit in hunc modum . Profiteor et promitto coram deo et sanctis eius a modo pacem et iusticiam ecclesie dei . populoque mihi subiecto observare . pontificibus et clero . prout teneor . condignum honorem exhibere . secundum discrecionem mihi a deo datam . atque ea que a regibus ecclesiis collata ac reddita sunt . sicut compositum est inter⁵⁴ ecclesiam et regnum . inviolabiliter conservare . malasque leges et consuetudines perversas precipue contra ecclesiasticam libertatem facientes abolere et bonas condere prout de concilio fidelium nostrorum melius invenire poterimus . þæt jatta ek gudi ok hans helgum mannum . at ek skal vardvæita frid ok rettyndi hæilagre kirkiu ok þui folki sem ek er overðugr ivir skipaðr . Byscopum ok lærdom mannum skal ek væita vidrkvæmelega soemd efter þui sem ek er skyldugr . ok gud giæfr mer skynsemd til . ok þa luti halda obrigðilega . sem af konunggum ero kirkiunni gefner . ok aftr fegner sua sem samþykt er millum kirkiunnar ok rikissens . Rong log ok illar siðueniur einkanlega þær . sem mote³² ero hæilagrar kirkiu frælsi af taka ok betr skipa, eftir þui sem framazt faam ver raad til af varoni tryggastu mannum . Cum igitur ante coronacionem dicti regis dubitacio fuerit . de regis iuramento . volens predictus pater ne huiusmodi dubitacio rediviva foret in posterum precavere. utile quippe etenim est eam rem cognitam esse que ignorata vel dubia possit occasionem litigii ministrare . iuramentum seu professionem factam a domino rege . ad perpetuam memoriam . presentibus literis duxit inserendam . et ad pleniorem rei evidenciam sigillum suum apposuit una cum sigillis venerabilium partum . domini Andree Osloensis . Jorundi Holensis . Erlendi Ferensis . Arnonis Skalotensis . Arnonis Stawangrensis . Nerue Bergensis . Thorfinni Hamarensis suffraganeorum Nidrosiensis ecclesie . Actum viii. Kal. Augusti loco et anno supradictis.”—Diplomatarium Norwegicum, No. 69. p. 62.
It is very uncertain at what time the custom of coronation, and unction, by the hands of the clergy, commenced. The usurpation which Pipin ventured and Pope Zachary lent himself to, which Charlemagne repeated and Pope Leo confirmed, may have acted as a valuable precedent³¹¹, especially as the power of the King was sufficient to justify the claim of the Pope. Thirty years later (A.D. 787), the English bishops put forward the somewhat bold claim to be, with the seniores populi, electors of the king: “Duodecimo sermone sanximus; Ut in ordinatione regum nullus permittat pravorum praevalere assensum; sed legitime reges a sacerdotibus et senioribus populi eligantur, et non de adulterio vel incoestu procreati; quia sicut nostris temporibus ad sacerdotium, secundum Canones, adulter pervenire non potest, sic nec Christus domini esse valet, et rex totius regni, et haeres patriae, qui ex legitimo non fuerit connubio generatus.” Conc. Calcuth. Legat. Spelm. p. 296. No doubt from their position in the Witena gemót, and the authority which they derived from their birth as well as station, they always played an important part in the elections of kings, but not quite so leading a part in the eighth century as they here attempt to claim. The Diplomatarium Norwegicum supplies an interesting illustration of the above-cited canon, in a dispensation issued by Pope Innocent IV. (A.D. 1246) to Haakon Haakonson, from the disqualification of illegitimate birth: “Cum itaque clare memorie Haquinus, Norwegie rex pater tuus, te, prout accepimus, solutus susceperit de soluta, nos tuam celsitudinem speciali benevolentia prosequentes, ut huiusmodi non obstante defectu ad regalis solii dignitatem et omnes actus legitimos admittaris, nec non quod heredes tui legitimi tibi in dominio et honore succedant, fratrum nostrorum communicato consilio, tecum auctoritate apostolica dispensamus.” No. 38, p. 30. This was not however considered a valid ground of objection among the Anglosaxons, if the personal qualities of the prince were such as to recommend him. From the words used by William of Malmesbury we might infer that as late as the time of Æðelstán, the functions of the bishops at the coronation were confined to anathematizing those who would not be obedient subjects, but that the nobles performed the actual coronation: he cites the following lines from an earlier author, and one apparently contemporaneous with Æðelstán himself:—
“Tunc iuvenis nomen regni clamatur in omen¹⁷⁰,
Ut fausto patrias titulo moderetur habenas:
Conveniunt proceres et componunt diadema,
Pontifices pariter dant infidis anathema³¹².”
De Gest. ii. § 133.
That Harold crowned himself is an old story; but it is very certain that whatever he did, was done with the full consent of the Witena gemót.
50. See hereafter the several chapters Ealdorman, Geréfa and Witena gemót.
51. The principal cases will be found in the following passages of the Laws: Eádw. § 1. Æðelst. i. § 20, 22, 26; iii. § 7; iv. §1, 7; v. § 11. Eádm. iii. § 2, 6, 7. Eádg. i. § 4; ii. § 7, etc.
52. Hloðh. § 9, 11, 12, 13, 14. Ælf. § 37. Æðelst. i. § 1; iii. § 4; v. § 5.
53. Æðelst. iii. § 3; iv. § 1.
54. Eád. Gúð. § 13. Eádm. ii. § 1, 6, 7.
55. Eád. Conf. § 12. Cross roads and small streams are not in the king’s peace, but that of the county.
56. This peace was called the King’s Handsell, “cyninges handsealde gríð.” The extent to which his peace extended around his dwelling, that is, within the verge³¹³ of the court, has been noticed in the fourth chapter of the First Book. The right subsisted throughout the Middle Ages and yet subsists, though differently motived and measured. The king’s handsealde gríð was by Æðelred’s law made bótless, that is, had no settled compensation. Æðelr. iii. § 1.
57. Eádw. Conf. § 13.
58. “Æðelingawudu, Colmanora and Geátescumbe belong to these twenty hides, which I myself, now rode, now rowed, and widely divided off, for myself, my predecessors³¹⁴, and those that shall come after me, for an eternal separation, before God and the world.” Eádred. an. 955. Cod. Dipl. No. 1171. “Now I greet well my relative Mygod of Wallingford, and command thee in my stead [on mínre stede] to ride round the land to the saint’s hand.” Eádw. Conf., Cod. Dipl. No. 862. The force of the word berídan is very difficult to convey in words, but still perfectly obvious. Another difficulty arises from the word stede, which is properly masculine, but here given as a feminine. I think it impossible that it should mean stéde, a mare (i. e. on my mare), and prefer the supposition either that stede had changed its gender³¹⁵, or that the copy of the charter is an incorrect one.
59. There are cases nevertheless which seem to favour the supposition that a similar power was ultimately lodged³¹⁶ in the king and, at least occasionally, exercised.
60. I may here say once for all, that I see no reason to doubt the authenticity of Asser’s Annals, or to attribute them to any other period than the one at which they were professedly composed.
61. Ælfred himself mentions the Kentish, Mercian and Westsaxon laws. The Danes had another. Peculiarities³¹⁷ of the Northangle and Southangle laws are also noticed.
62. By the contract entered into with his people: but when? when they first elected him? or when they restored him to his throne?
63. “And let him that applies to the king before he has prayed for justice as often as it behoveth him [that is, made the legal number of formal applications to the shiremoot, etc.] pay the same fine as the other should had he denied him justice.” Æðelst. i. 1. § 3. Thorpe, i. 200. Eádgar, ii. § 2. Thorpe, i. 266. “And let no one apply to the king, unless he cannot get justice within his hundred: but let the hundred-gemót be duly applied to, according to right, under penalty of the wíte, or fine.” Cnut, ii. § 17. Thorpe, i. 384 seq. Similarly Will. Conq. i. § 43. Thorpe, i. 485. It is impossible to believe that Ælfred possessed a right which later and much more powerful kings did not.
64. “And let no one have sócn over a king’s thane save the king himself.” Æðelr. iii. § 11. Thorpe, i. 296.
65. If the ealdorman connive³¹⁸ at theft, or at the escape of a thief, he is to forfeit his office. Ini, § 36. Thorpe, i. 124. If a geréfa do so, he shall forfeit all he hath. Æðelst. i. § 3. If he will not put the law in execution, he shall lose his office. Æðelst. i. 26; v. § 11. Eádg. ii. § 3. Thorpe, i. 200, 212, 240, 266.
66. There is an instance where the parties to a suit were similarly circumstanced. The matter was brought into the king’s þeningmanna gemót in London, and there decided in favour of the plaintiff, a bishop. But the defendant³¹⁹ was not satisfied, and carried the cause to the shire, who at once claimed jurisdiction and exercised it too, coming to a decision diametrically opposite to that of the þeningmen or ministri regii. It seems to have been a dirty business on the part of the bishop of Rochester, and the freemen of Kent so treated it, in defiance³²⁰ of the King’s Court. Cod. Dipl. No. 1258. The document is so important, that it appears desirable to give it at full length. “Thus were the lands at Bromley and Fawkham adjudged to king Eádgár in London, through the charters of Snodland, which the priests stole from the bishop of Rochester and secretly sold for money to Ælfric the son of Æscwyn: and the same Æscwyn, Ælfric’s mother, had previously³²¹ granted them thither. Now when the bishop found the books were stolen he made earnest demand for them. Meanwhile Ælfric died, and he (the bishop) afterwards sued the widow so long that in the king’s thanes-court the stolen books of Snodland were adjudged to him, and damages for the theft, thereto; that was in London, and there were present Eádgár the king, archbishop Dúnstán, bishop Æðelwold, bishop Ælfstán and the other Ælfstán, Ælfhere the ealdorman and many of the king’s witan: then they adjudged the books to the bishop for his cathedral: so all the widow’s property stood in the king’s hand. Then would Wulfstán the geréfa seize the property to the king’s hand, both Bromley and Fawkham; but the widow sought the holy place and the bishop, and surrendered to the king the charter of Bromley and Fawkham: and the bishop bought the charters and the land of the king at Godshill, for fifty mancuses of gold, and a hundred and thirty pounds, through intercession and interest: afterwards the bishop permitted the widow the usufruct of the land. During this time the king died; and then Bryhtríc the widow’s relative began, and compelled her, so that they took violent possession of the land [brúcon ðára landa on reáfláce]. And they sought Eádwine the ealdorman, who was God’s adversary³²², and the folk, and compelled the bishop to restore the books on peril³²³ of all his property: he was not allowed to enjoy his rights in any one of the three things which had been given him in pledge by all the leódscipe, neither his plea, his succession, nor his ownership. This is the witness of the purchase: Eádgár the king, Dunstan the archbishop, Oswald the archbishop, bishop Æðelwold, bishop Æðelgar, bishop Æscwig, bishop Ælfstán, the other bishop Ælfstán, bishop Sideman, Ælfðrýð the king’s mother, Osgar the abbot, Ælfhere the ealdorman, Wulfstan of Delham, Ælfric of Epsom, and the leading people [dúgúð folces] of West Kent, where the land and lathe³²⁴ lie.” Here I take it the þeningmen or servientes regis and the leódscipe (leudes) are identical and opposed to the Folc who under “God’s adversary” Eádwine made the bishop disgorge his plunder. We see who they were; Dunstan and various bishops, ealdorman Ælfhere and several of the king’s witan. This is the only instance I have been able to discover of anything approaching to a curia regis apart from the great Witena gemót. There are, no doubt, several cases where the king appears to have been applied to in the first instance, by one of the parties; but in all of them trial subsequently was had before the shiremoot. It is natural that agreements should have been made by consent, before the king as arbitrator, and these were probably frequent among his intimate councillors, friends and relatives: but they were not trials, nor did they settle the litigation as a judgement of the courts would have done. Such arbitrements were also made by the ealdorman, who like the king received presents for his good offices. The advantage gained was this; both parties were satisfied, without the danger of trying the suit, which entailed very heavy penalties on the loser, amounting sometimes to total forfeiture. The disadvantage was that there was no ge-endodu spræc or finished plea, and consequently the award was sometimes violated, when either party thought this could be done with impunity.
67. Excepting a very indefinite expression in the Law of Henry the First, § 13.
68. Cod. Dipl. No. 693. Cwichelmeshlǽw, now Cuckamsley or Cuckamslow Hills, in Berkshire; these run east and west and probably cut off the north-western portion of the county, forming the watershed³²⁵ from which the Ock and Lambourn descend²⁶² on opposite sides. The exact spot of the gemót was probably near a mound which is now called Scutchamfly Barrow, and which is very plainly marked in the Ordnance³²⁶ Map, nearly due north of West Ilsey.
69. The lands are Bradfield, Hagborne and Datchet, in Berks and Bucks³²⁷. Wulfamere I am unable to identify. At all events, had the matter been cognizable in a superior court of the king’s, Leófwine could not have carried his point of having it brought to trial before the shiremoot in Berkshire, which he clearly did against the king’s wish.
70. Cod. Dipl. No. 641.
71. “If a man fight or draw weapon in the king’s hall and be taken in the act, he shall lie at the king’s mercy, to slay⁶² or pardon him.” Ælf. § 7. Ini, § 6. Thorpe, i. 66, 106. “The ealdorman who connives³²⁸ at theft shall forfeit his office, unless the king pardon him.” Ini, § 36. Thorpe, i. 124. See also Æðelst. v. 1. § 4, 5, Eádm. § 6. Eádg. ii. § 7. Æðelr. iii. § 16; vii. § 9. Thorpe, i. 230, 250, 268, 298, 330.
72. Ælf. § 4. Thorpe, i. 62.
73. Ini, § 6. Thorpe, i. 106.
74. Æðelst. i. § 3. Thorpe, i. 200.
75. Æðelst. i. § 20. Thorpe, i. 210; see also § 26. Thorpe, i. 214. Æðelst. iii. § 3. Thorpe, i. 218; iv. § 1; v. § 1, 5. Eádm. ii. § 1, 6. Eádg. Hund. § 2, 3. Eádg. i. § 4. Æðelr. v. § 28, 29; vi. § 35, 37: vii. § 9; ix. § 42. Cnut, ii. § 13, 58, 67, 78, 84. Thorpe, i. 220, 228, 230, 248, 250, 258, 264, 310, 312, 324, 330, 350, 382, 408, 410, 420, 422.
76. Cod. Dipl. No. 328. “Eánwulf the reeve ... took all he owned at Tisbury ... and the chattels were adjudged to the king, because he was the king’s man: and Ordláf took to his own land, because it was his lǽn that he sat upon: that he could not forfeit.”
77. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 601, 1090.
78. Cod. Dipl. No. 1295. “Quae portio terrae cuiusdam foeminae fornicaria praevaricatione mihimet vulgari subacta est traditione.” Æðelred, an. 1002.
79. Cod. Dipl. No. 1258. “Ða stód ðáre wydewan áre on ðæs cynges handa: ðá wolde Wulfstán se geréfa niman ða áre tó ðæs cynges handa, Brómleáh ⁊ Fealcnahám.”
80. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 579, 1112. “Quo mortuo praedicta mulier Ælfgyfu alio copulata est marito, Wulfgat vocabulo; qui ambo crimine pessimo iuste ab omni incusati sunt populo, causa suae machinationis propriae, de qua modo non est dicendum per singula, propter quam vero machinationem quae iniuste adquisierunt iuste perdiderunt.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1305. The exile of Wulfgeat is mentioned by the Chronicle and Florence, an. 1006. Again, “Nam quidam minister Wulfget vulgari relatu nomine praefatam terram aliquando possederat, sed quia inimicis regis se in insidiis socium applicavit, et in facinore inficiendo etiam legis satisfactio ei defecit, ideo haereditatis suberam penitus amisit, et ex ea praedictus episcopus praescriptam villulam, me concedente, suscepit.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1310. “Has terrarum portiones Ælfríc cognomento Puer a quadam vidua Eádfléd appellata violenter abstraxit, ac deinde cum in ducatu suo contra me et contra omnem gentem meam reus existeret, et hae quas praenominavi portiones et universae quas possederat terrarum possessiones meae subactae sunt ditioni, quando ad synodale conciliabulum ad Cyrneceastre universi optimates mei simul in unum convenerunt, et eundem Ælfricum maiestatis reum de hac patria profugum expulerunt, et universa ab illo possessa michi iure possidenda omnes unanimo consensu decreverunt.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1312. “Emit quoque praedictus vir Æðelmarus a me, cum triginta libris, duodecim mansiones de villulis quas matrona quaedam nomine Leoflǽd suis perdidit ineptiis et amisit.” Cod. Dipl. No. 714. “Hoc denique rus cuiusdam possessoris Leofricus onomate quondam et etiam nostris diebus paternae haereditatis hire fuerat, sed ipse impie vivendo, hoc est rebellando meis militibus in mea expeditione, ac rapinis insuetis et adulteriis multisque aliis nefariis sceleribus semet ipsum condempn avit simul et possessiones.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1307. “Erat autem eadem villa³²⁹ cuidam matronae, nomine Æðelflǽde, derelicta a viro suo, obeunte illo, quae etiam habebat germanum quendam, vocabulo Leófsinum, quem de satrapis nomine tuli, ad celsioris dignitatis dignum duxi promovere, ducem constituendo, scilicet, eum, unde humiliari magis debuerat, sicut dicitur, ‘Principem te constituerunt, noli extolli,’ et caetera. Sed ipse hoc oblitus, cernens se in culmine maioris status sub rogatu famulari sibi pestilentes spiritus promisit, superbiae scilicet et audaciae, quibus nichilominus ipse se dedidit in tantum, ut floccipenderet quin offensione multimoda me multoties graviter offenderet; nam praefectum meum Æficum, quem primatem inter primates³³⁰ meos taxavi, non cunctatus in propria domo eius eo inscio perimere, quod nefarium et peregrinum opus est apud christianos et gentiles. Peracto itaque scelere ab eo, inii consilium cum sapientibus regni mei petens, ut quid fieri placuisset de illo decernerent; placuitque in commune nobis eum exulare et extorrem a nobis fieri cum complicibus suis: statuimus etiam inviolatum foedus inter nos, quod qui praesumpsisset infringere, exhaereditari se sciret omnibus habitis, hoc est, ut nemo nostrum³³¹ aliquid humanitatis vel commoditatis ei sumministraret. Hanc optionis electionem posthabitam nichili habuit soror eius Æðelflǽd omnia quae possibilitatis eius erant, et utilitatis fratris omnibus exercitiis studuit explere, et hac de causa aliarumque quamplurimarum exhaeredem se fecit omnibus.” Cod. Dipl. No. 719.
The murder of Æfic is mentioned in the Chronicle, an. 1002, where he is called heáhgeréfa.
81. Cod. Dipl. No. 1035. But not if he had legal heirs. See Cnut, ii. § 71. Thorpe, i. 412. In this case the king could claim only the Heriot, a custom retained even by the Normans. “Item si liber homo intestatus decesserit, et subito, dominus suus nihil se intromittet de bonis suis, nisi tantum de hoc quod ad ipsum pertinuerit, scilicet quod habeat suum Heriettum.” Fleta, ii. cap. 57, § 10.
82. Cod. Dipl. No. 1078.
83. Hist. Eliens. i. 1. “Sicque postea per destitutionem, regiae sorti, sive fisco, idem locus³³² additus est.” See also vol. i. p. 302, note 2.
84. Cnut, ii. § 12. Thorpe, i. 382.
85. Cnut, ii. § 14. Thorpe, i. 384.
86. Cnut, ii. § 15. Thorpe, i. 384.
87. Beow. l. 6016 seq.: compare l. 5583 seq.
88. Ibid. l. 6320.
89. See the account of the burial of Haraldr Hilditavn in the Fornald. Savg. i. 387. “Ok áðr enn havgrinn væri aptr lokinn, þá biðr Hríngr Konúngr til gánga allt stórmenni ok alla Kappa, ok við voru staddir, at kasta í havginn stórum hríngum ok góðum vápnum, til sæmdr Haraldi Konúngi Hilditavn; ok eptir þat var aptr byrgði havgrinn vandliga.” Brynhildr caused the jewels which her father Buðli had given her, to be burnt with herself and Sigurðr. Sigurd, evid. iii. 65.
90. In Ireland this is so common as to have caused the existence of what we may call a professional class of treasure-seekers, whose idle, gambling³³³ pursuit is in admirable harmony with the Keltic hatred³³⁴ for honest, steady labour.
91. To this cause may be attributed the hoards³³⁵ discovered within a few years at Cuerdale, Hexham, and other places on the borders; and some perhaps of the numerous finds at Wisby and in Gothland.
92. “Partim sepultis thesauris, quorum³³⁶ plerique in hac aetate defodiuntur, Romam ad petendas suppetias ire intendunt.” Gest. Reg. i. § 3. It is well worth the consideration of our antiquarians who have devoted pains and money to the opening of barrows, how far the notorious searches which have been made for treasure in these repositories, by successive generations of Saxons, Danes and Normans, may have interfered with the original disposition³³⁷ of sepulchral³³⁸ mounds, cairns and cromlechs. The legend of Gúðlác supplies a Saxon instance of the highest antiquity³³⁹. “Wæs ðǽr on ðám ealande sum hláw mycel ofer eorðan geworht, ðone ylcan men iúgeara for feos wilnunga gedulfon and brǽcon: ðá was ðǽr on óðre sídan ðæs hláwes gedolfen swylíc mycel wæterseáð wǽre.” Cap. 4. Godw. Ed. p. 26.
93. Beów. l. 6100. In the North it is difficult to find a hoard¹⁴⁶ without a dragon, or a dragon without a hoard.
94. Concealment of treasure-trove is a grave offence, inasmuch as it immediately touches the person and dignity of the king: “De inventoribus thesauri occultati inventi, haec quidem graviora sunt et maiora, eo quod personam regis tangunt principaliter. Sunt etiam crimina aliquantulum minora ... sicut haec; de homicidiis causalibus et voluntariis,” seq. Fleta, lib. 1. cap. 20. § 1, 2, 3 seq., where this offence is assimilated to high-treason, and classed above all offences against individuals, including murder, rape³⁴⁰, arson³⁴¹ and burglary.
95. For a full account of this see Grimm, Rechtsalt. p. 237.
96. See Grimm, Rechtsalt. p. 262.
97. I have little doubt that, when Beda speaks of the pomp with which Eádwini of Northumberland was accustomed to ride, he refers to this ceremony. Hist. Eccl. ii. 16. The well-known tales of Eádgár, rowed by six kings on the Dee, and Cnut at Ely, will at once occur to the reader: but has it never occurred to him to ask what Eádgár could possibly be doing at the one place, or Cnut at the other? See Will. Malm. Gest. Reg. ii. § 148. The same author tells us of Eádgár: “Omni aestate, emensa statim Paschali festivitate, naves³⁴² per omnia littora coadunari praecipiebat; ad occidentalem insulae partem cum orientali classe, et illa remensa cum occidentali ad borealem, inde cum boreali ad orientalem remigare consuetus; pius scilicet explorator, ne quid piratae turbarent. Hyeme et vere, per omnes provincias equitando, iudicia potentiorum exquirebat, violati iuris severus ultor; in hoc iustitiae, in illo fortitudini studens; in utroque reipublicae utilitatibus consulens.” Gest. Reg. ii. § 156. Flor. Wig¹¹². an. 975. “Cum more assueto rex Cnuto regni fines peragrarat.” Hist. Rames. Eccl. (Gale, iii. 441.)
98. Cod. Dipl. No. 143. “Necnon et trium annorum ad se pertinentes pastiones, id est sex convivia, libenter concedendo largitus est.” Probably they were in arrear³⁴³, and Offa excused them: but they could not have been in arrear unless they were payable any under circumstances; that is, whether the king visited the monastery or not. I take this to be a standing tax, known under the name of Cyninges feorm, the king’s farm: it was probably commuted³⁴⁴ for money, and after a time rendered certain as to amount. In 814 Cénwulf released the Bishop of Worcester from a pastus of twelve men which he was bound to find at his different monasteries, and the exemption was worth an estate of thirteen hides. Cod. Dipl. No. 203.
99. See Vol. I. p. 294, seq. Examples may be found in almost every other page of the Codex Diplomaticus. See also Hist. Rames. Eccl. 85.
100. “Faciebant servitium regis cum equis vel per aquam usque ad Blidbeream, Reddinges, Sudtone, Besentone: et hoc facientibus dabat praepositus mercedem non de censu regis, sed de suo.” Domesd. Berks. Many of these burthens are summed up in a charter of liberties granted by Eédweard of Wessex at Taunton, to Winchester: “Erat namque antea in illo supradicto monasterio pastus unius noctis regi, et octo canum, et unius caniculari pastus, et pastus novem noctium accipitrariis regis, et quidquid rex vellet inde ducere usque ad Curig vel Willettun [Curry and Wilton in Somerset] cum plaustris et equis, et si advenae de aliis regionibus advenirent, debebant ducatum habere ad aliam regalem villam quae proxima fuisset in illorum via.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1084. The Vorspann in Hungary, which is a right to a peasant’s horses on the production of an order from the county authorities, is generally a convenience to himself as well as the traveller, who does not object to pay for much better accommodation than he could obtain from the ordinary posting establishment. But it is nevertheless a remnant of barbarism which we may now hope to see vanish, together with every other obstacle to free communication, under the management of that most patriotic³⁴⁵ and enlightened gentleman Count Stephen Szechenji.
101. On the complaint of the clergy of the diocese of Cremona, the emperor Lothaire decided that they were not bound to supply waggons and horses for his service. Böhm. Reg. Karol. No. 544.
102. “Homines de his terris custodiebant regem apud Cantuariam vel apud Sandwic per tres dies, si rex illuc venisset.” Domesd. Kent. “Quando rex iacebat in hac civitate, servabant eum vigilantes duodecim homines de melioribus civitatis. Et cum ibi venationem exerceret, similiter custodiebant eum cum armis meliores burgenses cabalos habentes.” Domesd. Shropsh. “Isti debent vigilare in curia domini, cum praesens fuerit.” Chartul. Evesh. f. 24.
103. “Qui monitus ad stabilitionem venationis non ibat quinquaginta solidos regi emendabat.” Domesd. Berks.
104. Hist. Rams¹⁸¹. 106.
105. There are two places of this name on the coast of the Wash near Burnham Market in Norfolk. The one intended is most probably Ringstead St. Andrew’s.
106. Cod. Dipl. No. 809.
107. See Bracton, ii. 5. § 7. Westm. i. cap. 4. Stat. Praerog. Reg. cap. 11. Also 17. Edw. II. cap. 11. Rot. Chart. 20. Hen. III. m. 3. and 14. Edw. III. m. 6. Pat. 42. Hen. III. m. 1. dorso. See also Sir W. Stamford, Expos. King’s Prerog. fol 37, b.
108. Leg. Hen. I. 10. § 1. Ducange reads laganum for algarum.
109. Cod. Dipl. No. 737, where it is printed both in Latin and Saxon.
110. Cod. Dipl. No. 871.
111. Matt. Westm. an. 975.
112. “Ibi erant duo monetarii; quisque eorum reddebat regi unam marcam argenti, et viginti solidos, quando moneta vertebatur.” Domesd. Dorset. “Septem monetarii erant ibi; unus ex his erat monetarius episcopi. Quando moneta vertebatur, dabat quisque eorum octodecim solidos pro cuneis recipiendis, et ex eo die quo redibant usque ad unum mensem, dabat quisque eorum regi viginti solidos, et similiter habebat episcopus de suo monetario. In civitate Wirecestre habuit rex Edwardus hanc consuetudinem. Quando moneta vertebatur, quisque monetarius dabat XX solidos ad Londoniam, pro cuneis monetae accipiendis.” Domesd. Worcester. See also Domesd. Hereford.
113. Æðelr. iii. § 8; iv. § 9. Thorpe, i. 296, 303.
114. Æðelst. i. § 14. Thorpe, i. 206.
115. Or perhaps his relative, the abbess of Bedford, for it is difficult to conceive how during coverture, the queen could have coined, and proof is wanting that she was ever regent of his kingdom.
116. Cod. Dipl. No. 30. So likewise I imagine the ísengráfas (eisengruben) of Cod. Dipl. No. 1118 to be iron-mines.
117. Cod. Dipl. No. 67. “Aliquam agelli partem in qua sal confici solet ... ad construendos tres casulos et sex caminos ... sex alios ... caminos in duobus casulis, in quibus similiter sal conficitur, vicarios accipiens.”
118. Cod. Dipl. No. 68.
119. Cod. Dipl. No. 77. “Quarta pars aratri ... sali coquendo accommoda.... Et insuper addidi huic donationi ... in omni anno centum plaustra onusta de lignis ad coquendum sal.”
120. Cod. Dipl. No. 85.
121. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 199, 201.
122. Cod. Dipl. No. 234. “Et in eodem loco sali coquenda iuxta Limenae, et in silva ubi dicitur Andred, centum viginti plaustra ad coquendum sal.”
123. Cod. Dipl. No. 237, “Cum putheis salis et fornacibus plumbis.”
124. Cod. Dipl. No. 288. “Unamque salis coquinariam, hoc est án sealternsteall, and ðer cota to, in ilia loco ubi nominatur Herewíc, et quatuor carris transductionem in silba regis sex ebdomades a die Pentecosten hubi alteri homines silbam cedunt, hoc est in regis communione.”
125. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 374. (cf. 1002). “Et tres [mansas] in loco qui Cearn nuncupatur ad coquendam salis copiam.” In 854, Æðelwulf mentions salinaria in a grant to the same place. Cod. Dipl. No. 1051.
126. Cod. Dipl. No. 1066. “Ego Æðelred, divina largiente gratia principatu et dominio gentis Merciorum subfultus, donatione trado Æðelwulfo terrain³⁴⁶ quinque manentium in loco qui dicitur Hymeltun ... salisque coctionibus, id est, sex vascula possint praeparari salva libertate, sine aliquo tributo dominatoris gentis praedictae, sive ducum, iudicumve et praesidum, id est statione sive inoneratione plaustrorum, nisi solo illi qui huic praedictae terrae Hymeltune dominus existat ... ut haec traditio, sive in terra praedicta, sive in vico salis, absque omni censu atque tributo perpetualiter libera permaneat.”
127. Cod. Dipl. No. 1075. “Bútan ðæt se wægnscilling and se seámpending gonge tó ðæs cyninges handa, swá he ealning dyde æt Saltwíc:” except that the wainshilling and loadpenny (“statio et inoneratio plaustrorum”) shall go to the king’s hand, as they always did, at Saltwíc.
128. Tacit. Ann. xiii. 57. “Eadem aestate inter Hermunduros Cattosque certatum magno praelio, dum flumen gignendo sale fecundum et conterminum vi trahunt, super libidinem cuncta armis agendi religione insita, eos maxime locos propinquare coelo, precesque mortalium a deis nusquam propius audiri.”
129. Deut. Staatsr. ii. 426. § 297.
130. Cod. Dipl. No. 280. “Habeat intus liberaliter modium et pondera et mensura[m], sicut in porto mos est ad fruendum.”
131. Cod. Dipl. No. 316. “Et intro urnam et trutinam ad mensurandum in emendo sive vendendo ad usum, sive ad necessitatem propriam et liberam omnimodis habeat.... Si autem foris vel in strata³⁴⁷ publica seu in ripa emptorali quislibet suorum mercaverit, iuxta quod rectum sit, thelonium ad manum regis subeat: quod si intus in curte praedicta quislibet emerit vel vendiderit, thelonium debitum ad manum episcopi supramemorati reddatur.”
132. Cod. Dipl. No. 1084. “Praedictae etiam villae mercimonium, quod anglicè ðæs túnes cýping appellatur, censusque omnus civilis sanctae dei aecclesiae in Wintonia civitate, sine retractionis obstaculo cum omnibus commodis aeternaliter deserviat.”
133. Cod. Dipl. No. 1075.
134. See Böhmer, Regest. Karol. Nos. 439, 628, 700, 2065, 2078.
135. Eádw. § 1. Æðelst. i. § 10, 12, 13; iii. § 2; v. § 10. Eádm. i. § 5. Eádg. Sup. § 6. Æðelb. i. § 3. Cnut, ii. § 24. Eádw. Conf. § 38. Wil. Conq. i. § 45; iii. § 10, 11.
136. See Böhmer, Regest. Karol. Nos. 7, 14, 28, 31, 67, 71, 83, 89, 97, 111, 163, 206, 217, 220, 227, 231, 240, 252, 260, 272, 283, 288, 304, 308, 398, 415, 461, 463, 559, 561, 564, 566, 586, 592, 593, 605, 652, 693, 739, 787, 837, 885, 1528, 2067, 2073. These charters contain full particulars relative to the levy, release and grant of tolls in the Frankish empire.
137. Cod. Dipl. No. 84. “Navis onustae transvectionis censum qui a theloneariis nostris tributaria exactione impetitur, perdonans attribuo; ut ubique in regno nostro libera de omni regali fiscu et tributo maneat.”
138. Cod. Dipl. No. 95. “Ðá forgeofende ic him álýfde alle nédbade twégra sceopa ða ðe ðǽr ábædde beóð fram ðám nédbaderum in Lundentúnes hýðe; ond næfre ic né míne lastweardas né ða nédbaderas geþristlǽcen ðæt heó hit onwenden oððe ðon wiðgǽn.” See similar exemptions in Cod. Dipl. Nos. 97, 98, 112.
139. Cod. Dipl. No. 78. “Indico me dedisse ... unius navis, sive illa propria ipsius, sive cuiuslibet alterius hominis sit, incessum, id est vectigal, mihi et antecessoribus meis iure regio in portu Lundoniae usque hactenus conpetentem.” And this was confirmed a century later by Berhtwulf of Mercia.
140. Cod. Dipl. No. 106. After mentioning one ship, relieved from toll in London, he continues: “Alterius vero ... omne tributum atque vectigal concedimus, quod etiam a thelonariis nostris iuste impetitur publicis in locis, qui appellantur Forduuíc et Seorre.”
141. Cod. Dipl. No. 726. “Ita habeant sicut Siuerthus habuit in vita, in longitudine et in latitudine, in magnis et in modicis rebus³⁴⁸, campis, pascuis, pratis, silvis, theloneum aquarum, piscationem in paludibus.”
142. Cod. Dipl. No. 737. “Eorum est navicula et transfretatio portus, et theloneum omnium navium, cuiuscunque sit et undecumque veniat, quae ad praedictum portum et ad Sanduuíc venerint.”
143. Cod. Dipl. No. 758. The story is altogether so good, and so well told, that it may be given here entire.
“This writing witnesseth how Harold the king caused Sandwich to be ridden about to his own hand: and he kept it for himself well nigh a twelvemonth, and at any rate fully two herring-seasons, all against God’s will, and against the Saints’ who lie at Christchurch, as it turned out ill enough for him afterwards. And during this time there went Ælfstán the abbot of St. Augustine’s, and got, with his lying flatteries and his gold and silver, all secretly from Steorra who was the king’s redesman, a right to the third penny of the toll at Sandwich. Now when archbishop Eádsige and all the brotherhood³⁴⁹ at Christchurch learnt this, they took counsel together, that they should send Ælfgár, the monk of Christchurch, to king Harold. Now the king lay at Oxford³⁵⁰ very ill, so that his life was despaired of; and there were with him Lýfing, bishop of Devonshire, and Tancred the monk. Then came the messenger from Christchurch to the bishop; and he forth³⁵¹ at once to the king, and with him Ælfgár the monk, Osweard of Harrietsham, and Tancred; and they told the king that he had deeply sinned against Christ, in ever daring to take back anything from Christchurch which his predecessors had given: and then they told him about Sandwich, how it had been ridden about to his hand. There lay the king and turned quite black in the face at their tale, and swore by God Almighty³⁵² and all his saints to boot, that it never was either his rede or his deed, that Sandwich should be taken from Christchurch. So it was plain enough that it was other peoples’ and not king Harold’s contrivance: and to say the truth, Ælfstán the abbot’s counsel was with the men who counselled it out of Christchurch. Then king Harold sent Ælfgár the monk back to archbishop Eádsige and all the monks at Christchurch, and gave them God’s greeting and his own, and commanded that they should have Sandwich, into Christchurch, as fully and wholly as they had ever had it in any king’s day, both in rent, in stream, on strand, in fines, and in everything which any king had ever most fully possessed before them. Now when abbot Ælfstán heard of this, he came to archbishop Eádsige and begged his support with the brotherhood, about the third penny: and away they both went to all the brotherhood and begged the Convent that abbot Ælfstán might be allowed the third penny of the toll, and he to give the Convent ten pounds. But they refused it altogether throughout, and said it was no use asking: and withal archbishop Eádsige backed him much more than he did the Convent. And when he could not get on in this way, he asked leave to make a wharf³⁵³ over against Mildðrýð’s acre, opposite the ferry (?) to keep, but all the Convent decidedly refused this: and archbishop Eádsige left it all to their own decision. Then abbot Ælfstán set to, with a great help, and let dig a great canal at Hyppeles fleót, hoping that craft would lie there, just as they did at Sandwich: however he got no good by it; for he laboureth in vain who laboureth against Christ’s will. So the abbot left it in this state, and the Convent took to their own, in God’s witness, and Saint Mary’s, and all the Saints’ who rest at Christchurch and Saint Augustine’s. This is all true, believe it who will: abbot Ælfstán never got the third penny at Sandwich in any other way. God’s blessing³⁵⁴ be with us all now and for ever more! Amen.”
144. The following is the tariff of tolls levied at Billingsgate. Æðelr. iv. § 2. “De telonio dando ad Bylingesgate. Ad Billingesgate, si advenisset una navicula, unus obolus telonei dabatur: si maior et haberet siglas, unus denarius. Si adveniat ceól vel hulcus, et ibi iaceat, quatuor denarios ad teloneum. De navi plena lignorum, unum lignum ad teloneum. In ebdomada panum telonium tribus diebus, die dominica, et die Martis et die Jovis. Qui ad pontem venisset cum uno bato, ubi piscis inesset, ipse mango unum obolum dabat in telonium, et de una maiori nave, unum denarium. Homines de Rotomago, qui veniebant cum vino vel craspice, dabant rectitudinem sex solidorum de magna navi, et vicesimum frustum de ipso craspice. Flandrenses et Ponteienses et Normannia et Francia, monstrabant res suas et extolneabant. Hogge et Leodium et Nivella, qui per terras ibant, ostensionem dabant et teloneum. Et homines Imperatoris, qui veniebant in navibus suis, bonarum legum digni tenebantur, sicut et nos. Praeter discarcatam lanum et dissutum unctum et tres porcos vivos licebat eis emere in naves suas; et non licebat eis aliquod foreceápum facere burhmannis; et dare telonium suum, et in sancto Natali Domini duos grisengos pannos, et unum brunum, et decem libras piperis, et cirotecas quinque hominum, et duos caballinos tonellos aceto plenos, et totidem in Pascha: de dosseris cum gallinis, una gallina telonei, et de uno dossero cum ovis, quinque ova telonei, si veniant ad mercatum. Smeremangestre, quae mangonant in caseo et butiro, quatuordecim diebus ante Natale Domini, unum denarium, et septem diebus post Natale, unum alium.”
145. Eichhorn, Deut. Staatsr. i. 813, § 199.
146. “Lucos et nemora consecrant.” Tac. Germ. ix.
147. As early as 825 we find questions of pasture contested by the swángeréfa as an officer of the ealdorman. Cod. Dipl. No. 219. The scírholt mentioned in this document would seem to have been the shire-forest or public wood of the county; hence probably a royal ban-forest, subject to the royal officer, the ealdorman.
148. See these in Thorpe, i. 426.
149. Illiberalis; perhaps a freedman, or a free man not a landowner. The distinctions here are liber, illiberalis, servus.
150. This must denote gentry³⁵⁵, something more than mere freedom.
151. The mediocris is defined as twýhynde, the liberalis as twelfhynde. § 33, 34.
152. This regulation was very likely forced upon him by his Witan, inasmuch as it is also recorded in his laws, § 81. “Every one shall be entitled to his hunting both in wood and field, upon his own property. And let every one forego my hunting: take notice where I will have it untrespassed upon, on penalty of the full wíte.”
153. See Vol. I. p. 312.
154. Cod. Dipl. No. 1086. Bishop Denewulf gave Ælfred forty hides at Alresford, loaded with various conditions: among them, that his men should be ready “ge tó ripe ge tó hunt[n]oðe,” that is at the bishop’s harvest and hunting.
155. Cod. Dipl. No. 1287. Oswald bishop of Worcester, stating the terms on which he let the lands of his see, includes among them the services of his tenants at his hunting: “Sed et venationis sepem domini episcopi [clearly a park] ultronei ad aedificandum repperiantur, suaque, quandocumque domino episcopo libuerit, venabula destinent venatum.”
156. The importance of pannage or masting was such as to cause the introduction of a clause guarding it, in the Charta de Foresta,—a document considered by our forefathers as hardly less important than Magna Charta itself: see § 9. Domesday usually notes the amount of pannage in an estate, and Fleta (Bk. ii. cap. 80) thinks it necessary to devote a chapter to the subject.
157. The Oldsaxons in Westphalia called a distinguished class of persons Erfexe, or Hereditary axes, from their right to hew³⁵⁶ wood in the Mark. Möser (Osnab. i. 19) gives an erroneous derivation for this name, but Grimm corrects him: Deut. Rechtsalt. 504.
158. “Dunhelmum veniens, locum quidem natura munitum, sed non facile habitabilem invenit, quoniam densissima eum silva totum occupabat,” etc. Transl. Sci. Cuðb. Bed. Hist. vol. ii. p. 302. The earliest grants of land on which these establishments were placed, usually state the land to be silva or silvatica.
159. Cod. Dipl. No. 259.
160. Cod. Dipl. No. 276. “Et decem carros cum silvo (sic) honestos in monte regis, et communionem marisci quae ad illam villam antiquitus cum recto pertinebat.”
161. Cod. Dipl. No. 241. “Duobusque carris dabo licentiam silfam ad illas secundum antiquam consuetudinem et constituidem (sic) in aestate perferendam in commune silfa quod nos saxonicae in geménnisse dicimus.”
162. Cod. Dipl. No. 119. “Et ad pascendum porcos et pecora, et iumenta in silva regali aeternaliter perdono; et unius caprae licentiam in silva quae vocatur Saenling ubi meae vadunt.”
163. Royal forests in which common of pasture, or timber is given by the king. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 77, 107, 108, 201, 207, 234, 239, etc. Civic³⁵⁷ and common forests in which the king makes similar grants. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 96, 160, 179, 190, 198, 216, 219, etc. Private forests, conveyed in general terms of the grant. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 16, 17, 27, 32, 35, 36, 80, 83, 85, etc. Private forests particularly defined as appurtenant. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 80, 89, 138, 152, 161, 165, 187, 214, etc.
164. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 47, 86, 96, etc.
165. Cod. Dipl. No. 56. “Excepto eo, ut si quando in insula eidem ruri pertinente proventus copiosior glandis acciderit, uni solummodo gregi porcorum saginae pastus regi concederetur; et praeter hoc nulli, neque principi, neque praefecto, neque tiranno alicui, pascua constituantur.” This right of the king’s was called Fearnleswe: “Et illam terram ... liberabo a pascua porcorum regis quod nominamus Fearnleswe.” Cod. Dipl. No. 277.
166. Cod. Dipl. No. 236. “Silva quoque omnis quae illi aecclesiae et suburbanis eius suppetit, in omnibus causis sit libera, et non secetur ibi ad regis vel principis aedificia aliqua pars materiae grossi vel gracilis, sed ab omnibus defensa et libera maneat.” Compare Böhm. Reg. Karol. Nos. 387, 1157, 1598.
167. From a speech of Lord Bacon’s against the abuses of purveyors, it appears that those who were to purvey³⁵⁸ timber for the king, even as late as the reign of James the First, used to extort²⁵² money by the threat of felling ornamental³⁵⁹ trees in the avenues or grounds of mansion-houses. Barrington, Anc. Stat. p. 7, note.
168. “If any one wrong an ecclesiastic¹⁶³ or a foreigner, in anything touching either his property or his life, then shall the king, or the earl there in the land [i. e. among the Danes] or the bishop of the people be unto him as a kinsman³⁶⁰ and protector: and let compensation be strictly made, according to the deed, both to Christ and the king; or let the king among the people severely³⁶¹ avenge³⁶² the deed.” Eádw. Guð. § 12. Thorpe, i. 174. See also Ranks. § 8. Æðelr. ix. § 33. Cnut, ii. § 40. Hen. I. x. § 3; lxxv. § 7.
169. Cod. Dipl. No. 236. “Similiter de haereditate peregrinorum, id est Gallorum et Brittonum et horum similium, aecclesiae reddatur. Praetium quoque sanguinis peregrinorum, id est wergyld, dimidiam partem rex teneat, dimidiam aecclesiae antedictae reddant.”
170. Deut. Staatsr. i. 422, § 297. He cites an instruction of Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg an. 1462, which contains this Christian-like provision:—“When a Roman emperor and king is crowned, he has a right to take all they possess throughout his realm, yea and their lives also, and to slay them, until only a little number of them be left, to serve as a memorial.” Kings and populations, without being heads of the holy Roman empire, assumed a similar right only too often.
171. Eádw. Conf. § 25. “Sciendum est quod omnes Judaei, ubicunque regno sint, sub tutela et defensione regis ligie debent esse. Neque aliquis eorum potest subdere se alicui diviti sine licentia regis; quia ipsi Judaei et omnia sua regis sunt. Quod si aliquis detinuerit illos vel pecuniam eorum, rex requirat tanquam suum proprium, si vult et potest.”
172. Cnut, ii. § 40. Thorpe, i. 400.
173. Böhm. Reg. Karol. Nos. 88, 680, 1931.
174. It has already been noticed as remarkable that Pontifex, the bridge-builder, should be the name for the priestly class. There are many superstitions³⁶³ connected with bridges, and the spirit of the bridge even to this day, in Germany, demands his victims as inexorably as the spirit of the river. Deut. Mythol. p. 563. The passage in Schol. Ælii Aristid. which speaks, according to a modern emendation, of Palladia in connection with bridges, is hopelessly corrupt³⁶⁴. But Servius, Æneid, ii. 661, says the Athenian Pallas was called γεφυρῖτις (not γεφυρίστης as the copies have), and this is confirmed by the Interp. Virgil, published by Mai, where from her position on a bridge the goddess is called γεφυρῖτις Ἀθηνᾶ. Pherecydes (No. 101) and Phylarchus (No. 79) both appear to refer to this, if indeed the proposed readings can be admitted. See Fragm. Hist. Græc. pp. 95, 356. There was in very early times a gens of γεφυραῖοι at Athens, but I do not know if they had any priestly functions. They had the worship of Δημήτηρ Ἄχαια, and were Cadmæans who had immigrated³⁶⁵ into Attica; from among them sprung Harmodius and Aristogeiton.
175. Thierry, Lettres sur l’Hist. de France, p. 272. “Ainsi élevés de la triste condition de sujets taillables d’une abbaye au rang d’alliés politiques d’un des plus puissants seigneurs, les habitans de Vézelay cherchèrent à s’entourer des signes extérieurs qui annonçaient ce changement d’état. Ils élevèrent autour de leurs maisons, chacun selon sa richesse, des murailles crénelées, ce qui était alors la marque de la garantie du privilége de liberté. L’un des plus considérables parmi eux, nommé Simon, jeta les fondements d’une grosse tour carrée, comme celle dont les restes se voient à Toulouse, à Arles, et dans plusieurs villes d’Italie. Ces tours, auxquelles la tradition joint³⁶⁶ encore le nom de leur premier³⁶⁷ possesseur, donnent une grande idée de l’importance individuelle des riches bourgeois³⁶⁸ du moyen âge, importance bien autre que la petite considération dont ils jouirent plus tard sous le régime monarchique. Cet appareil seigneurial n’était pas, dans les grandes villes de commune, le privilége exclusif d’un petit nombre d’hommes, seuls puissants au milieu³⁶⁹ d’une multitude pauvre: Avignon, au commencement du treizième siècle, ne comptait pas moins de trois cents maisons garnies de tours.”
This last fact rests upon the authority of Matthew Paris. On the defeat of the Commune, the order was given to raze³⁷⁰ their fortifications. The king himself, Louis le Jeune (A.D. 1155), distinctly decreed in the sentence which he pronounced against them, that within a given time the towers, walls and enclosures with which they had fortified their houses should be demolished³⁷¹. But the burghers had no such intention; “ces signes de liberté leur étaient plus chers que leur argent;” and they continued to resist even after the Pope himself had written to the king of France to demand the execution of the decree. At length however the Abbot of Vézelay took the matter into his own hands. “Il fit venir, des domaines de son église, une troupe³⁷² nombreuse de jeunes paysans serfs, qu’il arma aussi bien qu’il put, et auxquels il donna pour commandants les plus déterminés de ses moines. Cette troupe marcha droit à la maison de Simon, et ne trouvant aucune résistance, se mit à démolir la tour et les murailles crénelées, tandisque le maître de la maison, calme et fier comme un Romain du temps de la république, était assis au coin du feu avec sa femme et ses enfants. Ce succès, obtenu sans combat, décida la victoire en faveur de la puissance seigneuriale, et ceux d’entre les bourgeois qui avaient des maisons fortifiées donnèrent à l’abbé des otages, pour garantie de la destruction de tous leur ouvrages de défense. ‘Alors,’ dit le narrateur ecclésiastique, ‘toute querelle fut terminée, et l’Abbaye de Vézelay recouvra le libre exercice de son droit de juridiction sur ses vassaux rebelles.’” Ibid. pp. 291, 292.
176. Cod. Dipl. No. 1075.
177. Chron. Sax. 1052. “Ða geáxode Rotberd arcebisceop ⁊ ða Frencisce ðæt, genamon heora hors ⁊ gewendon, sume west tó Pentecostes castele, sume norð tó Rodberhtes castele.” However these were foreigners, a culpable³⁷³ complaisance³⁷⁴ towards whom is a grievous stain upon Eádweard’s otherwise amiable³⁷⁵, though weak, character.
178. Böhm. Deg. Karol. Nos. 248, 316.
179. Rect. Sing. Pers. Thorpe, i. 432.
180. Æðelr. ii. § 2. Thorpe, i. 284.
181. Cnut, ii. § 74, 75.
182. “Pro mercede solicitudinis et laboris, quo regem Ædredum ad consensum inflexerat, ut ei liceret filiam cuiusdam viri Ulfi; quam concupiverat, maritali sibi foedere copulare.” Hist. Rames. cap. 23.
183. Cnut, ii. § 72. Thorpe, i. 414.
184. A baronial court.
185. Cod. Dipl. No. 957.
186. Ibid. No. 1173.
187. Ibid. No. 1223.
188. Ibid. No. 492.
189. Ibid. No. 593.
190. Cod. Dipl. No. 699. This is very nearly the exact heriot. Æðelríc, who was no friend to the king, probably meant to give him no doit more than he could legally claim.
191. Cod. Dipl. No. 716.
192. Ibid. No. 967.
193. Ibid. No. 979.
194. Ibid. No. 782.
195. Ibid. No. 410.
196. Ibid. No. 685.
197. Cod. Dipl. No. 721.
198. Domesd. Berks. “Tanias vel miles regis dominicus moriens pro relevamento dimittebat regi omnia arma sua, et equum unum cum sella, unum sine sella. Quod si essent ei canes³⁷⁶ vel accipitres, praesentabantur regi, ut si vellet, acciperet.”
199. Fleta, ii. cap. 57, § 1, 2. “Imprimis autem debet quilibet qui testaverit dominum suum de meliori re quam habuerit recognoscere, et postea aecclesiam de alia meliori, et in quibusdam locis habet aecclesia melius animal de consuetudine, in quibusdam secundum vel tertium melius, et in quibusdam nihil: et ideo observanda est consuetudo loci.” § 2. “Item de morte uxoris alicuius viri, dum vir superstes fuerit, de toto grege communi secundum melius averium, quasi de parte sua: sed hoc non nisi de permissione et gratia viri.” This Melius catallum, Bestehaupt or Best-head was in fact a servile due: but in this sense it was an alleviation²⁷⁹; for strictly speaking the lord could take the whole inheritance of his unfree tenant. In 1252 Margaret Countess of Flanders gave this alleviation to the serfs of the crown: “Tous les serfs demeurant en Flandre, sous la justice propre de la comtesse, furent affranchis de servitude en 1252, à charge de payer par³³ homme trois deniers, et par femme un denier annuellement; et le droit qu’elle avait à la moitié des meubles en catteux des serfs morts, fut reduit au meilleur cattel, [melius catallum] autre que maison ou bête de somme.” Warnkönig. Hist. Fland. i. 259. On this subject generally see Nelson, Lex Maneriorum, p. 154.

1 con   

n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的

参考例句：

• We must be fair and consider the reason pro and con.我们必须公平考虑赞成和反对的理由。
• The motion is adopted non con.因无人投反对票，协议被通过。

2 kin   

n.家族，亲属，血缘关系；adj.亲属关系的，同类的

参考例句：

• He comes of good kin.他出身好。
• She has gone to live with her husband's kin.她住到丈夫的亲戚家里去了。

3 royalty   

n.皇家，皇族

参考例句：

• She claims to be descended from royalty.她声称她是皇室后裔。
• I waited on tables，and even catered to royalty at the Royal Albert Hall.我做过服务生， 甚至在皇家阿伯特大厅侍奉过皇室的人。

4 reign   

n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势

参考例句：

• The reign of Queen Elizabeth lapped over into the seventeenth century.伊丽莎白王朝延至17世纪。
• The reign of Zhu Yuanzhang lasted about 31 years.朱元璋统治了大约三十一年。

5 magistrate   

n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官

参考例句：

• The magistrate committed him to prison for a month.法官判处他一个月监禁。
• John was fined 1000 dollars by the magistrate.约翰被地方法官罚款1000美元。

6 fixed   

adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的

参考例句：

• Have you two fixed on a date for the wedding yet?你们俩选定婚期了吗？
• Once the aim is fixed,we should not change it arbitrarily.目标一旦确定，我们就不应该随意改变。

7 levied   

征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税

参考例句：

• Taxes should be levied more on the rich than on the poor. 向富人征收的税应该比穷人的多。
• Heavy fines were levied on motoring offenders. 违规驾车者会遭到重罚。

8 royalties   

特许权使用费

参考例句：

• I lived on about £3,000 a year from the royalties on my book. 我靠着写书得来的每年约3，000英镑的版税生活。 来自辞典例句
• Payments shall generally be made in the form of royalties. 一般应采取提成方式支付。 来自经济法规部分

9 domains   

n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产

参考例句：

• The theory of thermodynamics links the macroscopic and submicroscopic domains. 热力学把宏观世界同亚微观世界联系起来。 来自辞典例句
• All three flow domains are indicated by shading. 所有三个流动区域都是用阴影部分表示的。 来自辞典例句

10 pro   

n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者

参考例句：

• The two debating teams argued the question pro and con.辩论的两组从赞成与反对两方面辩这一问题。
• Are you pro or con nuclear disarmament?你是赞成还是反对核裁军？

11 reigned   

vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式）

参考例句：

• Silence reigned in the hall. 全场肃静。 来自《现代汉英综合大词典》
• Night was deep and dead silence reigned everywhere. 夜深人静，一片死寂。 来自《现代汉英综合大词典》

12 supervision   

n.监督，管理

参考例句：

• The work was done under my supervision.这项工作是在我的监督之下完成的。
• The old man's will was executed under the personal supervision of the lawyer.老人的遗嘱是在律师的亲自监督下执行的。

13 compulsory   

n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的

参考例句：

• Is English a compulsory subject?英语是必修课吗？
• Compulsory schooling ends at sixteen.义务教育至16岁为止。

14 abound   

vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于

参考例句：

• Oranges abound here all the year round.这里一年到头都有很多橙子。
• But problems abound in the management of State-owned companies.但是在国有企业的管理中仍然存在不少问题。

15 payable   

adj.可付的，应付的，有利益的

参考例句：

• This check is payable on demand.这是一张见票即付的支票。
• No tax is payable on these earnings.这些收入不须交税。

16 confiscation   

n. 没收, 充公, 征收

参考例句：

• Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels. 没收一切流亡分子和叛乱分子的财产。 来自英汉非文学 - 共产党宣言
• Confiscation of smuggled property is part of the penalty for certain offences. 没收走私财产是对某些犯罪予以惩罚的一部分。

17 offenders   

n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物）

参考例句：

• Long prison sentences can be a very effective deterrent for offenders. 判处长期徒刑可对违法者起到强有力的威慑作用。
• Purposeful work is an important part of the regime for young offenders. 使从事有意义的劳动是管理少年犯的重要方法。

18 chattels   

n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• An assignment is a total alienation of chattels personal. 动产转让是指属人动产的完全转让。 来自辞典例句
• Alan and I, getting our chattels together, struck into another road to reassume our flight. 艾伦和我收拾好我们的财物，急匆匆地走上了另一条路，继续过我们的亡命生活。 来自辞典例句

19 dwelling   

n.住宅，住所，寓所

参考例句：

• Those two men are dwelling with us.那两个人跟我们住在一起。
• He occupies a three-story dwelling place on the Park Street.他在派克街上有一幢3层楼的寓所。

20 standing   

n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的

参考例句：

• After the earthquake only a few houses were left standing.地震过后只有几幢房屋还立着。
• They're standing out against any change in the law.他们坚决反对对法律做任何修改。

21 touching   

adj.动人的，使人感伤的

参考例句：

• It was a touching sight.这是一幅动人的景象。
• His letter was touching.他的信很感人。

22 concurrence   

n.同意；并发

参考例句：

• There is a concurrence of opinion between them.他们的想法一致。
• The concurrence of their disappearances had to be more than coincidental.他们同时失踪肯定不仅仅是巧合。

23 amend   

vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿

参考例句：

• The teacher advised him to amend his way of living.老师劝他改变生活方式。
• You must amend your pronunciation.你必须改正你的发音。

24 possessed   

adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的

参考例句：

• He flew out of the room like a man possessed.他像着了魔似地猛然冲出房门。
• He behaved like someone possessed.他行为举止像是魔怔了。

25 vent   

n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄

参考例句：

• He gave vent to his anger by swearing loudly.他高声咒骂以发泄他的愤怒。
• When the vent became plugged,the engine would stop.当通风口被堵塞时，发动机就会停转。

26 monarchies   

n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治

参考例句：

• It cleared away a number of monarchies. 它清除了好几个君主政体。
• Nowadays, there are few monarchies left in the world. 现在世界上君主制的国家已经很少了。

27 levy   

n.征收税或其他款项，征收额

参考例句：

• They levy a tax on him.他们向他征税。
• A direct food levy was imposed by the local government.地方政府征收了食品税。

28 militia   

n.民兵，民兵组织

参考例句：

• First came the PLA men,then the people's militia.人民解放军走在前面，其次是民兵。
• There's a building guarded by the local militia at the corner of the street.街道拐角处有一幢由当地民兵团守卫的大楼。

29 cumulative   

adj.累积的，渐增的

参考例句：

• This drug has a cumulative effect.这种药有渐增的效力。
• The benefits from eating fish are cumulative.吃鱼的好处要长期才能显现。

30 breach   

n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破

参考例句：

• We won't have any breach of discipline.我们不允许任何破坏纪律的现象。
• He was sued for breach of contract.他因不履行合同而被起诉。

31 guardian   

n.监护人；守卫者，保护者

参考例句：

• The form must be signed by the child's parents or guardian. 这张表格须由孩子的家长或监护人签字。
• The press is a guardian of the public weal. 报刊是公共福利的卫护者。

32 mote   

n.微粒；斑点

参考例句：

• Seeing the mote in one's neighbor's eye,but not the beam in one's own.能看见别人眼里的尘埃，看不见自己眼里的木头。
• The small mote on her forehead distinguishes her from her twin sister.她额头上的这个小斑点是她与其双胞胎妹妹的区别。

33 par   

n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的

参考例句：

• Sales of nylon have been below par in recent years.近年来尼龙织品的销售额一直不及以往。
• I don't think his ability is on a par with yours.我认为他的能力不能与你的能力相媲美。

34 illustrate   

v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图

参考例句：

• The company's bank statements illustrate its success.这家公司的银行报表说明了它的成功。
• This diagram will illustrate what I mean.这个图表可说明我的意思。

35 Christian   

adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒

参考例句：

• They always addressed each other by their Christian name.他们总是以教名互相称呼。
• His mother is a sincere Christian.他母亲是个虔诚的基督教徒。

36 commonwealth   

n.共和国，联邦，共同体

参考例句：

• He is the chairman of the commonwealth of artists.他是艺术家协会的主席。
• Most of the members of the Commonwealth are nonwhite.英联邦的许多成员国不是白人国家。

37 paramount   

a.最重要的，最高权力的

参考例句：

• My paramount object is to save the Union and destroy slavery.我的最高目标是拯救美国，摧毁奴隶制度。
• Nitrogen is of paramount importance to life on earth.氮对地球上的生命至关重要。

38 tariff   

n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表

参考例句：

• There is a very high tariff on jewelry.宝石类的关税率很高。
• The government is going to lower the tariff on importing cars.政府打算降低进口汽车的关税。

39 applied   

adj.应用的；v.应用，适用

参考例句：

• She plans to take a course in applied linguistics.她打算学习应用语言学课程。
• This cream is best applied to the face at night.这种乳霜最好晚上擦脸用。

40 slew   

v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多

参考例句：

• He slewed the car against the side of the building.他的车滑到了大楼的一侧，抵住了。
• They dealt with a slew of other issues.他们处理了大量的其他问题。

41 dishonour   

n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩

参考例句：

• There's no dishonour in losing.失败并不是耻辱。
• He would rather die than live in dishonour.他宁死不愿忍辱偷生。

42 maiden   

n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的

参考例句：

• The prince fell in love with a fair young maiden.王子爱上了一位年轻美丽的少女。
• The aircraft makes its maiden flight tomorrow.这架飞机明天首航。

43 guilt   

n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责

参考例句：

• She tried to cover up her guilt by lying.她企图用谎言掩饰自己的罪行。
• Don't lay a guilt trip on your child about schoolwork.别因为功课责备孩子而使他觉得很内疚。

44 mitigated   

v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• The cost of getting there is mitigated by Sydney's offer of a subsidy. 由于悉尼提供补助金，所以到那里的花费就减少了。 来自辞典例句
• The living conditions were slightly mitigated. 居住条件稍有缓解。 来自辞典例句

45 bishop   

n.主教，（国际象棋）象

参考例句：

• He was a bishop who was held in reverence by all.他是一位被大家都尊敬的主教。
• Two years after his death the bishop was canonised.主教逝世两年后被正式封为圣者。

46 trove   

n.被发现的东西，收藏的东西

参考例句：

• He assembled a rich trove of Chinese porcelain.他收集了一批中国瓷器。
• The gallery is a treasure trove of medieval art.这个画廊是中世纪艺术的宝库。

47 rebut   

v.辩驳，驳回

参考例句：

• He attempted to rebut the assertions made by the prosecution witness.他试图反驳控方证人所作的断言。
• This open letter is to rebut the argument of abstractionism.这封公开信是反驳抽象派论点的。

48 doom   

n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定

参考例句：

• The report on our economic situation is full of doom and gloom.这份关于我们经济状况的报告充满了令人绝望和沮丧的调子。
• The dictator met his doom after ten years of rule.独裁者统治了十年终于完蛋了。

49 sanctuary   

n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区

参考例句：

• There was a sanctuary of political refugees behind the hospital.医院后面有一个政治难民的避难所。
• Most countries refuse to give sanctuary to people who hijack aeroplanes.大多数国家拒绝对劫机者提供庇护。

50 peculiar   

adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的

参考例句：

• He walks in a peculiar fashion.他走路的样子很奇特。
• He looked at me with a very peculiar expression.他用一种很奇怪的表情看着我。

51 monasteries   

修道院( monastery的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• In ancient China, there were lots of monasteries. 在古时候，中国有许多寺院。
• The Negev became a religious center with many monasteries and churches. 内格夫成为许多庙宇和教堂的宗教中心。

52 rebellious   

adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的

参考例句：

• They will be in danger if they are rebellious.如果他们造反，他们就要发生危险。
• Her reply was mild enough,but her thoughts were rebellious.她的回答虽然很温和，但她的心里十分反感。

53 inflict   

vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担

参考例句：

• Don't inflict your ideas on me.不要把你的想法强加于我。
• Don't inflict damage on any person.不要伤害任何人。

54 inter   

v.埋葬

参考例句：

• They interred their dear comrade in the arms.他们埋葬了他们亲爱的战友。
• The man who died in that accident has been interred.在那次事故中死的那个人已经被埋葬了。

55 literally   

adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实

参考例句：

• He translated the passage literally.他逐字逐句地翻译这段文字。
• Sometimes she would not sit down till she was literally faint.有时候，她不走到真正要昏厥了，决不肯坐下来。

56 scattered   

adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的

参考例句：

• Gathering up his scattered papers,he pushed them into his case.他把散乱的文件收拾起来，塞进文件夹里。

57 breaches   

破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背

参考例句：

• He imposed heavy penalties for breaches of oath or pledges. 他对违反誓言和保证的行为给予严厉的惩罚。
• This renders all breaches of morality before marriage very uncommon. 这样一来，婚前败坏道德的事就少见了。

58 entrusted   

v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• He entrusted the task to his nephew. 他把这任务托付给了他的侄儿。
• She was entrusted with the direction of the project. 她受委托负责这项计划。 来自《简明英汉词典》

59 banishing   

v.放逐，驱逐( banish的现在分词 )

参考例句：

• And he breathes out fast, like a king banishing a servant. 他呼气则非常迅速，像一个国王驱逐自己的奴仆。 来自互联网
• Banishing genetic disability must therefore be our primary concern. 消除基因缺陷是我们的首要之急。 来自互联网

60 outlawing   

宣布…为不合法（outlaw的现在分词形式）

参考例句：

• Regulations are outlawing certain refrigerants, such as chlorofluorocarbons, which contain ozone-depleting chemicals. 随后出台的政策禁用了部分制冷剂，如破坏臭氧层的氟氯碳化合物。
• An amendment outlawing sale of intoxicating liquors(1920)was repealed in 1933. 规定售卖酒类为非法的一个宪法修正案（一九二○年）在一九三三年被废止。

61 jurisdiction   

n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权

参考例句：

• It doesn't lie within my jurisdiction to set you free.我无权将你释放。
• Changzhou is under the jurisdiction of Jiangsu Province.常州隶属江苏省。

62 slay   

v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮

参考例句：

• He intended to slay his father's murderer.他意图杀死杀父仇人。
• She has ordered me to slay you.她命令我把你杀了。

63 slayer   

n. 杀人者，凶手

参考例句：

• The young man was Oedipus, who thus unknowingly became the slayer of his own father. 这位青年就是俄狄浦斯。他在不明真相的情况下杀死了自己的父亲。
• May I depend on you to stand by me and my daughters, then, deer-slayer? 如此说来，我可以指望你照料我和女儿了，杀鹿人？

64 writ   

n.命令状，书面命令

参考例句：

• This is a copy of a writ I received this morning.这是今早我收到的书面命令副本。
• You shouldn't treat the newspapers as if they were Holy Writ. 你不应该把报上说的话奉若神明。

65 determined   

adj.坚定的；有决心的

参考例句：

• I have determined on going to Tibet after graduation.我已决定毕业后去西藏。
• He determined to view the rooms behind the office.他决定查看一下办公室后面的房间。

66 conversion   

n.转化，转换，转变

参考例句：

• He underwent quite a conversion.他彻底变了。
• Waste conversion is a part of the production process.废物处理是生产过程的一个组成部分。

67 machinery   

n.(总称)机械，机器；机构

参考例句：

• Has the machinery been put up ready for the broadcast?广播器材安装完毕了吗？
• Machinery ought to be well maintained all the time.机器应该随时注意维护。

68 modifications   

n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变

参考例句：

• The engine was pulled apart for modifications and then reassembled. 发动机被拆开改型，然后再组装起来。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• The original plan had undergone fairly extensive modifications. 原计划已经作了相当大的修改。 来自《简明英汉词典》

69 monarchy   

n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国

参考例句：

• The monarchy in England plays an important role in British culture.英格兰的君主政体在英国文化中起重要作用。
• The power of the monarchy in Britain today is more symbolical than real.今日英国君主的权力多为象徵性的，无甚实际意义。

70 judicial   

adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的

参考例句：

• He is a man with a judicial mind.他是个公正的人。
• Tom takes judicial proceedings against his father.汤姆对他的父亲正式提出诉讼。

71 veracious   

adj.诚实可靠的

参考例句：

• Miss Stackpole was a strictly veracious reporter.斯坦克波尔小姐是一丝不苟、实事求是的记者。
• We need to make a veracious evaluation.我们需要事先作出准确的估计。

72 commissioners   

n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官

参考例句：

• The Commissioners of Inland Revenue control British national taxes. 国家税收委员管理英国全国的税收。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• The SEC has five commissioners who are appointed by the president. 证券交易委员会有５名委员，是由总统任命的。 来自英汉非文学 - 政府文件

73 proceedings   

n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报

参考例句：

• He was released on bail pending committal proceedings. 他交保获释正在候审。
• to initiate legal proceedings against sb 对某人提起诉讼

74 proceeding   

n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报

参考例句：

• This train is now proceeding from Paris to London.这次列车从巴黎开往伦敦。
• The work is proceeding briskly.工作很有生气地进展着。

75 admiration   

n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕

参考例句：

• He was lost in admiration of the beauty of the scene.他对风景之美赞不绝口。
• We have a great admiration for the gold medalists.我们对金牌获得者极为敬佩。

76 judgments   

判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判

参考例句：

• A peculiar austerity marked his judgments of modern life. 他对现代生活的批评带着一种特殊的苛刻。
• He is swift with his judgments. 他判断迅速。

77 judgment   

n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见

参考例句：

• The chairman flatters himself on his judgment of people.主席自认为他审视人比别人高明。
• He's a man of excellent judgment.他眼力过人。

78 injustice   

n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利

参考例句：

• They complained of injustice in the way they had been treated.他们抱怨受到不公平的对待。
• All his life he has been struggling against injustice.他一生都在与不公正现象作斗争。

79 enquired   

打听( enquire的过去式和过去分词 )； 询问； 问问题； 查问

参考例句：

• He enquired for the book in a bookstore. 他在书店查询那本书。
• Fauchery jestingly enquired whether the Minister was coming too. 浮式瑞嘲笑着问部长是否也会来。

80 decided   

adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的

参考例句：

• This gave them a decided advantage over their opponents.这使他们比对手具有明显的优势。
• There is a decided difference between British and Chinese way of greeting.英国人和中国人打招呼的方式有很明显的区别。

81 premises   

n.建筑物，房屋

参考例句：

• According to the rules,no alcohol can be consumed on the premises.按照规定，场内不准饮酒。
• All repairs are done on the premises and not put out.全部修缮都在家里进行，不用送到外面去做。

82 folly   

n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话

参考例句：

• Learn wisdom by the folly of others.从别人的愚蠢行动中学到智慧。
• Events proved the folly of such calculations.事情的进展证明了这种估计是愚蠢的。

83 marvel   

vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事

参考例句：

• The robot is a marvel of modern engineering.机器人是现代工程技术的奇迹。
• The operation was a marvel of medical skill.这次手术是医术上的一个奇迹。

84 insolence   

n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度

参考例句：

• I've had enough of your insolence, and I'm having no more. 我受够了你的侮辱，不能再容忍了。 来自《现代汉英综合大词典》
• How can you suffer such insolence? 你怎么能容忍这种蛮横的态度？ 来自《简明英汉词典》

85 ministry   

n.(政府的)部；牧师

参考例句：

• They sent a deputation to the ministry to complain.他们派了一个代表团到部里投诉。
• We probed the Air Ministry statements.我们调查了空军部的记录。

86 secular   

n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的

参考例句：

• We live in an increasingly secular society.我们生活在一个日益非宗教的社会。
• Britain is a plural society in which the secular predominates.英国是个世俗主导的多元社会。

87 devoted   

adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的

参考例句：

• He devoted his life to the educational cause of the motherland.他为祖国的教育事业贡献了一生。
• We devoted a lengthy and full discussion to this topic.我们对这个题目进行了长时间的充分讨论。

88 pedantry   

n.迂腐，卖弄学问

参考例句：

• The book is a demonstration of scholarship without pedantry.这本书表现出学术水平又不故意卖弄学问。
• He fell into a kind of pedantry.他变得有点喜欢卖弄学问。

89 mere   

adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过

参考例句：

• That is a mere repetition of what you said before.那不过是重复了你以前讲的话。
• It's a mere waste of time waiting any longer.再等下去纯粹是浪费时间。

90 entirely   

ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地

参考例句：

• The fire was entirely caused by their neglect of duty. 那场火灾完全是由于他们失职而引起的。
• His life was entirely given up to the educational work. 他的一生统统献给了教育工作。

91 discordant   

adj.不调和的

参考例句：

• Leonato thought they would make a discordant pair.里奥那托认为他们不适宜作夫妻。
• For when we are deeply mournful discordant above all others is the voice of mirth.因为当我们极度悲伤的时候，欢乐的声音会比其他一切声音都更显得不谐调。

92 variance   

n.矛盾，不同

参考例句：

• The question of woman suffrage sets them at variance. 妇女参政的问题使他们发生争执。
• It is unnatural for brothers to be at variance. 兄弟之间不睦是不近人情的。

93 thereby   

adv.因此，从而

参考例句：

• I have never been to that city,,ereby I don't know much about it.我从未去过那座城市，因此对它不怎么熟悉。
• He became a British citizen,thereby gaining the right to vote.他成了英国公民，因而得到了投票权。

94 meddle   

v.干预，干涉，插手

参考例句：

• I hope he doesn't try to meddle in my affairs.我希望他不来干预我的事情。
• Do not meddle in things that do not concern you.别参与和自己无关的事。

95 advisers   

顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授

参考例句：

• a member of the President's favoured circle of advisers 总统宠爱的顾问班子中的一员
• She withdrew to confer with her advisers before announcing a decision. 她先去请教顾问然后再宣布决定。

96 wielded   

手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响）

参考例句：

• The bad eggs wielded power, while the good people were oppressed. 坏人当道，好人受气
• He was nominally the leader, but others actually wielded the power. 名义上他是领导者，但实际上是别人掌握实权。

97 presidency   

n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期)

参考例句：

• Roosevelt was elected four times to the presidency of the United States.罗斯福连续当选四届美国总统。
• Two candidates are emerging as contestants for the presidency.两位候选人最终成为总统职位竞争者。

98 interfere   

v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰

参考例句：

• If we interfere, it may do more harm than good.如果我们干预的话，可能弊多利少。
• When others interfere in the affair,it always makes troubles. 别人一卷入这一事件，棘手的事情就来了。

99 remarkable   

adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的

参考例句：

• She has made remarkable headway in her writing skills.她在写作技巧方面有了长足进步。
• These cars are remarkable for the quietness of their engines.这些汽车因发动机没有噪音而不同凡响。

100 insinuate   

vt.含沙射影地说，暗示

参考例句：

• He tried to insinuate himself into the boss's favor.他设法巧妙地渐渐取得老板的欢心。
• It seems to me you insinuate things about her.我觉得你讲起她来，总有些弦外之音。

101 perfectly   

adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地

参考例句：

• The witnesses were each perfectly certain of what they said.证人们个个对自己所说的话十分肯定。
• Everything that we're doing is all perfectly above board.我们做的每件事情都是光明正大的。

102 intelligible   

adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的

参考例句：

• This report would be intelligible only to an expert in computing.只有计算机运算专家才能看懂这份报告。
• His argument was barely intelligible.他的论点不易理解。

103 interfered   

v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉

参考例句：

• Complete absorption in sports interfered with his studies. 专注于运动妨碍了他的学业。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• I am not going to be interfered with. 我不想别人干扰我的事情。 来自《简明英汉词典》

104 diligently   

ad.industriously;carefully

参考例句：

• He applied himself diligently to learning French. 他孜孜不倦地学法语。
• He had studied diligently at college. 他在大学里勤奋学习。

105 alteration   

n.变更，改变；蚀变

参考例句：

• The shirt needs alteration.这件衬衣需要改一改。
• He easily perceived there was an alteration in my countenance.他立刻看出我的脸色和往常有些不同。

106 alterations   

n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变

参考例句：

• Any alterations should be written in neatly to the left side. 改动部分应书写清晰，插在正文的左侧。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• Gene mutations are alterations in the DNA code. 基因突变是指DNA 密码的改变。 来自《简明英汉词典》

107 imp   

n.顽童

参考例句：

• What a little imp you are!你这个淘气包！
• There's a little imp always running with him.他总有一个小鬼跟着。

108 interfering   

adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词

参考例句：

• He's an interfering old busybody! 他老爱管闲事！
• I wish my mother would stop interfering and let me make my own decisions. 我希望我母亲不再干预，让我自己拿主意。

109 derived   

vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取

参考例句：

• Many English words are derived from Latin and Greek. 英语很多词源出于拉丁文和希腊文。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• He derived his enthusiasm for literature from his father. 他对文学的爱好是受他父亲的影响。 来自《简明英汉词典》

110 immediate   

adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的

参考例句：

• His immediate neighbours felt it their duty to call.他的近邻认为他们有责任去拜访。
• We declared ourselves for the immediate convocation of the meeting.我们主张立即召开这个会议。

111 averred   

v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出

参考例句：

• She averred that she had never seen the man before. 她斩钉截铁地说以前从未见过这个男人。
• The prosecutor averred that the prisoner killed Lois. 检察官称被拘犯杀害洛伊丝属实。 来自互联网

112 wig   

n.假发

参考例句：

• The actress wore a black wig over her blond hair.那个女演员戴一顶黑色假发罩住自己的金黄色头发。
• He disguised himself with a wig and false beard.他用假发和假胡须来乔装。

113 arbitration   

n.调停，仲裁

参考例句：

• The wage disagreement is under arbitration.工资纠纷正在仲裁中。
• Both sides have agreed that the arbitration will be binding.双方都赞同仲裁具有约束力。

114 thither   

adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的

参考例句：

• He wandered hither and thither looking for a playmate.他逛来逛去找玩伴。
• He tramped hither and thither.他到处流浪。

115 exertion   

n.尽力，努力

参考例句：

• We were sweating profusely from the exertion of moving the furniture.我们搬动家具大费气力，累得大汗淋漓。
• She was hot and breathless from the exertion of cycling uphill.由于用力骑车爬坡，她浑身发热。

116 prerogative   

n.特权

参考例句：

• It is within his prerogative to do so.他是有权这样做的。
• Making such decisions is not the sole prerogative of managers.作这类决定并不是管理者的专有特权。

117 forfeit   

vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物

参考例句：

• If you continue to tell lies,you will forfeit the good opinion of everyone.你如果继续撒谎，就会失掉大家对你的好感。
• Please pay for the forfeit before you borrow book.在你借书之前请先付清罚款。

118 forfeiture   

n.（名誉等）丧失

参考例句：

• Both face maximum forfeitures of about $1.2 million.双方都面临最高120万美元左右的罚金。
• If he should break his day,what should I gain by the exaction of the forfeiture?如果他到期不还我从这罚金中又能得到什么好处？

119 consolidate   

v.使加固，使加强；(把...)联为一体，合并

参考例句：

• The two banks will consolidate in July next year. 这两家银行明年7月将合并。
• The government hoped to consolidate ten states to form three new ones.政府希望把十个州合并成三个新的州。

120 consolidated   

a.联合的

参考例句：

• With this new movie he has consolidated his position as the country's leading director. 他新执导的影片巩固了他作为全国最佳导演的地位。
• Those two banks have consolidated and formed a single large bank. 那两家银行已合并成一家大银行。

121 pecuniary   

adj.金钱的；金钱上的

参考例句：

• She denies obtaining a pecuniary advantage by deception.她否认通过欺骗手段获得经济利益。
• She is so independent that she refused all pecuniary aid.她很独立，所以拒绝一切金钱上的资助。

122 insufficient   

adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的

参考例句：

• There was insufficient evidence to convict him.没有足够证据给他定罪。
• In their day scientific knowledge was insufficient to settle the matter.在他们的时代，科学知识还不能足以解决这些问题。

123 disorder   

n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调

参考例句：

• When returning back,he discovered the room to be in disorder.回家后，他发现屋子里乱七八糟。
• It contained a vast number of letters in great disorder.里面七零八落地装着许多信件。

124 incurred   

[医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式

参考例句：

• She had incurred the wrath of her father by marrying without his consent 她未经父亲同意就结婚，使父亲震怒。
• We will reimburse any expenses incurred. 我们将付还所有相关费用。

125 abetted   

v.教唆（犯罪）( abet的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；怂恿；支持

参考例句：

• He was abetted in the deception by his wife. 他行骗是受了妻子的怂恿。
• They aided and abetted in getting the police to catch the thief. 他们协助警察抓住了小偷。 来自《简明英汉词典》

126 despoil   

v.夺取，抢夺

参考例句：

• The victorious army despoil the city of all its treasure.得胜的军队把城里的财宝劫掠一空。
• He used his ruthless and destructive armies despoil everybody who lived within reach of his realm.他动用其破坏性的军队残暴地掠夺国内的人民。

127 forfeited   

（因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• Because he broke the rules, he forfeited his winnings. 他犯规，所以丧失了奖金。
• He has forfeited the right to be the leader of this nation. 他丧失了作为这个国家领导的权利。

128 forfeiting   

（因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的现在分词 )

参考例句：

• In his eyes, giving up his job and forfeiting his wages amounted practically to suicide. 辞事，让工钱，在祥子看就差不多等于自杀。 来自汉英文学 - 骆驼祥子
• That would be acknowledging the Railroad's ownership right away-forfeiting their rights for good. 这一来不是就等于干脆承认铁路公司的所有权-永久放弃他们自己的主权吗？

129 manors   

n.庄园（manor的复数形式）

参考例句：

• Manors were private estates of aristocrats or of distinction. 庄园是贵族与豪族的私人领地。 来自互联网
• These lands were parcelled into farms or manors. 这些土地被分成了农田和庄园。 来自互联网

130 manor   

n.庄园，领地

参考例句：

• The builder of the manor house is a direct ancestor of the present owner.建造这幢庄园的人就是它现在主人的一个直系祖先。
• I am not lord of the manor,but its lady.我并非此地的领主，而是这儿的女主人。

131 deserted   

adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的

参考例句：

• The deserted village was filled with a deathly silence.这个荒废的村庄死一般的寂静。
• The enemy chieftain was opposed and deserted by his followers.敌人头目众叛亲离。

132 license   

n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许

参考例句：

• The foreign guest has a license on the person.这个外国客人随身携带执照。
• The driver was arrested for having false license plates on his car.司机由于使用假车牌而被捕。

133 deducted   

v.扣除，减去( deduct的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• The cost of your uniform will be deducted from your wages. 制服费将从你的工资中扣除。
• The cost of the breakages will be deducted from your pay. 损坏东西的费用将从你的工资中扣除。 来自《简明英汉词典》

134 specially   

adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地

参考例句：

• They are specially packaged so that they stack easily.它们经过特别包装以便于堆放。
• The machine was designed specially for demolishing old buildings.这种机器是专为拆毁旧楼房而设计的。

135 enumerated   

v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• A spokesperson enumerated the strikers' demands. 发言人列数罢工者的要求。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• He enumerated the capitals of the 50 states. 他列举了50个州的首府。 来自《现代汉英综合大词典》

136 aggravated   

使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火

参考例句：

• If he aggravated me any more I shall hit him. 假如他再激怒我，我就要揍他。
• Far from relieving my cough, the medicine aggravated it. 这药非但不镇咳，反而使我咳嗽得更厉害。

137 outlaws   

歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯

参考例句：

• During his year in the forest, Robin met many other outlaws. 在森林里的一年，罗宾遇见其他许多绿林大盗。
• I didn't have to leave the country or fight outlaws. 我不必离开自己的国家，也不必与不法分子斗争。

138 fugitives   

n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• Three fugitives from the prison are still at large. 三名逃犯仍然未被抓获。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• Members of the provisional government were prisoners or fugitives. 临时政府的成员或被捕或逃亡。 来自演讲部分

139 honourable   

adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的

参考例句：

• I don't think I am worthy of such an honourable title.这样的光荣称号，我可担当不起。
• I hope to find an honourable way of settling difficulties.我希望设法找到一个体面的办法以摆脱困境。

140 alienated   

adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等）

参考例句：

• His comments have alienated a lot of young voters. 他的言论使许多年轻选民离他而去。
• The Prime Minister's policy alienated many of her followers. 首相的政策使很多拥护她的人疏远了她。 来自《简明英汉词典》

141 mound   

n.土墩，堤，小山；v.筑堤，用土堆防卫

参考例句：

• The explorers climbed a mound to survey the land around them.勘探者爬上土丘去勘测周围的土地。
• The mound can be used as our screen.这个土丘可做我们的掩蔽物。

142 gems   

growth； economy； management； and customer satisfaction 增长

参考例句：

• a crown studded with gems 镶有宝石的皇冠
• The apt citations and poetic gems have adorned his speeches. 贴切的引语和珠玑般的诗句为他的演说词增添文采。

143 mounds   

土堆，土丘( mound的名词复数 )； 一大堆

参考例句：

• We had mounds of tasteless rice. 我们有成堆成堆的淡而无味的米饭。
• Ah! and there's the cemetery' - cemetery, he must have meant. 'You see the mounds? 啊，这就是同墓，”——我想他要说的一定是公墓，“看到那些土墩了吗？

144 superstitious   

adj.迷信的

参考例句：

• They aim to deliver the people who are in bondage to superstitious belief.他们的目的在于解脱那些受迷信束缚的人。
• These superstitious practices should be abolished as soon as possible.这些迷信做法应尽早取消。

145 hoarding   

n.贮藏；积蓄；临时围墙；囤积v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的现在分词 )

参考例句：

• After the war, they were shot for hoarding. 战后他们因囤积而被枪决。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• Actually he had two unused ones which he was hoarding up. 其实他还藏了两片没有用呢。 来自英汉文学

146 hoard   

n./v.窖藏，贮存，囤积

参考例句：

• They have a hoard of food in the basement.地下室里有他们贮藏的食物。
• How many curios do you hoard in your study?你在你书房里聚藏了多少古玩？

147 concealment   

n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒

参考例句：

• the concealment of crime 对罪行的隐瞒
• Stay in concealment until the danger has passed. 把自己藏起来，待危险过去后再出来。

148 withdrawn   

vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出

参考例句：

• Our force has been withdrawn from the danger area.我们的军队已从危险地区撤出。
• All foreign troops should be withdrawn to their own countries.一切外国军队都应撤回本国去。

149 drawn   

v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的

参考例句：

• All the characters in the story are drawn from life.故事中的所有人物都取材于生活。
• Her gaze was drawn irresistibly to the scene outside.她的目光禁不住被外面的风景所吸引。

150 mischief   

n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹

参考例句：

• Nobody took notice of the mischief of the matter. 没有人注意到这件事情所带来的危害。
• He seems to intend mischief.看来他想捣蛋。

151 apparently   

adv.显然地；表面上，似乎

参考例句：

• An apparently blind alley leads suddenly into an open space.山穷水尽，豁然开朗。
• He was apparently much surprised at the news.他对那个消息显然感到十分惊异。

152 cleave   

v．(clave；cleaved)粘着，粘住；坚持；依恋

参考例句：

• It examines how the decision to quit gold or to cleave to it affected trade policies.论文分析了放弃或坚持金本位是如何影响贸易政策的。
• Those who cleave to the latter view include many conservative American politicians.坚持后一种观点的大多是美国的保守派政客。

153 mischievous   

adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的

参考例句：

• He is a mischievous but lovable boy.他是一个淘气但可爱的小孩。
• A mischievous cur must be tied short.恶狗必须拴得短。

154 clergy   

n.[总称]牧师，神职人员

参考例句：

• I could heartily wish that more of our country clergy would follow this example.我衷心希望，我国有更多的牧师效法这个榜样。
• All the local clergy attended the ceremony.当地所有的牧师出席了仪式。

155 strictly   

adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地

参考例句：

• His doctor is dieting him strictly.他的医生严格规定他的饮食。
• The guests were seated strictly in order of precedence.客人严格按照地位高低就座。

156 subsisted   

v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• Before liberation he subsisted on wild potatoes. 解放前他靠吃野薯度日。 来自《现代汉英综合大词典》
• Survivors of the air crash subsisted on wild fruits. 空难事件的幸存者以野果维持生命。 来自辞典例句

157 subsist   

vi.生存，存在，供养

参考例句：

• We are unable to subsist without air and water.没有空气和水我们就活不下去。
• He could subsist on bark and grass roots in the isolated island.在荒岛上他只能靠树皮和草根维持生命。

158 pretension   

n.要求；自命，自称；自负

参考例句：

• I make no pretension to skill as an artist,but I enjoy painting.我并不自命有画家的技巧，但我喜欢绘画。
• His action is a satire on his boastful pretension.他的行动是对他自我卖弄的一个讽刺。

159 celebrated   

adj.有名的，声誉卓著的

参考例句：

• He was soon one of the most celebrated young painters in England.不久他就成了英格兰最负盛名的年轻画家之一。
• The celebrated violinist was mobbed by the audience.观众团团围住了这位著名的小提琴演奏家。

160 degradation   

n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变

参考例句：

• There are serious problems of land degradation in some arid zones.在一些干旱地带存在严重的土地退化问题。
• Gambling is always coupled with degradation.赌博总是与堕落相联系。

161 remains   

n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹

参考例句：

• He ate the remains of food hungrily.他狼吞虎咽地吃剩余的食物。
• The remains of the meal were fed to the dog.残羹剩饭喂狗了。

162 suite   

n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员

参考例句：

• She has a suite of rooms in the hotel.她在那家旅馆有一套房间。
• That is a nice suite of furniture.那套家具很不错。

163 ecclesiastic   

n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的

参考例句：

• The sounds of the church singing ceased and the voice of the chief ecclesiastic was heard,respectfully congratulating the sick man on his reception of the mystery.唱诗中断了，可以听见一个神职人员恭敬地祝贺病人受圣礼。
• The man and the ecclesiastic fought within him,and the victory fell to the man.人和教士在他的心里交战，结果人取得了胜利。

164 exemption   

n.豁免，免税额，免除

参考例句：

• You may be able to apply for exemption from local taxes.你可能符合资格申请免除地方税。
• These goods are subject to exemption from tax.这些货物可以免税。

165 avarice   

n.贪婪；贪心

参考例句：

• Avarice is the bane to happiness.贪婪是损毁幸福的祸根。
• Their avarice knows no bounds and you can never satisfy them.他们贪得无厌，你永远无法满足他们。

166 fatiguing   

a.使人劳累的

参考例句：

• He was fatiguing himself with his writing, no doubt. 想必他是拼命写作，写得精疲力尽了。
• Machines are much less fatiguing to your hands, arms, and back. 使用机器时，手、膊和后背不会感到太累。

167 distinguished   

adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的

参考例句：

• Elephants are distinguished from other animals by their long noses.大象以其长长的鼻子显示出与其他动物的不同。
• A banquet was given in honor of the distinguished guests.宴会是为了向贵宾们致敬而举行的。

168 allied   

adj.协约国的；同盟国的

参考例句：

• Britain was allied with the United States many times in history.历史上英国曾多次与美国结盟。
• Allied forces sustained heavy losses in the first few weeks of the campaign.同盟国在最初几周内遭受了巨大的损失。

169 subsists   

v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 )

参考例句：

• This plant subsists in water holes only during the rainy season. 这种植物只有雨季在水坑里出现。 来自辞典例句
• The hinge is that the enterprise subsists on suiting the development of data communication. 适应数据通信的发展是通信企业生存的关键。 来自互联网

170 omen   

n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示

参考例句：

• The superstitious regard it as a bad omen.迷信的人认为那是一种恶兆。
• Could this at last be a good omen for peace?这是否终于可以视作和平的吉兆了？

171 pretext   

n.借口，托词

参考例句：

• He used his headache as a pretext for not going to school.他借口头疼而不去上学。
• He didn't attend that meeting under the pretext of sickness.他以生病为借口，没参加那个会议。

172 tenants   

n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者

参考例句：

• A number of tenants have been evicted for not paying the rent. 许多房客因不付房租被赶了出来。
• Tenants are jointly and severally liable for payment of the rent. 租金由承租人共同且分别承担。

173 tenant   

n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用

参考例句：

• The tenant was dispossessed for not paying his rent.那名房客因未付房租而被赶走。
• The tenant is responsible for all repairs to the building.租户负责对房屋的所有修理。

174 miserable   

adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的

参考例句：

• It was miserable of you to make fun of him.你取笑他，这是可耻的。
• Her past life was miserable.她过去的生活很苦。

175 systematic   

adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的

参考例句：

• The way he works isn't very systematic.他的工作不是很有条理。
• The teacher made a systematic work of teaching.这个教师进行系统的教学工作。

176 invaders   

入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• They prepared to repel the invaders. 他们准备赶走侵略军。
• The family has traced its ancestry to the Norman invaders. 这个家族将自己的世系追溯到诺曼征服者。

177 maritime   

adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的

参考例句：

• Many maritime people are fishermen.许多居于海滨的人是渔夫。
• The temperature change in winter is less in maritime areas.冬季沿海的温差较小。

178 fortress   

n.堡垒，防御工事

参考例句：

• They made an attempt on a fortress.他们试图夺取这一要塞。
• The soldier scaled the wall of the fortress by turret.士兵通过塔车攀登上了要塞的城墙。

179 wreck   

n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难

参考例句：

• Weather may have been a factor in the wreck.天气可能是造成这次失事的原因之一。
• No one can wreck the friendship between us.没有人能够破坏我们之间的友谊。

180 hesitation   

n.犹豫，踌躇

参考例句：

• After a long hesitation, he told the truth at last.踌躇了半天，他终于直说了。
• There was a certain hesitation in her manner.她的态度有些犹豫不决。

181 rams   

n.公羊( ram的名词复数 )；(R-)白羊（星）座；夯；攻城槌v.夯实（土等）( ram的第三人称单数 )；猛撞；猛压；反复灌输

参考例句：

• A couple of rams are butting at each other. 两只羊正在用角互相抵触。 来自辞典例句
• More than anything the rams helped to break what should have been on interminable marriage. 那些牡羊比任何东西都更严重地加速了他们那本该天长地久的婚姻的破裂。 来自辞典例句

182 bestowed   

赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• It was a title bestowed upon him by the king. 那是国王赐给他的头衔。
• He considered himself unworthy of the honour they had bestowed on him. 他认为自己不配得到大家赋予他的荣誉。

183 explicit   

adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的

参考例句：

• She was quite explicit about why she left.她对自己离去的原因直言不讳。
• He avoids the explicit answer to us.他避免给我们明确的回答。

184 tenements   

n.房屋，住户，租房子( tenement的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• Here were crumbling tenements, squalid courtyards and stinking alleys. 随处可见破烂的住房、肮脏的庭院和臭气熏天的小胡同。 来自辞典例句
• The tenements are in a poor section of the city. 共同住宅是在城中较贫苦的区域里。 来自辞典例句

185 tenement   

n.公寓；房屋

参考例句：

• They live in a tenement.他们住在廉价公寓里。
• She felt very smug in a tenement yard like this.就是在个这样的杂院里，她觉得很得意。

186 authenticity   

n.真实性

参考例句：

• There has been some debate over the authenticity of his will. 对于他的遗嘱的真实性一直有争论。
• The museum is seeking an expert opinion on the authenticity of the painting. 博物馆在请专家鉴定那幅画的真伪。

187 justify   

vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护

参考例句：

• He tried to justify his absence with lame excuses.他想用站不住脚的借口为自己的缺席辩解。
• Can you justify your rude behavior to me?你能向我证明你的粗野行为是有道理的吗？

188 opposition   

n.反对，敌对

参考例句：

• The party leader is facing opposition in his own backyard.该党领袖在自己的党內遇到了反对。
• The police tried to break down the prisoner's opposition.警察设法制住了那个囚犯的反抗。

189 haven   

n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所

参考例句：

• It's a real haven at the end of a busy working day.忙碌了一整天后，这真是一个安乐窝。
• The school library is a little haven of peace and quiet.学校的图书馆是一个和平且安静的小避风港。

190 defective   

adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的

参考例句：

• The firm had received bad publicity over a defective product. 该公司因为一件次品而受到媒体攻击。
• If the goods prove defective, the customer has the right to compensation. 如果货品证明有缺陷， 顾客有权索赔。

191 nave   

n.教堂的中部；本堂

参考例句：

• People gathered in the nave of the house.人们聚拢在房子的中间。
• The family on the other side of the nave had a certain look about them,too.在中殿另一边的那一家人，也有着自己特有的相貌。

192 mare   

n.母马，母驴

参考例句：

• The mare has just thrown a foal in the stable.那匹母马刚刚在马厩里产下了一只小马驹。
• The mare foundered under the heavy load and collapsed in the road.那母马因负载过重而倒在路上。

193 axe   

n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减

参考例句：

• Be careful with that sharp axe.那把斧子很锋利，你要当心。
• The edge of this axe has turned.这把斧子卷了刃了。

194 pars   

n.部，部分；平均( par的名词复数 )；平价；同等；（高尔夫球中的）标准杆数

参考例句：

• In humans, the pars intermedia is a rudimentary region. 人的脑垂体中间部是不发达的。 来自辞典例句
• James Gregory gave in in his "Geometriae Pars Universalis" a method of rectifying curves. James Gregory在他的《几何的通用部分》中给出了计算曲线长度的方法。 来自辞典例句

195 strand   

vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地）

参考例句：

• She tucked a loose strand of hair behind her ears.她把一缕散发夹到了耳后。
• The climbers had been stranded by a storm.登山者被暴风雨困住了。

196 whatsoever   

adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么

参考例句：

• There's no reason whatsoever to turn down this suggestion.没有任何理由拒绝这个建议。
• All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you,do ye even so to them.你想别人对你怎样，你就怎样对人。

197 ostensible   

adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的

参考例句：

• The ostensible reason wasn't the real reason.表面上的理由并不是真正的理由。
• He resigned secretaryship on the ostensible ground of health.他借口身体不好，辞去书记的职务。

198 savage   

adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人

参考例句：

• The poor man received a savage beating from the thugs.那可怜的人遭到暴徒的痛打。
• He has a savage temper.他脾气粗暴。

199 enactments   

n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过

参考例句：

• The enactments specified in Part 3 of Schedule 5 are repealed. 附表５第３部指明的成文法则现予废除。 来自互联网
• On and after April 1st the new enactments shall be enforced. 从4月1日起实施新法令。 来自互联网

200 enactment   

n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过

参考例句：

• Enactment refers to action.演出指行为的表演。
• We support the call for the enactment of a Bill of Rights.我们支持要求通过《权利法案》的呼声。

201 renovation   

n.革新，整修

参考例句：

• The cinema will reopen next week after the renovation.电影院修缮后，将于下星期开业。
• The building has undergone major renovation.这座大楼已进行大整修。

202 enacted   

制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• legislation enacted by parliament 由议会通过的法律
• Outside in the little lobby another scene was begin enacted. 外面的小休息室里又是另一番景象。 来自英汉文学 - 嘉莉妹妹

203 bishops   

（基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象

参考例句：

• Each player has two bishops at the start of the game. 棋赛开始时，每名棋手有两只象。
• "Only sheriffs and bishops and rich people and kings, and such like. “他劫富济贫，抢的都是郡长、主教、国王之类的富人。

204 waggons   

四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车

参考例句：

• Most transport is done by electrified waggons. 大部分货物都用电瓶车运送。

205 immunity   

n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权

参考例句：

• The law gives public schools immunity from taxation.法律免除公立学校的纳税义务。
• He claims diplomatic immunity to avoid being arrested.他要求外交豁免以便避免被捕。

206 fully   

adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地

参考例句：

• The doctor asked me to breathe in,then to breathe out fully.医生让我先吸气，然后全部呼出。
• They soon became fully integrated into the local community.他们很快就完全融入了当地人的圈子。

207 extermination   

n.消灭，根绝

参考例句：

• All door and window is sealed for the extermination of mosquito. 为了消灭蚊子，所有的门窗都被封闭起来了。 来自辞典例句
• In doing so they were saved from extermination. 这样一来却使它们免于绝灭。 来自辞典例句

208 toll   

n.过路(桥)费；损失，伤亡人数；v.敲(钟)

参考例句：

• The hailstone took a heavy toll of the crops in our village last night.昨晚那场冰雹损坏了我们村的庄稼。
• The war took a heavy toll of human life.这次战争夺去了许多人的生命。

209 tolls   

（缓慢而有规律的）钟声( toll的名词复数 )； 通行费； 损耗； （战争、灾难等造成的）毁坏

参考例句：

• A man collected tolls at the gateway. 一个人在大门口收通行费。
• The long-distance call tolls amount to quite a sum. 长途电话费数目相当可观。

210 stringent   

adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的

参考例句：

• Financiers are calling for a relaxation of these stringent measures.金融家呼吁对这些严厉的措施予以放宽。
• Some of the conditions in the contract are too stringent.合同中有几项条件太苛刻。

211 improperly   

不正确地，不适当地

参考例句：

• Of course it was acting improperly. 这样做就是不对嘛！
• He is trying to improperly influence a witness. 他在试图误导证人。

212 dealing   

n.经商方法，待人态度

参考例句：

• This store has an excellent reputation for fair dealing.该商店因买卖公道而享有极高的声誉。
• His fair dealing earned our confidence.他的诚实的行为获得我们的信任。

213 warranty   

n.担保书，证书，保单

参考例句：

• This warranty is good for one year after the date of the purchase of the product.本保证书自购置此产品之日起有效期为一年。
• As your guarantor,we have signed a warranty to the bank.作为你们的担保人，我们已经向银行开出了担保书。

214 remitted   

v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送

参考例句：

• She has had part of her sentence remitted. 她被免去部分刑期。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• The fever has remitted. 退烧了。 来自《现代英汉综合大词典》

215 monastery   

n.修道院，僧院，寺院

参考例句：

• They found an icon in the monastery.他们在修道院中发现了一个圣像。
• She was appointed the superior of the monastery two years ago.两年前她被任命为这个修道院的院长。

216 remitting   

v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的现在分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送

参考例句：

• You should fill in the money order carefully before remitting money. 在办理汇款业务前，应准确填写汇款单。
• Please wait for invoice detailing shipping costs before remitting your payment. 汇款前请为您的付款详细运费发票等。

217 worthy   

adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的

参考例句：

• I did not esteem him to be worthy of trust.我认为他不值得信赖。
• There occurred nothing that was worthy to be mentioned.没有值得一提的事发生。

218 shipwreck   

n.船舶失事，海难

参考例句：

• He walked away from the shipwreck.他船难中平安地脱险了。
• The shipwreck was a harrowing experience.那次船难是一个惨痛的经历。

219 monk   

n.和尚，僧侣，修道士

参考例句：

• The man was a monk from Emei Mountain.那人是峨眉山下来的和尚。
• Buddhist monk sat with folded palms.和尚合掌打坐。

220 monks   

n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• The monks lived a very ascetic life. 僧侣过着很清苦的生活。
• He had been trained rigorously by the monks. 他接受过修道士的严格训练。 来自《简明英汉词典》

221 levying   

征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税

参考例句：

• The high tax will be given levying to the foreign country car. 对外国汽车要予以征收高税。
• Levying estate income tax are considered to be goods tax. 遗产税是在财产所有者死亡后所征收的税。

222 sufficiently   

adv.足够地，充分地

参考例句：

• It turned out he had not insured the house sufficiently.原来他没有给房屋投足保险。
• The new policy was sufficiently elastic to accommodate both views.新政策充分灵活地适用两种观点。

223 forefathers   

n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人

参考例句：

• They are the most precious cultural legacy our forefathers left. 它们是我们祖先留下来的最宝贵的文化遗产。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• All of us bristled at the lawyer's speech insulting our forefathers. 听到那个律师在讲演中污蔑我们的祖先，大家都气得怒发冲冠。 来自《简明英汉词典》

224 tracts   

大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文

参考例句：

• vast tracts of forest 大片大片的森林
• There are tracts of desert in Australia. 澳大利亚有大片沙漠。

225 groves   

树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• The early sun shone serenely on embrowned groves and still green fields. 朝阳宁静地照耀着已经发黄的树丛和还是一片绿色的田地。
• The trees grew more and more in groves and dotted with old yews. 那里的树木越来越多地长成了一簇簇的小丛林，还点缀着几棵老紫杉树。

226 unreasonable   

adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的

参考例句：

• I know that they made the most unreasonable demands on you.我知道他们对你提出了最不合理的要求。
• They spend an unreasonable amount of money on clothes.他们花在衣服上的钱太多了。

227 usurpation   

n.篡位；霸占

参考例句：

• The struggle during this transitional stage is to oppose Chiang Kai-shek's usurpation of the fruits of victory in the War of Resistance.过渡阶段的斗争，就是反对蒋介石篡夺抗战胜利果实的斗争。
• This is an unjustified usurpation of my authority.你是在非法纂夺我的权力。

228 valid   

adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的

参考例句：

• His claim to own the house is valid.他主张对此屋的所有权有效。
• Do you have valid reasons for your absence?你的缺席有正当理由吗？

229 lesser   

adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地

参考例句：

• Kept some of the lesser players out.不让那些次要的球员参加联赛。
• She has also been affected,but to a lesser degree.她也受到波及，但程度较轻。

230 outfit   

n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装

参考例句：

• Jenney bought a new outfit for her daughter's wedding.珍妮为参加女儿的婚礼买了一套新装。
• His father bought a ski outfit for him on his birthday.他父亲在他生日那天给他买了一套滑雪用具。

231 ordeal   

n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验

参考例句：

• She managed to keep her sanity throughout the ordeal.在那场磨难中她始终保持神志正常。
• Being lost in the wilderness for a week was an ordeal for me.在荒野里迷路一星期对我来说真是一场磨难。

232 entailed   

使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需

参考例句：

• The castle and the land are entailed on the eldest son. 城堡和土地限定由长子继承。
• The house and estate are entailed on the eldest daughter. 这所房子和地产限定由长女继承。

233 contemplated   

adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式

参考例句：

• The doctor contemplated the difficult operation he had to perform. 医生仔细地考虑他所要做的棘手的手术。
• The government has contemplated reforming the entire tax system. 政府打算改革整个税收体制。

234 intentionally   

ad.故意地，有意地

参考例句：

• I didn't say it intentionally. 我是无心说的。
• The local authority ruled that he had made himself intentionally homeless and was therefore not entitled to be rehoused. 当地政府裁定他是有意居无定所，因此没有资格再获得提供住房。

235 outlawry   

宣布非法，非法化，放逐

参考例句：

236 barons   

男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨

参考例句：

• The barons of Normandy had refused to countenance the enterprise officially. 诺曼底的贵族们拒绝正式赞助这桩买卖。
• The barons took the oath which Stephen Langton prescribed. 男爵们照斯蒂芬？兰顿的指导宣了誓。

237 vexed   

adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论

参考例句：

• The conference spent days discussing the vexed question of border controls. 会议花了几天的时间讨论边境关卡这个难题。
• He was vexed at his failure. 他因失败而懊恼。 来自《现代汉英综合大词典》

238 prosecutions   

起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事

参考例句：

• It is the duty of the Attorney-General to institute prosecutions. 检察总长负责提起公诉。
• Since World War II, the government has been active in its antitrust prosecutions. 第二次世界大战以来，政府积极地进行着反对托拉斯的检举活动。 来自英汉非文学 - 政府文件

239 impunity   

n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除

参考例句：

• You will not escape with impunity.你不可能逃脱惩罚。
• The impunity what compulsory insurance sets does not include escapement.交强险规定的免责范围不包括逃逸。

240 negligence   

n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意

参考例句：

• They charged him with negligence of duty.他们指责他玩忽职守。
• The traffic accident was allegedly due to negligence.这次车祸据说是由于疏忽造成的。

241 warfare   

n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突

参考例句：

• He addressed the audience on the subject of atomic warfare.他向听众演讲有关原子战争的问题。
• Their struggle consists mainly in peasant guerrilla warfare.他们的斗争主要是农民游击战。

242 larder   

n.食物贮藏室，食品橱

参考例句：

• Please put the food into the larder.请将您地食物放进食物柜内。
• They promised never to raid the larder again.他们答应不再随便开食橱拿东西吃了。

243 viands   

n.食品，食物

参考例句：

• Greek slaves supplied them with exquisite viands at the slightest nod.只要他们轻轻点点头希腊奴隶就会供奉给他们精美的食品。
• The family sat down to table,and a frugal meal of cold viands was deposited beforethem.一家老少，都围着桌子坐下，几样简单的冷食，摆在他们面前。

244 contrived   

adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的

参考例句：

• There was nothing contrived or calculated about what he said.他说的话里没有任何蓄意捏造的成分。
• The plot seems contrived.情节看起来不真实。

245 hereditary   

adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的

参考例句：

• The Queen of England is a hereditary ruler.英国女王是世袭的统治者。
• In men,hair loss is hereditary.男性脱发属于遗传。

246 bosom   

n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的

参考例句：

• She drew a little book from her bosom.她从怀里取出一本小册子。
• A dark jealousy stirred in his bosom.他内心生出一阵恶毒的嫉妒。

247 licensed   

adj.得到许可的v.许可，颁发执照(license的过去式和过去分词)

参考例句：

• The new drug has not yet been licensed in the US. 这种新药尚未在美国获得许可。
• Is that gun licensed? 那支枪有持枪执照吗？

248 secondly   

adv.第二，其次

参考例句：

• Secondly,use your own head and present your point of view.第二，动脑筋提出自己的见解。
• Secondly it is necessary to define the applied load.其次，需要确定所作用的载荷。

249 enjoyment   

n.乐趣；享有；享用

参考例句：

• Your company adds to the enjoyment of our visit. 有您的陪同，我们这次访问更加愉快了。
• After each joke the old man cackled his enjoyment.每逢讲完一个笑话，这老人就呵呵笑着表示他的高兴。

250 exemptions   

n.（义务等的）免除( exemption的名词复数 )；免（税）；（收入中的）免税额

参考例句：

• The exemptions for interpretive rules, policy statements, and procedural rules have just been discussed. 有关解释性规则、政策说明和程序规则的免责我们刚刚讨论过。 来自英汉非文学 - 行政法
• A: The regulation outlines specific exemptions for some WPM. 答：该规定概述了某些木质包装材料的特定的例外情形。 来自互联网

251 herd   

n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起

参考例句：

• She drove the herd of cattle through the wilderness.她赶着牛群穿过荒野。
• He had no opinions of his own but simply follow the herd.他从无主见，只是人云亦云。

252 extort   

v.勒索，敲诈，强要

参考例句：

• The blackmailer tried to extort a large sum of money from him.勒索者企图向他勒索一大笔钱。
• They absolutely must not harm the people or extort money from them.严格禁止坑害勒索群众。

253 deduction   

n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎

参考例句：

• No deduction in pay is made for absence due to illness.因病请假不扣工资。
• His deduction led him to the correct conclusion.他的推断使他得出正确的结论。

254 solitary   

adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士

参考例句：

• I am rather fond of a solitary stroll in the country.我颇喜欢在乡间独自徜徉。
• The castle rises in solitary splendour on the fringe of the desert.这座城堡巍然耸立在沙漠的边际，显得十分壮美。

255 guardians   

监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者

参考例句：

• Farmers should be guardians of the countryside. 农民应是乡村的保卫者。
• The police are guardians of law and order. 警察是法律和秩序的护卫者。

256 abominable   

adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的

参考例句：

• Their cruel treatment of prisoners was abominable.他们虐待犯人的做法令人厌恶。
• The sanitary conditions in this restaurant are abominable.这家饭馆的卫生状况糟透了。

257 outrages   

引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 )

参考例句：

• People are seeking retribution for the latest terrorist outrages. 人们在设法对恐怖分子最近的暴行进行严惩。
• He [She] is not allowed to commit any outrages. 不能任其胡作非为。

258 persecution   

n. 迫害,烦扰

参考例句：

• He had fled from France at the time of the persecution. 他在大迫害时期逃离了法国。
• Their persecution only serves to arouse the opposition of the people. 他们的迫害只激起人民对他们的反抗。

259 bigotry   

n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等

参考例句：

• She tried to dissociate herself from the bigotry in her past.她力图使自己摆脱她以前的偏见。
• At least we can proceed in this matter without bigotry.目前这件事咱们至少可以毫无偏见地进行下去。

260 qualified   

adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的

参考例句：

• He is qualified as a complete man of letters.他有资格当真正的文学家。
• We must note that we still lack qualified specialists.我们必须看到我们还缺乏有资质的专家。

261 descended   

a.为...后裔的，出身于...的

参考例句：

• A mood of melancholy descended on us. 一种悲伤的情绪袭上我们的心头。
• The path descended the hill in a series of zigzags. 小路呈连续的之字形顺着山坡蜿蜒而下。

262 descend   

vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降

参考例句：

• I hope the grace of God would descend on me.我期望上帝的恩惠。
• We're not going to descend to such methods.我们不会沦落到使用这种手段。

263 relinquished   

交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃

参考例句：

• She has relinquished the post to her cousin, Sir Edward. 她把职位让给了表弟爱德华爵士。
• The small dog relinquished his bone to the big dog. 小狗把它的骨头让给那只大狗。

264 concurred   

同意（concur的过去式与过去分词形式）

参考例句：

• Historians have concurred with each other in this view. 历史学家在这个观点上已取得一致意见。
• So many things concurred to give rise to the problem. 许多事情同时发生而导致了这一问题。

265 fortified   

adj. 加强的

参考例句：

• He fortified himself against the cold with a hot drink. 他喝了一杯热饮御寒。
• The enemy drew back into a few fortified points. 敌人收缩到几个据点里。

266 adherents   

n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙

参考例句：

• He is a leader with many adherents. 他是个有众多追随者的领袖。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• The proposal is gaining more and more adherents. 该建议得到越来越多的支持者。 来自《简明英汉词典》

267 victorious   

adj.胜利的，得胜的

参考例句：

• We are certain to be victorious.我们定会胜利。
• The victorious army returned in triumph.获胜的部队凯旋而归。

268 fortresses   

堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• They will establish impregnable fortresses. 他们将建造坚不可摧的城堡。
• Indra smashed through Vritra ninety-nine fortresses, and then came upon the dragon. 因陀罗摧毁了维他的九十九座城堡，然后与维他交手。 来自神话部分

269 fortifying   

筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品）

参考例句：

• Fortifying executive function and restraining impulsivity are possible with active interventions. 积极干预可能有助加强执行功能和抑制冲动性。
• Vingo stopped looking, tightening his face, fortifying himself against still another disappointment. 文戈不再张望，他绷紧脸，仿佛正在鼓足勇气准备迎接另一次失望似的。

270 garrisoned   

卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防

参考例句：

• The town was garrisoned with two regiments. 该镇有两团士兵驻守。
• A hundred soldiers were garrisoned in the town. 派了一百名士兵在城里驻防。

271 inevitably   

adv.不可避免地；必然发生地

参考例句：

• In the way you go on,you are inevitably coming apart.照你们这样下去，毫无疑问是会散伙的。
• Technological changes will inevitably lead to unemployment.技术变革必然会导致失业。

272 demesne   

n.领域，私有土地

参考例句：

• The tenants of the demesne enjoyed certain privileges.领地的占有者享有一定的特权。
• Keats is referring to epic poetry when he mentions Homer's"proud demesne".当济慈提到荷马的“骄傲的领域”时，他指的是史诗。

273 narrative   

n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的

参考例句：

• He was a writer of great narrative power.他是一位颇有记述能力的作家。
• Neither author was very strong on narrative.两个作者都不是很善于讲故事。

274 havens   

n.港口，安全地方( haven的名词复数 )v.港口，安全地方( haven的第三人称单数 )

参考例句：

• Your twenty havens would back out at the last minute anyhow. 你那二十个避难所到了最后一分钟也要不认帐。 来自辞典例句
• Using offshore havens to avoid taxes and investor protections. 使用海面的港口避免税和投资者保护。 来自互联网

275 essentially   

adv.本质上，实质上，基本上

参考例句：

• Really great men are essentially modest.真正的伟人大都很谦虚。
• She is an essentially selfish person.她本质上是个自私自利的人。

276 asylum   

n.避难所，庇护所，避难

参考例句：

• The people ask for political asylum.人们请求政治避难。
• Having sought asylum in the West for many years,they were eventually granted it.他们最终获得了在西方寻求多年的避难权。

277 cargo   

n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物

参考例句：

• The ship has a cargo of about 200 ton.这条船大约有200吨的货物。
• A lot of people discharged the cargo from a ship.许多人从船上卸下货物。

278 wardship   

监护，保护

参考例句：

• Adult wardship system is an important legal system for civil affairs. 摘要成年人监护制度是一项重要的民事法律制度。
• The judge have discretion to exercise the wardship jurisdiction. 法官有行使监护权的处理权。

279 alleviation   

n. 减轻，缓和，解痛物

参考例句：

• These were the circumstances and the hopes which gradually brought alleviation to Sir Thomas's pain. 这些情况及其希望逐渐缓解了托马斯爵士的痛苦。
• The cost reduction achieved in this way will benefit patients and the society in burden alleviation. 集中招标采购降低的采购成本要让利于患者，减轻社会负担。 来自英汉 - 翻译样例 - 口语

280 guardianship   

n. 监护, 保护, 守护

参考例句：

• They had to employ the English language in face of the jealous guardianship of Britain. 他们不得不在英国疑忌重重的监护下使用英文。
• You want Marion to set aside her legal guardianship and give you Honoria. 你要马丽恩放弃她的法定监护人资格，把霍诺丽娅交给你。

281 influential   

adj.有影响的，有权势的

参考例句：

• He always tries to get in with the most influential people.他总是试图巴结最有影响的人物。
• He is a very influential man in the government.他在政府中是个很有影响的人物。

282 chivalrous   

adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的

参考例句：

• Men are so little chivalrous now.现在的男人几乎没有什么骑士风度了。
• Toward women he was nobly restrained and chivalrous.对于妇女，他表现得高尚拘谨，尊敬三分。

283 reverted   

恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还

参考例句：

• After the settlers left, the area reverted to desert. 早期移民离开之后，这个地区又变成了一片沙漠。
• After his death the house reverted to its original owner. 他死后房子归还给了原先的主人。

284 confirmation   

n.证实，确认，批准

参考例句：

• We are waiting for confirmation of the news.我们正在等待证实那个消息。
• We need confirmation in writing before we can send your order out.给你们发送订购的货物之前，我们需要书面确认。

285 falcons   

n.猎鹰( falcon的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• Peregrine falcons usually pluck the feathers and strip the flesh off their bird prey. 游隼捕到鸟类猎物时，通常是先拔掉它们的羽毛，再把肉撕下来。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• Though he doubted the wisdom of using falcons, Dr. de la Fuente undertook the project. 虽然德·拉·富恩特博士怀疑使用游隼是否明智，但他还是执行了这项计划。 来自辞典例句

286 assessment   

n.评价；评估；对财产的估价，被估定的金额

参考例句：

• This is a very perceptive assessment of the situation.这是一个对该情况的极富洞察力的评价。
• What is your assessment of the situation?你对时局的看法如何？

287 palls   

n.柩衣( pall的名词复数 )；墓衣；棺罩；深色或厚重的覆盖物v.（因过多或过久而）生厌，感到乏味，厌烦( pall的第三人称单数 )

参考例句：

• My stomach palls with it. 这东西我吃腻了。 来自辞典例句
• Dense palls of smoke hung over the site. 浓密的烟幕罩着这个地方。 来自互联网

288 bequests   

n.遗赠( bequest的名词复数 )；遗产，遗赠物

参考例句：

• About half this amount comes from individual donors and bequests. 这笔钱大约有一半来自个人捐赠及遗赠。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• He left bequests of money to all his friends. 他留下一些钱遗赠给他所有的朋友。 来自《现代英汉综合大词典》

289 impoverished   

adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化

参考例句：

• the impoverished areas of the city 这个城市的贫民区
• They were impoverished by a prolonged spell of unemployment. 他们因长期失业而一贫如洗。 来自《简明英汉词典》

290 pillaged   

v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• They are to be pillaged and terrorised in Hitler's fury and revenge. 在希特勒的狂怒和报复下，他们还遭到掠夺和恐怖统治。 来自辞典例句
• They villages were pillaged and their crops destroyed. 他们的村子被抢，他们的庄稼被毁。 来自辞典例句

291 plunder   

vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠

参考例句：

• The thieves hid their plunder in the cave.贼把赃物藏在山洞里。
• Trade should not serve as a means of economic plunder.贸易不应当成为经济掠夺的手段。

292 questionable   

adj.可疑的，有问题的

参考例句：

• There are still a few questionable points in the case.这个案件还有几个疑点。
• Your argument is based on a set of questionable assumptions.你的论证建立在一套有问题的假设上。

293 holders   

支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物

参考例句：

• Slaves were mercilessly ground down by slave holders. 奴隶受奴隶主的残酷压迫。
• It is recognition of compassion's part that leads the up-holders of capital punishment to accuse the abolitionists of sentimentality in being more sorry for the murderer than for his victim. 正是对怜悯的作用有了认识，才使得死刑的提倡者指控主张废除死刑的人感情用事，同情谋杀犯胜过同情受害者。

294 impartially   

adv.公平地，无私地

参考例句：

• Employers must consider all candidates impartially and without bias. 雇主必须公平而毫无成见地考虑所有求职者。
• We hope that they're going to administer justice impartially. 我们希望他们能主持正义，不偏不倚。

295 predecessor   

n.前辈，前任

参考例句：

• It will share the fate of its predecessor.它将遭受与前者同样的命运。
• The new ambassador is more mature than his predecessor.新大使比他的前任更成熟一些。

296 squandered   

v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• He squandered all his money on gambling. 他把自己所有的钱都糟蹋在赌博上了。
• She felt as indignant as if her own money had been squandered. 她心里十分生气，好像是她自己的钱给浪费掉了似的。 来自飘（部分）

297 consort   

v.相伴；结交

参考例句：

• They went in consort two or three together.他们三三两两结伴前往。
• The nurses are instructed not to consort with their patients.护士得到指示不得与病人交往。

298 poetical   

adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的

参考例句：

• This is a poetical picture of the landscape. 这是一幅富有诗意的风景画。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• John is making a periphrastic study in a worn-out poetical fashion. 约翰正在对陈腐的诗风做迂回冗长的研究。 来自辞典例句

299 mythical   

adj.神话的；虚构的；想像的

参考例句：

• Undeniably,he is a man of mythical status.不可否认，他是一个神话般的人物。
• Their wealth is merely mythical.他们的财富完全是虚构的。

300 scruples   

n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 )

参考例句：

• I overcame my moral scruples. 我抛开了道德方面的顾虑。
• I'm not ashamed of my scruples about your family. They were natural. 我并未因为对你家人的顾虑而感到羞耻。这种感觉是自然而然的。 来自疯狂英语突破英语语调

301 cod   

n.鳕鱼；v.愚弄；哄骗

参考例句：

• They salt down cod for winter use.他们腌鳕鱼留着冬天吃。
• Cod are found in the North Atlantic and the North Sea.北大西洋和北海有鳕鱼。

302 prescription   

n.处方，开药；指示，规定

参考例句：

• The physician made a prescription against sea- sickness for him.医生给他开了个治晕船的药方。
• The drug is available on prescription only.这种药只能凭处方购买。

303 exalted   

adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的

参考例句：

• Their loveliness and holiness in accordance with their exalted station.他们的美丽和圣洁也与他们的崇高地位相称。
• He received respect because he was a person of exalted rank.他因为是个地位崇高的人而受到尊敬。

304 manifesto   

n.宣言，声明

参考例句：

• I was involved in the preparation of Labour's manifesto.我参与了工党宣言的起草工作。
• His manifesto promised measures to protect them.他在宣言里保证要为他们采取保护措施。

305 defensive   

adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的

参考例句：

• Their questions about the money put her on the defensive.他们问到钱的问题，使她警觉起来。
• The Government hastily organized defensive measures against the raids.政府急忙布置了防卫措施抵御空袭。

306 fealty   

n.忠贞，忠节

参考例句：

• He swore fealty to the king.他宣誓效忠国王。
• If you are fealty and virtuous,then I would like to meet you.如果你孝顺善良，我很愿意认识你。

307 shun   

vt.避开，回避，避免

参考例句：

• Materialists face truth,whereas idealists shun it.唯物主义者面向真理，唯心主义者则逃避真理。
• This extremist organization has shunned conventional politics.这个极端主义组织有意避开了传统政治。

308 shuns   

v.避开，回避，避免( shun的第三人称单数 )

参考例句：

• We must not reproach her, or she shuns us. 我们可不要责备她，否则她要躲避我们。 来自辞典例句
• Any of them shuns, impedes, or attempts at inspection. 一规避、妨碍或拒绝检查。 来自互联网

309 consecrated   

adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献

参考例句：

• The church was consecrated in 1853. 这座教堂于1853年祝圣。
• They consecrated a temple to their god. 他们把庙奉献给神。 来自《简明英汉词典》

310 enjoin   

v.命令；吩咐；禁止

参考例句：

• He enjoined obedience on the soldiers.他命令士兵服从。
• The judge enjoined him from selling alcohol.法官禁止他卖酒。

311 precedent   

n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的

参考例句：

• Is there a precedent for what you want me to do?你要我做的事有前例可援吗？
• This is a wonderful achievement without precedent in Chinese history.这是中国历史上亘古未有的奇绩。

312 anathema   

n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物)

参考例句：

• Independence for the Kurds is anathema to Turkey and Iran.库尔德人的独立对土耳其和伊朗来说将是一场梦魇。
• Her views are ( an ) anathema to me.她的观点真叫我讨厌。

313 verge   

n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临

参考例句：

• The country's economy is on the verge of collapse.国家的经济已到了崩溃的边缘。
• She was on the verge of bursting into tears.她快要哭出来了。

314 predecessors   

n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身

参考例句：

• The new government set about dismantling their predecessors' legislation. 新政府正着手废除其前任所制定的法律。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• Will new plan be any more acceptable than its predecessors? 新计划比原先的计划更能令人满意吗？ 来自《简明英汉词典》

315 gender   

n.（生理上的）性，（名词、代词等的）性

参考例句：

• French differs from English in having gender for all nouns.法语不同于英语，所有的名词都有性。
• Women are sometimes denied opportunities solely because of their gender.妇女有时仅仅因为性别而无法获得种种机会。

316 lodged   

v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属

参考例句：

• The certificate will have to be lodged at the registry. 证书必须存放在登记处。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• Our neighbours lodged a complaint against us with the police. 我们的邻居向警方控告我们。 来自《简明英汉词典》

317 peculiarities   

n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪

参考例句：

• the cultural peculiarities of the English 英国人的文化特点
• He used to mimic speech peculiarities of another. 他过去总是模仿别人讲话的特点。

318 connive   

v.纵容；密谋

参考例句：

• They connive children excessively which will bring a negative effect on theirs character.他们过分纵容孩子，这对孩子的性格有不良影响。
• Senior politicians connived to ensure that he was not released.几位资深政治家串通起来确保他不会获释。

319 defendant   

n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的

参考例句：

• The judge rejected a bribe from the defendant's family.法官拒收被告家属的贿赂。
• The defendant was borne down by the weight of evidence.有力的证据使被告认输了。

320 defiance   

n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗

参考例句：

• He climbed the ladder in defiance of the warning.他无视警告爬上了那架梯子。
• He slammed the door in a spirit of defiance.他以挑衅性的态度把门砰地一下关上。

321 previously   

adv.以前，先前（地）

参考例句：

• The bicycle tyre blew out at a previously damaged point.自行车胎在以前损坏过的地方又爆开了。
• Let me digress for a moment and explain what had happened previously.让我岔开一会儿，解释原先发生了什么。

322 adversary   

adj.敌手，对手

参考例句：

• He saw her as his main adversary within the company.他将她视为公司中主要的对手。
• They will do anything to undermine their adversary's reputation.他们会不择手段地去损害对手的名誉。

323 peril   

n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物

参考例句：

• The refugees were in peril of death from hunger.难民有饿死的危险。
• The embankment is in great peril.河堤岌岌可危。

324 lathe   

n.车床，陶器，镟床

参考例句：

• Gradually she learned to operate a lathe.她慢慢地学会了开车床。
• That lathe went out of order at times.那台车床有时发生故障。

325 watershed   

n.转折点，分水岭，分界线

参考例句：

• Our marriage was at a watershed.我们的婚姻到了一个转折关头。
• It forms the watershed between the two rivers.它成了两条河流的分水岭。

326 ordnance   

n.大炮，军械

参考例句：

• She worked in an ordnance factory during the war.战争期间她在一家兵工厂工作。
• Shoes and clothing for the army were scarce,ordnance supplies and drugs were scarcer.军队很缺鞋和衣服，武器供应和药品就更少了。

327 bucks   

n.雄鹿( buck的名词复数 )；钱；（英国十九世纪初的）花花公子；（用于某些表达方式）责任v.（马等）猛然弓背跃起( buck的第三人称单数 )；抵制；猛然震荡；马等尥起后蹄跳跃

参考例句：

• They cost ten bucks. 这些值十元钱。
• They are hunting for bucks. 他们正在猎雄兔。 来自《简明英汉词典》

328 connives   

v.密谋 ( connive的第三人称单数 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容

参考例句：

329 villa   

n.别墅，城郊小屋

参考例句：

• We rented a villa in France for the summer holidays.我们在法国租了一幢别墅消夏。
• We are quartered in a beautiful villa.我们住在一栋漂亮的别墅里。

330 primates   

primate的复数

参考例句：

• Primates are alert, inquisitive animals. 灵长目动物是机灵、好奇的动物。
• Consciousness or cerebration has been said to have emerged in the evolution of higher primates. 据说意识或思考在较高级灵长类的进化中已出现。

331 nostrum   

n.秘方；妙策

参考例句：

• He told the patient that he had a nostrum.他告诉病人他有秘方。
• Photography studio provide you with a few small nostrum you must use.为您提供一些小妙策你一定用的着。

332 locus   

n.中心

参考例句：

• Barcelona is the locus of Spanish industry.巴塞罗那是西班牙工业中心。
• Thereafter,the military remained the locus of real power.自此之后，军方一直掌握着实权。

333 gambling   

n.赌博；投机

参考例句：

• They have won a lot of money through gambling.他们赌博赢了很多钱。
• The men have been gambling away all night.那些人赌了整整一夜。

334 hatred   

n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨

参考例句：

• He looked at me with hatred in his eyes.他以憎恨的眼光望着我。
• The old man was seized with burning hatred for the fascists.老人对法西斯主义者充满了仇恨。

335 hoards   

n.（钱财、食物或其他珍贵物品的）储藏，积存( hoard的名词复数 )v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的第三人称单数 )

参考例句：

• She hoards her money - she never spends it. 她积蓄钱，但从来不花钱。 来自辞典例句
• A squirrel hoards nuts for the winter. 松鼠为过冬贮藏坚果。 来自辞典例句

336 quorum   

n.法定人数

参考例句：

• The meeting is adjourned since there is no quorum.因为没有法定人数会议休会。
• Three members shall constitute a quorum.三名成员可组成法定人数。

337 disposition   

n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署

参考例句：

• He has made a good disposition of his property.他已对财产作了妥善处理。
• He has a cheerful disposition.他性情开朗。

338 sepulchral   

adj.坟墓的，阴深的

参考例句：

• He made his way along the sepulchral corridors.他沿着阴森森的走廊走着。
• There was a rather sepulchral atmosphere in the room.房间里有一种颇为阴沉的气氛。

339 antiquity   

n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹

参考例句：

• The museum contains the remains of Chinese antiquity.博物馆藏有中国古代的遗物。
• There are many legends about the heroes of antiquity.有许多关于古代英雄的传说。

340 rape   

n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸

参考例句：

• The rape of the countryside had a profound ravage on them.对乡村的掠夺给他们造成严重创伤。
• He was brought to court and charged with rape.他被带到法庭并被指控犯有强奸罪。

341 arson   

n.纵火，放火

参考例句：

• He was serving a ten spot for arson.他因纵火罪在服十年徒刑。
• He was arraigned on a charge of arson.他因被指控犯纵火罪而被传讯。

342 naves   

n.教堂正厅( nave的名词复数 )；本堂；中央部；车轮的中心部

参考例句：

• It's structured as a Latin cross with three naves divided by pillars. 教堂的形状更是以古老的拉丁十字为基础，内部由一根根地石柱隔成三条长廊。 来自互联网

343 arrear   

n.欠款

参考例句：

• He is six weeks in arrear with his rent.他已拖欠房租6周。
• The arts of medicine and surgery are somewhat in arrear in africa.医疗和外科手术在非洲稍微有些落后。

344 commuted   

通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 )； 减（刑）； 代偿

参考例句：

• His sentence was commuted from death to life imprisonment. 他的判决由死刑减为无期徒刑。
• The death sentence may be commuted to life imprisonment. 死刑可能減为无期徒刑。

345 patriotic   

adj.爱国的，有爱国心的

参考例句：

• His speech was full of patriotic sentiments.他的演说充满了爱国之情。
• The old man is a patriotic overseas Chinese.这位老人是一位爱国华侨。

346 terrain   

n.地面，地形，地图

参考例句：

• He had made a detailed study of the terrain.他对地形作了缜密的研究。
• He knows the terrain of this locality like the back of his hand.他对这一带的地形了如指掌。

347 strata   

n.地层（复数）；社会阶层

参考例句：

• The older strata gradually disintegrate.较老的岩层渐渐风化。
• They represent all social strata.他们代表各个社会阶层。

348 rebus   

n.谜,画谜

参考例句：

• A picture of a cat on a log is a rebus for catalog.谜画中有一只猫（cat）站在一块木头（a log）上，谜底是catalog（目录）。
• Most people know a sort of puzzle called rebus.大多数人都知道有一种称为画谜的猜谜。

349 brotherhood   

n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊

参考例句：

• They broke up the brotherhood.他们断绝了兄弟关系。
• They live and work together in complete equality and brotherhood.他们完全平等和兄弟般地在一起生活和工作。

350 Oxford   

n.牛津（英国城市）

参考例句：

• At present he has become a Professor of Chemistry at Oxford.他现在已是牛津大学的化学教授了。
• This is where the road to Oxford joins the road to London.这是去牛津的路与去伦敦的路的汇合处。

351 forth   

adv.向前；向外，往外

参考例句：

• The wind moved the trees gently back and forth.风吹得树轻轻地来回摇晃。
• He gave forth a series of works in rapid succession.他很快连续发表了一系列的作品。

352 almighty   

adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的

参考例句：

• Those rebels did not really challenge Gods almighty power.这些叛徒没有对上帝的全能力量表示怀疑。
• It's almighty cold outside.外面冷得要命。

353 wharf   

n.码头，停泊处

参考例句：

• We fetch up at the wharf exactly on time.我们准时到达码头。
• We reached the wharf gasping for breath.我们气喘吁吁地抵达了码头。

354 blessing   

n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿

参考例句：

• The blessing was said in Hebrew.祷告用了希伯来语。
• A double blessing has descended upon the house.双喜临门。

355 gentry   

n.绅士阶级，上层阶级

参考例句：

• Landed income was the true measure of the gentry.来自土地的收入是衡量是否士绅阶层的真正标准。
• Better be the head of the yeomanry than the tail of the gentry.宁做自由民之首，不居贵族之末。

356 hew   

v.砍；伐；削

参考例句：

• Hew a path through the underbrush.在灌木丛中砍出一条小路。
• Plant a sapling as tall as yourself and hew it off when it is two times high of you.种一棵与自己身高一样的树苗，长到比自己高两倍时砍掉它。

357 civic   

adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的

参考例句：

• I feel it is my civic duty to vote.我认为投票选举是我作为公民的义务。
• The civic leaders helped to forward the project.市政府领导者协助促进工程的进展。

358 purvey   

v.（大量）供给，供应

参考例句：

• They have two restaurants that purvey dumplings and chicken noodle soup.他们那里有两家供应饺子和鸡肉汤面的餐馆。
• He is the one who would,for a hefty fee,purvey strategic advice to private corporations.他是那个会为了一笔数目可观的酬金而将策略性建议透露给私营企业的人。

359 ornamental   

adj.装饰的；作装饰用的；n.装饰品；观赏植物

参考例句：

• The stream was dammed up to form ornamental lakes.溪流用水坝拦挡起来,形成了装饰性的湖泊。
• The ornamental ironwork lends a touch of elegance to the house.铁艺饰件为房子略添雅致。

360 kinsman   

n.男亲属

参考例句：

• Tracing back our genealogies,I found he was a kinsman of mine.转弯抹角算起来他算是我的一个亲戚。
• A near friend is better than a far dwelling kinsman.近友胜过远亲。

361 severely   

adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地

参考例句：

• He was severely criticized and removed from his post.他受到了严厉的批评并且被撤了职。
• He is severely put down for his careless work.他因工作上的粗心大意而受到了严厉的批评。

362 avenge   

v.为...复仇，为...报仇

参考例句：

• He swore to avenge himself on the mafia.他发誓说要向黑手党报仇。
• He will avenge the people on their oppressor.他将为人民向压迫者报仇。

363 superstitions   

迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• Old superstitions seem incredible to educated people. 旧的迷信对于受过教育的人来说是不可思议的。
• Do away with all fetishes and superstitions. 破除一切盲目崇拜和迷信。

364 corrupt   

v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的

参考例句：

• The newspaper alleged the mayor's corrupt practices.那家报纸断言市长有舞弊行为。
• This judge is corrupt.这个法官贪污。

365 immigrated   

v.移入( immigrate的过去式和过去分词 )；移民

参考例句：

• He immigrated from Ulster in 1848. 他1848年从阿尔斯特移民到这里。 来自辞典例句
• Many Pakistanis have immigrated to Britain. 许多巴基斯坦人移居到了英国。 来自辞典例句

366 joint   

adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合

参考例句：

• I had a bad fall,which put my shoulder out of joint.我重重地摔了一跤，肩膀脫臼了。
• We wrote a letter in joint names.我们联名写了封信。

367 premier   

adj.首要的；n.总理，首相

参考例句：

• The Irish Premier is paying an official visit to Britain.爱尔兰总理正在对英国进行正式访问。
• He requested that the premier grant him an internview.他要求那位总理接见他一次。

368 bourgeois   

adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子

参考例句：

• He's accusing them of having a bourgeois and limited vision.他指责他们像中产阶级一样目光狭隘。
• The French Revolution was inspired by the bourgeois.法国革命受到中产阶级的鼓励。

369 milieu   

n.环境；出身背景；(个人所处的)社会环境

参考例句：

• Foods usually provide a good milieu for the persistence of viruses.食品通常为病毒存续提供了一个良好的栖身所。
• He was born in a social milieu where further education was a luxury.他生在一个受较高教育就被认为是奢侈的社会环境里。

370 raze   

vt.铲平，把(城市、房屋等)夷为平地，拆毁

参考例句：

• The nuclear weapons stored by the United States alone are sufficient to raze the planet.仅美国储存的核武器就足以毁灭地球。
• The earthquake made the city raze to the ground.地震把这个城市夷为平地。

371 demolished   

v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光

参考例句：

• The factory is due to be demolished next year. 这个工厂定于明年拆除。
• They have been fighting a rearguard action for two years to stop their house being demolished. 两年来，为了不让拆除他们的房子，他们一直在进行最后的努力。

372 troupe   

n.剧团，戏班；杂技团；马戏团

参考例句：

• The art troupe is always on the move in frontier guards.文工团常年在边防部队流动。
• The troupe produced a new play last night.剧团昨晚上演了一部新剧。

373 culpable   

adj.有罪的，该受谴责的

参考例句：

• The judge found the man culpable.法官认为那个人有罪。
• Their decision to do nothing makes them culpable.他们不采取任何行动的决定使他们难辞其咎。

374 complaisance   

n.彬彬有礼，殷勤，柔顺

参考例句：

• She speaks with complaisance.她说话彬彬有礼。
• His complaisance leaves a good impression on her.他的彬彬有礼给她留下了深刻的印象。

375 amiable   

adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的

参考例句：

• She was a very kind and amiable old woman.她是个善良和气的老太太。
• We have a very amiable companionship.我们之间存在一种友好的关系。

376 canes   

n.（某些植物，如竹或甘蔗的）茎( cane的名词复数 )；（用于制作家具等的）竹竿；竹杖

参考例句：

• Sugar canes eat sweet. 甘蔗吃起来很甜。 来自《简明英汉词典》
• I saw several sugar canes, but wild, and for cultivation, imperfect. 我还看到一些甘蔗，因为是野生的，未经人工栽培，所以不太好吃。 来自英汉 - 翻译样例 - 文学