When, in the turmoil1 of my daily occupation, I received an invitation, several months ago, from several hundred students of this famous university, to give them a brief summary, in short special lectures, of the principal and fundamental conclusions of criminal sociology, I gladly accepted, because this invitation fell in with two ideals of mine. These two ideals are stirring my heart and are the secret of my life. In the first place, this invitation chimed with the ideal of my personal life, namely, to diffuse2 and propagate among my brothers the scientific ideas, which my brain has accumulated, not through any merit of mine, but thanks to the lucky prize inherited from my mother in the lottery3 of life. And the second ideal which this invitation called up before my mind's vision was this: The ideal of young people of Italy, united in morals and intellectual pursuits, feeling in their social lives the glow of a great aim. It would matter little whether this aim would agree with my own ideas or be opposed to them, so long as it should be an ideal which would lift the aspirations4 of the young people out of the fatal grasp of egoistic interests. Of course, we positivists know very well, that the material requirements of life shape and determine also the moral and intellectual aims of human consciousness. But positive science declares the following to be the indispensable requirement for the regeneration of human ideals: Without an ideal, neither an individual nor a collectivity can live, without it humanity is dead or dying. For it is the fire of an ideal which renders the life of each one of us possible, useful and fertile. And only by its help can each one of us, in the more or less short course of his or her existence, leave behind traces for the benefit of fellow-beings. The invitation extended to me proves that the students of Naples believe in the inspiring existence of such an ideal of science, and are anxious to learn more about ideas, with which the entire world of the present day is occupied, and whose life-giving breath enters even through the windows of the dry courtrooms, when their doors are closed against it.
Let us now speak of this new science, which has become known in Italy by the name of the Positive School of Criminology. This science, the same as every other phenomenon of scientific evolution, cannot be shortsightedly or conceitedly6 attributed to the arbitrary initiative of this or that thinker, this or that scientist. We must rather regard it as a natural product, a necessary phenomenon, in the development of that sad and somber8 department of science which deals with the disease of crime. It is this plague of crime which forms such a gloomy and painful contrast with the splendor9 of present-day civilization. The 19th century has won a great victory over mortality and infectious diseases by means of the masterful progress of physiology10 and natural science. But while contagious11 diseases have gradually diminished, we see on the other hand that moral diseases are growing more numerous in our so-called civilization. While typhoid fever, smallpox12, cholera13 and diphtheria retreated before the remedies which enlightened science applied14 by means of the experimental method, removing their concrete causes, we see on the other hand that insanity15, suicide and crime, that painful trinity, are growing apace. And this makes it very evident that the science which is principally, if not exclusively, engaged in studying these phenomena16 of social disease, should feel the necessity of finding a more exact diagnosis17 of these moral diseases of society, in order to arrive at some effective and more humane18 remedy, which should more victoriously19 combat this somber trinity of insanity, suicide and crime.
The science of positive criminology arose in the last quarter of the 19th century, as a result of this strange contrast, which would be inexplicable20, if we could not discover historical and scientific reasons for its existence. And it is indeed a strange contrast that Italy should have arrived at a perfect theoretical development of a classical school of criminology, while there persists, on the other hand, the disgraceful condition that criminality assumes dimensions never before observed in this country, so that the science of criminology cannot stem the tide of crime in high and low circles. It is for this reason, that the positive school of criminology arises out of the very nature of things, the same as every other line of science. It is based on the conditions of our daily life. It would indeed be conceited7 on our part to claim that we, who are the originators of this new science and its new conclusions, deserve alone the credit for its existence. The brain of the scientist is rather a sort of electrical accumulator, which feels and assimilates the vibrations22 and heart-beats of life, its splendor and its shame, and derives23 therefrom the conviction that it must of necessity provide for definite social wants. And on the other hand, it would be an evidence of intellectual short-sightedness on the part of the positivist man of science, if he did not recognize the historical accomplishments25, which his predecessors26 on the field of science have left behind as indelible traces of their struggle against the unknown in that brilliant and irksome domain27. For this reason, the adherents28 of the positive school of criminology feel the most sincere reverence29 for the classic school of criminology. And I am glad today, in accepting the invitation of the students of Naples, to say, that this is another reason why their invitation was welcome to me. It is now 16 years since I gave in this same hall a lecture on positive criminology, which was then in its initial stages. It was in 1885, when I had the opportunity to outline the first principles of the positive school of criminology, at the invitation of other students, who preceded you on the periodic waves of the intellectual generations. And the renewal30 of this opportunity gave me so much moral satisfaction that, I could not under any circumstances decline your invitation. Then too, the Neapolitan Atheneum has maintained the reputation of the Italian mind in the 19th century, also in that science which even foreign scientists admit to be our specialty31, namely the science of criminology. In fact, aside from the two terrible books of the Digest, and from the practical criminologists of the Middle Ages who continued the study of criminality, the modern world opened a glorious page in the progress of criminal science with the modest little book of Cesare Beccaria. This progress leads from Cesare Beccaria, by way of Francesco Carrara, to Enrico Pessina.
Enrico Pessina alone remains33 of the two giants who concluded the cycle of classic school of criminology. In a lucid34 moment of his scientific consciousness, which soon reverted35 to the old abstract and metaphysical theories, he announced in an introductory statement in 1879, that criminal justice would have to rejuvenate36 itself in the pure bath of the natural sciences and substitute in place of abstraction the living and concrete study of facts. Naturally every scientist has his function and historical significance; and we cannot expect that a brain which has arrived at the end of its career should turn towards a new direction. At any rate, it is a significant fact that this most renowned37 representative of the classic school of criminology should have pointed38 out this need of his special science in this same university of Naples, one year after the inauguration39 of the positive school of criminology, that he should have looked forward to a time when the study of natural and positive facts would set to rights the old juridical abstractions. And there is still another precedent40 in the history of this university, which makes scientific propaganda at this place very agreeable for a positivist. It is that six years before that introductory statement by Pessina, Giovanni Bovio gave lectures at this university, which he published later on under the title of "A Critical Study of Criminal Law." Giovanni Bovio performed in this monograph41 the function of a critic, but the historical time of his thought, prevented him from taking part in the construction of a new science. However, he prepared the ground for new ideas, by pointing out all the rifts42 and weaknesses of the old building. Bovio maintained that which Gioberti, Ellero, Conforti, Tissol had already maintained, namely that it is impossible to solve the problem which is still the theoretical foundation of the classic school of criminology, the problem of the relation between punishment and crime. No man, no scientist, no legislator, no judge, has ever been able to indicate any absolute standard, which would enable us to say that equity43 demands a definite punishment for a definite crime. We can find some opportunistic expedient44, but not a solution of the problem. Of course, if we could decide which is the gravest crime, then we could also decide on the heaviest sentence and formulate45 a descending46 scale which would establish the relative fitting proportions between crime and punishment. If it is agreed that patricide47 is the gravest crime, we meet out the heaviest sentence, death or imprisonment48 for life, and then we can agree on a descending scale of crime and on a parallel scale of punishments. But the problem begins right with the first stone of the structure, not with the succeeding steps. Which is the greatest penalty proportional to the crime of patricide? Neither science, nor legislation, nor moral consciousness, can offer an absolute standard. Some say: The greatest penalty is death. Others say: No, imprisonment for life. Still others say: Neither death, nor imprisonment for life, but only imprisonment for a time. And if imprisonment for a time is to be the highest penalty, how many years shall it last —thirty, or twenty-five, or ten?
No man can set up any absolute standard in this matter. Giovanni Bovio thus arrived at the conclusion that this internal contradiction in the science of criminology was the inevitable50 fate of human justice, and that this justice, struggling in the grasp of this internal contradiction, must turn to the civil law and ask for help in its weakness. The same thought had already been illumined by a ray from the bright mind of Filangieri, who died all too soon. And we can derive24 from this fact the historical rule that the most barbarian51 conditions of humanity show a prevalence of a criminal code which punishes without healing; and that the gradual progress of civilization will give rise to the opposite conception of healing without punishing.
Thus it happens that this university of Naples, in which the illustrious representative of the classic school of criminology realized the necessity of its regeneration, and in which Bovio foresaw its sterility52, has younger teachers now who keep alive the fire of the positivist tendency in criminal science, such as Penta, Zuccarelli, and others, whom you know. Nevertheless I feel that this faculty53 of jurisprudence still lacks oxygen in the study of criminal law, because its thought is still influenced by the overwhelming authority of the name of Enrico Pessina. And it is easy to understand that there, where the majestic54 tree spreads out its branches towards the blue vault55, the young plant feels deprived of light and air, while it might have grown strong and beautiful in another place.
The positive school of criminology, then, was born in our own Italy through the singular attraction of the Italian mind toward the study of criminology; and its birth is also due to the peculiar56 condition our country with its great and strange contrast between the theoretical doctrines57 and the painful fact of an ever increasing criminality.
The positive school of criminology was inaugurate by the work of Cesare Lombroso, in 1872. From 1872 to 1876 he opened a new way for the study of criminality by demonstrating in his own person that we must first understand the criminal who offends, before we can study and understand his crime. Lombroso studied the prisoners in the various penitentiaries58 of Italy from the point of view of anthropology59. And he compiled his studies in the reports of the Lombardian Institute of Science and Literature, and published them later together in his work "Criminal Man." The first edition of this work (1876) remained almost unnoticed, either because its scientific material was meager60, or because Cesare Lombroso had not yet drawn61 any general scientific conclusions, which could have attracted the attention of the world of science and law. But simultaneously62 with its second edition (1878) there appeared two monographs63, which constituted the embryo64 of the new school, supplementing the anthropological65 studies of Lombroso with conclusions and systematizations from the point of view of sociology and law. Raffaele Garofalo published in the Neapolitan Journal of Philosophy and Literature an essay on criminality, in which he declared that the dangerousness of the criminal was the criterion by which society should measure the function of its defense67 against the disease of crime. And in the same year, 1878, I took occasion to publish a monograph on the denial of free will and personal responsibility, in which I declared frankly68 that from now on the science of crime and punishment must look for the fundamental facts of a science of social defense against crime in the human and social life itself. The simultaneous publication of these three monographs caused a stir. The teachers of classic criminology, who had taken kindly69 to the recommendations of Pessina and Ellero, urging them to study the natural sources of crime, met the new ideas with contempt, when the new methods made a determined70 and radical71 departure, and became not only the critics, but the zealous72 opponents of the new theories. And this is easy to understand. For the struggle for existence is an irresistible73 law of nature, as well for the thousands of germs scattered74 to the winds by the oak, as for the ideas which grow in the brain of man. But persecutions, calumnies76, criticisms, and opposition77 are powerless against an idea, if it carries within itself the germ of truth. Moreover, we should look upon this phenomenon of a repugnance78 in the average intellect (whether of the ordinary man or the scientist) for all new ideas as a natural function. For when the brain of some man has felt the light of a new idea, a sneering79 criticism serves us a touchstone for it. If the idea is wrong, it will fall by the wayside; if it is right, then criticisms, opposition and persecution75 will cull80 the golden kernel81 from the unsightly shell, and the idea will march victoriously over everything and everybody. It is so in all walks of life—in art, in politics, in science. Every new idea will rouse against itself naturally and inevitably82 the opposition of the accustomed thoughts. This is so true, that when Cesare Beccaria opened the great historic cycle of the classic school of criminology, he was assaulted by the critics of his time with the same indictments83 which were brought against us a century later.
When Cesare Beccaria printed his book on crime and penalties in 1774 under a false date and place of publication, reflecting the aspirations which gave rise to the impending84 hurricane of the French revolution; when he hurled85 himself against all that was barbarian in the mediaeval laws and set loose a storm of enthusiasm among the encyclopedists, and even some of the members of government, in France, he was met by a wave of opposition, calumny86 and accusation87 on the part of the majority of jurists, judges and lights of philosophy. The abbi Jachinci published four volumes against Beccaria, calling him the destroyer of justice and morality, simply because he had combatted the tortures and the death penalty.
The tortures, which we incorrectly ascribe to the mental brutality88 of the judges of those times, were but a logical consequence of the contemporaneous theories. It was felt that in order to condemn89 a man, one must have the certainty of his guilty, and it was said that the best means of obtaining tins certainty, the queen of proofs, was the confession91 of the criminal. And if the criminal denied his guilt90, it was necessary to have recourse to torture, in order to force him to a confession which he withheld92 from fear of the penalty. The torture soothed93, so to say, the conscience of the judge, who was free to condemn as soon as he had obtained a confession. Cesare Beccaria rose with others against the torture. Thereupon the judges and jurists protested that penal49 justice would be impossible, because it could not get any information, since a man suspected of a crime would not confess his guilt voluntarily. Hence they accused Beccaria of being the protector of robbers and murderers, because he wanted to abolish the only means of compelling them to a confession, the torture. But Cesare Beccaria had on his side the magic power of truth. He was truly the electric accumulator of his time, who gathered from its atmosphere the presage94 of the coming revolution, the stirring of the human conscience. You can find a similar illustration in the works of Daquin in Savoy, of Pinel in France, and of Hach Take in England, who strove to bring about a revolution in the treatment of the insane. This episode interests us especially, because it is a perfect illustration of the way traveled by the positive school of criminology. The insane were likewise considered to blame for their insanity. At the dawn of the 19th century, the physician Hernroth still wrote that insanity was a moral sin of the insane, because "no one becomes insane, unless he forsakes95 the straight path of virtue96 and of the fear of the Lord."
And on this assumption the insane were locked up in horrible dungeons97, loaded down with chains, tortured and beaten, for lo! their insanity was their own fault.
At that period, Pinel advanced the revolutionary idea that insanity was not a sin, but a disease like all other diseases. This idea is now a commonplace, but in his time it revolutionized the world. It seemed as though this innovation inaugurated by Pinel would overthrow98 the world and the foundations of society. Well, two years before the storming of the Bastile Pinel walked into the sanitarium of the Salpetriere and committed the brave act of freeing the insane of the chains that weighed them down. He demonstrated in practice that the insane, when freed of their chains, became quieter, instead of creating wild disorder99 and destruction. This great revolution of Pinel, Chiarugi, and others, changed the attitude of the public mind toward the insane. While formerly100 insanity had been regarded as a moral sin, the public conscience, thanks to the enlightening work of science, henceforth had to adapt itself to the truth that insanity is a disease like all others, that a man does not become insane because he wants to, but that he becomes insane through hereditary101 transmission and the influence of the environment in which he lives, being predisposed toward insanity and becoming insane under the pressure of circumstances.
The positive school of criminology accomplished102 the same revolution in the views concerning the treatment of criminals that the above named men of science accomplished for the treatment of the insane. The general opinion of classic criminalists and of the people at large is that crime involves a moral guilt, because it is due to the free will of the individual who leaves the path of virtue and chooses the path of crime, and therefore it must be suppressed by meeting it with a proportionate quantity of punishment. This is to this day the current conception of crime. And the illusion of a free human will (the only miraculous103 factor in the eternal ocean of cause and effect) leads to the assumption that one can choose freely between virtue and vice104. How can you still believe in the existence of a free will, when modern psychology105 armed with all the instruments of positive modern research, denies that there is any free will and demonstrates that every act of a human being is the result of an interaction between the personality and the environment of man?
And how is it possible to cling to that obsolete106 idea of moral guilt, according to which every individual is supposed to have the free choice to abandon virtue and give himself up to crime? The positive school of criminology maintains, on the contrary, that it is not the criminal who wills; in order to be a criminal it is rather necessary that the individual should find himself permanently107 or transitorily in such personal, physical and moral conditions, and live in such an environment, which become for him a chain of cause and effect, externally and internally, that disposes him toward crime. This is our conclusion, which I anticipate, and it constitutes the vastly different and opposite method, which the positive school of criminology employs as compared to the leading principle of the classic school of criminal science.
In this method, this essential principle of the positive school of criminology, you will find another reason for the seemingly slow advance of this school. That is very natural. If you consider the great reform carried by the ideas of Cesare Beccaria into the criminal justice of the Middle Age, you will see that the great classic school represents but a small step forward, because it leaves the penal justice on the same theoretical and practical basis which it had in the Middle Age and in classic antiquity108, that is to say, based on the idea of a moral responsibility of the individual. For Beccaria, for Carrara, for their predecessors, this idea is no more nor less than that mentioned in books 47 and 48 of the Digest: "The criminal is liable to punishment to the extent that he is morally guilty of the crime he has committed." The entire classic school is, therefore, nothing but a series of reforms. Capital punishment has been abolished in some countries, likewise torture, confiscation109, corporal punishment. But nevertheless the immense scientific movement of the classic school has remained a mere110 reform.
It has continued in the 19th century to look upon crime in the same way that the Middle Age did: "Whoever commits murder or theft, is alone the absolute arbiter111 to decide whether he wants to commit the crime or not." This remains the foundation of the classic school of criminology. This explains why it could travel on its way more rapidly than the positive school of criminology. And yet, it took half a century from the time of Beccaria, before the penal codes showed signs of the reformatory influence of the classic school of criminology. So that it has also taken quite a long time to establish it so well that it became accepted by general consent, as it is today. The positive school of criminology was born in 1878, and although it does not stand for a mere reform of the methods of criminal justice, but for a complete and fundamental transformation112 of criminal justice itself, it has already gone quite a distance and made considerable conquests which begin to show in our country. It is a fact that the penal code now in force in this country represents a compromise, so far as the theory of personal responsibility is concerned, between the old theory of free will and the conclusions of the positive school which denies this free will.
You can find an illustration of this in the eloquent113 contortions114 of phantastic logic66 in the essays on the criminal code written by a great advocate of the classic school of criminology, Mario Pagano, this admirable type of a scientist and patriot115, who does not lock himself up in the quiet egoism of his study, but feels the ideal of his time stirring within him and gives up his life to it. He has written three lines of a simple nudity that reveals much, in which he says: "A man is responsible for the crimes which he commits; if, in committing a crime, his will is half free, he is responsible to the extent of one-half; if one-third, he is responsible one-third." There you have the uncompromising and absolute classic theorem. But in the penal code of 1890, you will find that the famous article 45 intends to base the responsibility for a crime on the simple will, to the exclusion116 of the free will. However, the Italian judge has continued to base the exercise of penal justice on the supposed existence of the free will, and pretends not to know that the number of scientists denying the free will is growing. Now, how is it possible that so terrible an office as that of sentencing criminals retains its stability or vacillates, according to whether the first who denies the existence of a free will deprives this function of its foundation?
Truly, it is said that this question has been too difficult for the new Italian penal code. And, for this reason, it was thought best to base the responsibility for a crime on the idea that a man is guilty simply for the reason that he wanted to commit the crime; and that he is not responsible if he did not want to commit it. But this is an eclectic way out of the difficulty, which settles nothing, for in the same code we have the rule that involuntary criminals are also punished, so that involuntary killing117 and wounding are punished with imprisonment the same as voluntary deeds of this kind. We have heard it said in such cases that the result may not have been intended, but the action bringing it about was. If a hunter shoots through a hedge and kills or wounds a person, he did not intend to kill, and yet he is held responsible because his first act, the shooting, was voluntary.
That statement applies to involuntary crimes, which are committed by some positive act. But what about involuntary crimes of omission118? In a railway station, where the movements of trains represent the daily whirl of traffic in men, things, and ideas, every switch is a delicate instrument which may cause a derailment. The railway management places a switchman on duty at this delicate post. But in a moment of fatigue119, or because he had to work inhumanly120 long hours of work, which exhausted121 all his nervous elasticity122, or for other reasons, the switchman forgets to set the switch and causes a railroad accident, in which people are killed and wounded. Can it be said that he intended the first act? Assuredly not, for he did not intend anything and did not do anything. The hunter who fires a shot has at least had the intention of shooting. But the switchman did not want to forget (for in that case he would be indirectly123 to blame); he has simply forgotten from sheer fatigue to do his duty; he has had no intention whatever, and yet you hold him responsible in spite of all that! The fundamental logic of your reasoning in this case corresponds to the logic of the things. Does it not happen every day in the administration of justice that the judges forget about the neutral expedient of the legislator who devised this relative progress of the penal code, which pretends to base the responsibility of a man on the neutral and naive124 criterion of a will without freedom of will? Do they not follow their old mental habits in the administration of justice and apply the obsolete criterion of the free will, which the legislator thought fit to abandon? We see, then, as a result of this imperfect and insincere innovation in penal legislation this flagrant contradiction, that the magistrates125 assume the existence of a free will, while the legislator has decided126 that it shall not be assumed. Now, in science as well as in legislation, we should follow a direct and logical line, such as that of the classic school or the positive school of criminology. But whoever thinks he has solved a problem when he gives us a solution which is neither fish nor fowl127, comes to the most absurd and iniquitous128 conclusions. You see what happens every day. If to-morrow some beastly and incomprehensible crime is committed, the conscience of the judge is troubled by this question: Was the person who committed this crime morally free to act or not? He may also invoke129 the help of legislation, and he may take refuge in article 46,[A] or in that compromise of article 47,[B] which admits a responsibility of one-half or one-third, and he would decide on a penalty of one-half or one-third.
All this may take place in the case of a grave and strange crime. And on the other hand, go to the municipal courts or to the police courts, where the magic lantern of justice throws its rays upon the nameless human beings who have stolen a bundle of wood in a hard winter, or who have slapped some one in the face during a brawl130 in a saloon. And if they should find a defending lawyer who would demand the appointment of a medical expert, watch the reception he would get from the judge. When justice is surprised by a beastly and strange crime, it feels the entire foundation of its premises131 shaking, it halts for a moment, it calls in the help of legal medicine, and reflects before it sentences. But in the case of those poor nameless creatures, justice does not stop to consider whether that microbe in the criminal world who steals under the influence of hereditary or acquired degeneration, or in the delirium132 of chronic133 hunger, is not worthy134 of more pity. It rather replies with a mephistophelian grin when he begs for a humane understanding of his case.
[A] Article 46: "A person is not subject to punishment, if at the moment of his deed he was in a mental condition which deprived him of consciousness or of the freedom of action. But if the judge considers it dangerous to acquit135 the prisoner, he has to transfer him to the care of the proper authorities, who will take the necessary precautions."
[B] Article 47: "If the mental condition mentioned in the foregoing article was such as to considerably136 decrease the responsibility, without eliminating it entirely137, the penalty fixed138 upon the crime committed is reduced according to the following rules:
"I. In place of penitentiary139, imprisonment for not less than six years.
"II. In place of the permanent loss of civic140 rights, a loss of these rights for a stipulated141 time.
"III. Whenever it is a question of a penalty of more than twelve years, it is reduced to from three to ten years; if of more than six years, but not more than twelve, it is reduced to from one to five years; in other cases, the reduction is to be one-half of the ordinary penalty.
"IV. A fine is reduced to one-half.
"V. If the penalty would be a restriction142 of personal liberty, the judge may order the prisoner to a workhouse, until the proper authorities object, when the remainder of the sentence is carried out in the usual manner."
It is true that there is now and then in those halls of justice, which remain all too frequently closed to the living wave of public sentiment, some more intelligent and serene143 judge who is touched by this painful understanding of the actual human life. Then he may, under the illogical conditions of penal justice, with its compromise between the exactness of the classic and that of the positive school of criminology, seek for some expedient which may restore him to equanimity144.
In 1832, France introduced a penal innovation, which seemed to represent an advance on the field of justice, but which is in reality a denial of justice: The expedient of extenuating145 circumstances. The judge does not ask for the advice of the court physician in the case of some forlorn criminal, but condemns146 him without a word of rebuke147 to society for its complicity. But in order to assuage148 his own conscience he grants him extenuating circumstances, which seem a concession149 of justice, but are, in reality, a denial of justice. For you either believe that a man is responsible for his crime, and in that case the concession of extenuating circumstances is a hypocrisy150; or you grant them in good faith, and then you admit that the man was in circumstances which reduced his moral responsibility, and thereby151 the extenuating circumstances become a denial of justice. For if your conviction concerning such circumstances were sincere, you would go to the bottom of them and examine with the light of your understanding all those innumerable conditions which contribute toward those extenuating circumstances. But what are those extenuating circumstances? Family conditions? Take it that a child is left alone by its parents, who are swallowed up in the whirl of modern industry, which overthrows152 the laws of nature and forbids the necessary rest, because steam engines do not get tired and day work must be followed by night work, so that the setting of the sun is no longer the signal for the laborer153 to rest, but to begin a new shift of work. Take it that this applies not alone to adults, but also to human beings in the growing stage, whose muscular power may yield some profit for the capitalists. Take it that even the mother, during the period of sacred maternity154, becomes a cog in the machinery155 of industry. And you will understand that the child must grow up, left to its own resources, in the filth156 of life, and that its history will be inscribed157 in criminal statistics, which are the shame of our so-called civilization.
Of course, in this first lecture I cannot give you even a glimpse of the positive results of that modern science which has studied the criminal and his environment instead of his crimes. And I must, therefore, limit myself to a few hints concerning the historical origin of the positive school of criminology. I ought to tell you something concerning the question of free will. But you will understand that such a momentous158 question, which is worthy of a deep study of the many-sided physical, moral, intellectual life, cannot be summed up in a few short words. I can only say that the tendency of modern natural sciences, in physiology as well as psychology, has overruled the illusions of those who would fain persist in watching psychological phenomena merely within themselves and think that they can understand them without any other means. On the contrary, positive science, backed by the testimony159 of anthropology and of the study of the environment, has arrived at the following conclusions: The admission of a free will is out of the question. For if the free will is but an illusion of our internal being, it is not a real faculty possessed160 by the human mind. Free will would imply that the human will, confronted by the choice of making voluntarily a certain determination, has the last decisive word under the pressure of circumstances contending for and against this decision; that it is free to decide for or against a certain course independently of internal and external circumstances, which play upon it, according to the laws of cause and effect.
Take it that a man has insulted me. I leave the place in which I have been insulted, and with me goes the suggestion of forgiveness or of murder and vengeance161. And then it is assumed that a man has his complete free will, unless he is influenced by circumstances explicitly162 enumerated163 by the law, such as minority, congenital deaf-muteness, insanity, habitual164 drunkenness and, to a certain extent, violent passion. If a man is not in a condition mentioned in this list, he is considered in possession of his free will, and if he murders he is held morally responsible and therefore punished.
This illusion of a free will has its source in our inner consciousness, and is due solely165 to the ignorance in which we find ourselves concerning the various motives166 and different external and internal conditions which press upon our mind at the moment of decision.
If a man knows the principal causes which determine a certain phenomenon, he says that this phenomenon is inevitable. If he does not know them, he considers it as an accident, and this corresponds in the physical field to the arbitrary phenomenon of the human will which does not know whether it shall decide this way or that. For instance, some of us were of the opinion, and many still are, that the coming and going of meteorological phenomena was accidental and could not he foreseen. But in the meantime, science has demonstrated that they are likewise subject to the law of causality, because it discovered the causes which enable us to foresee their course. Thus weather prognosis has made wonderful progress by the help of a network of telegraphically connected meteorological stations, which succeeded in demonstrating the connection between cause and effect in the case of hurricanes, as well as of any other physical phenomenon. It is evident that the idea of accident, applied to physical nature, is unscientific. Every physical phenomenon is the necessary effect of the causes that determined it beforehand. If those causes are known to us, we have the conviction that that phenomenon is necessary, is fate, and, if we do not know them, we think it is accidental. The same is true of human phenomena. But since we do not know the internal and external causes in the majority of cases, we pretend that they are free phenomena, that is to say, that they are not determined necessarily by their causes. Hence the spiritualistic conception of the free will implies that every human being, in spite of the fact that their internal and external conditions are necessarily predetermined, should be able to come to a deliberate decision by the mere fiat168 of his or her free will, so that, even though the sum of all the causes demands a no, he or she can decide in favor of yes, and vice versa. Now, who is there that thinks, when deliberating some action, what are the causes that determine his choice? We can justly say that the greater part of our actions are determined by habit, that we make up our minds almost from custom, without considering the reason for or against. When we get up in the morning we go about our customary business quite automatically, we perform it as a function in which we do not think of a free will. We think of that only in unusual and grave cases, when we are called upon to make some special choice, the so-called voluntary deliberation, and then we weigh the reasons for or against; we ponder, we hesitate what to do. Well, even in such cases, so little depends on our will in the deliberations which we are about to take that if any one were to ask us one minute before we have decided what we are going to do, we should not know what we were going to decide. So long as we are undecided, we cannot foresee what we are going to decide; for under the conditions in which we live that part of the psychic169 process takes place outside of our consciousness. And since we do not know its causes, we cannot tell what will be its effects. Only after we have come to a certain decision can we imagine that it was due to our voluntary action. But shortly before we could not tell, and that proves that it did not depend on us alone. Suppose, for instance, that you have decided to play a joke on a fellow-student, and that you carry it out. He takes it unkindly. You are surprised, because that is contrary to his habits and your expectations. But after a while you learn that your friend had received bad news from home on the preceding morning and was therefore not in a condition to feel like joking, and then you say: "If we had known that we should not have decided to spring the joke on him." That is equivalent to saying that, if the balance of your will had been inclined toward the deciding motive167 of no, you would have decided no; but not knowing that your friend was distressed170 and not in his habitual frame of mind, you decided in favor of yes. This sentence: "If I had known this I should not have done that" is an outcry of our internal consciousness, which denies the existence of a free will.
On the other hand, nothing is created and nothing destroyed either in matter or in force, because both matter and force are eternal and indestructible. They transform themselves in the most diversified171 manner, but not an atom is added or taken away, not one vibration21 more or less takes place. And so if is the force of external and internal circumstances which determines the decision of our will at any given moment. The idea of a free will, however, is a denial of the law of cause and effect, both in the field of philosophy and theology. Saint Augustine and Martin Luther furnish irrefutable theological arguments for the denial of a free will. The omnipotence172 of God is irreconcilable173 with the idea of free will. If everything that happens does so because a superhuman and omnipotent174 power wants it (Not a single leaf falls to the ground without the will of God), how can a son murder his father without the permission and will of God? For this reason Saint Augustine and Martin Luther have written de servo arbitrio.
But since theological arguments serve only those who believe in the concept of a god, which is not given to us by science, we take recourse to the laws which we observe in force and matter, and to the law of causality. If modern science has discovered the universal link which connects all phenomena through cause and effect, which shows that every phenomenon is the result of causes which have preceded it; if this is the law of causality, which is at the very bottom of modern scientific thought, then it is evident that the admission of free thought is equivalent to an overthrow of this law, according to which every effect is proportionate to its cause. In that case, this law, which reigns175 supreme176 in the entire universe, would dissolve itself into naught177 at the feet of the human being, who would create effects with his free will not corresponding to their causes! It was all right to think so at a time when people had an entirely different idea of human beings. But the work of modern science, and its effect on practical life, has resulted in tracing the relations of each one of us with the world and with our fellow beings. And the influence of science may be seen in the elimination178 of great illusions which in former centuries swayed this or that part of civilized179 humanity. The scientific thought of Copernicus and Galilei did away with the illusions which led people to believe that the earth was the center of the universe and of creation.
Take Cicero's book de Officims, or the Divina Commedia of Dante, and you will find that to them the earth is the center of creation, that the infinite stars circle around it, and that man is the king of animals: a geocentric and anthropocentric illusion inspired by immeasurable conceit5. But Copernicus and Galilei came and demonstrated that the earth does not stand still, but that it is a grain of cosmic matter hurled into blue infinity180 and rotating since time unknown around its central body, the sun, which originated from an immense primitive181 nebula182. Galilei was subjected to tortures by those who realized that this new theory struck down many a religious legend and many a moral creed183. But Galilei had spoken the truth, and nowadays humanity no longer indulges in the illusion that the earth is the center of creation.
But men live on illusions and give way but reluctantly to the progress of science, in order to devote themselves arduously184 to the ideal of the new truths which rise out of the essence of things of which mankind is a part. After the geocentric illusion had been destroyed, the anthropocentric illusion still remained. On earth, man was still supposed to be king of creation, the center of terrestrial life. All Species of animals, plants and minerals were supposed to be created expressly for him, and to have had from time immemorial the forms which we see now, so that the fauna185 and flora186 living on our planet have always been what they are today. And Cicero, for instance, said that the heavens were placed around the earth and man in order that he might admire the beauty of the starry187 firmament188 at night, and that animals and plants were created for his use and pleasure. But in 1856 Charles Darwin came and, summarizing the results of studies that had been carried on for a century, destroyed in the name of science the superb illusion that man is the king and center of creation. He demonstrated, amid the attacks and calumnies of the lovers of darkness, that man is not the king of creation, but merely the last link of the zoological chain, that nature is endowed with eternal energies by which animal and plant life, the same as mineral life (for even in crystals the laws of life are at work), are transformed from the invisible microbe to the highest form, man.
The anthropocentric illusion rebelled against the word of Darwin, accusing him of lowering the human life to the level of the dirt or of the brute189. But a disciple190 of Darwin gave the right answer, while propagating the Darwinian theory at the university of Jena. It was Haeckel, who concluded: "For my part, and so far as my human consciousness is concerned, I prefer to be an immensely perfected ape rather than to be a degenerated191 and debased Adam."
Gradually the anthropocentric illusion has been compelled to give way before the results of science, and today the theories of Darwin have become established among our ideas. But another illusion still remains, and science, working in the name of reality, will gradually eliminate it, namely the illusion that the nineteenth century has established a permanent order of society. While the geocentric and anthropocentric illusions have been dispelled192, the illusion of the immobility and eternity193 of classes still persists. But it is well to remember that in Holland in the sixteenth century, in England in the seventeenth, in Europe since the revolution of 1789, we have seen that freedom of thought in science, literature and art, for which the bourgeoisie fought, triumphed over the tyranny of the mediaeval dogma. And this condition, instead of being a glorious but transitory stage, is supposed to be the end of the development of humanity, which is henceforth condemned194 not to perfect itself any more by further changes. This is the illusion which serves as a fundamental argument against the positive school of criminology, since it is claimed that a penal justice enthroned on the foundations of Beccaria and Carrara would be a revolutionary heresy195. It is also this illusion which serves as an argument against those who draw the logical consequences in regard to the socialistic future of humanity, for the science which takes its departure front the work of Copernicus, Galilei and Darwin arrives logically at socialism. Socialism is but the natural and physical transformation of the economic and social institutions. Of course, so long as the geocentric and anthropocentric illusions dominate, it is natural that the lore196 of stability should impress itself upon science and life. How could this living atom, which the human being is, undertake to change that order of creation, which makes of the earth the center of the universe and of man the center of life? Not until science had introduced the conception of a natural formation and transformation, of the solar system, as well as of the fauna and flora, did the human mind grasp the idea that thought and action can transform the world.
For this reason we believe that the study of the criminal, and the logical consequences therefrom, will bring about the complete transformation of human justice, not only as a theory laid down in scientific books, but also as a practical function applied every day to that living and suffering portion of humanity which has fallen into crime. We have the undaunted faith that the work of scientific truth will transform penal justice into a simple function of preserving society from the disease of crime, divested197 of all relics198 of vengeance, hatred199 and punishment, which still survive in our day as living reminders200 of the barbarian stage. We still hear the "public vengeance" invoked201 against the criminal today, and justice has still for its symbol a sword, which it uses more than the scales. But a judge born of a woman cannot weigh the moral responsibility of one who has committed murder or theft. Not until the experimental and scientific method shall look for the causes of that dangerous malady202, which we call crime, in the physical and psychic organism, and in the family and the environment, of the criminal, will justice guided by science discard the sword which now descends203 bloody204 upon those poor fellow-beings who have fallen victims to crime, and become a clinical function, whose prime object shall be to remove or lessen205 in society and individuals the causes which incite206 to crime. Then alone will justice refrain from wreaking207 vengeance, after a crime has been committed, with the shame of an execution or the absurdity208 of solitary209 confinement210.
On the one hand, human life depends on the word of a judge, who may err32 in the case of capital punishment; and society cannot end the life of a man, unless the necessity of legitimate211 self-defense demands it. On the other hand, solitary confinement came in with the second current of the classic school of criminology, when at the same time, in which Beccaria promulgated212 his ideas, John Howard traveled all over Europe describing the unmentionable horrors of mass imprisonment, which became a center of infection for society at large. Then the classic school went to the other extreme of solitary confinement, after the model of America, whence we adopted the systems of Philadelphia and Harrisburg in the first half of the nineteenth century. Isolation213 for the night is also our demand, but we object to continuous solitary confinement by day and night. Pasquale Mancini called solitary confinement "a living grave," in order to reassure214 the timorous215, when in the name of the classic school, whose valiant216 champion he was, he demanded in 1876 the abolition217 of capital punishment. Yet in his swan song he recognized that the future would belong to the positive school of criminology. And it is this "living grave" against which we protest. It cannot possibly be an act of human justice to bury a human being in a narrow cell, within four walls, to prevent this being from having any contact with social life, and to say to him at the end of his term: Now that your lungs are no longer accustomed to breathing the open air, now that your legs are no longer used to the rough roads, go, but take care not, to have a relapse, or your sentence will be twice as hard.
In reality, solitary confinement makes of a human being either a stupid creature, or a raving218 beast. And "s'io dico il vero, l'effeto nol nasconde"—if I speak the truth, the facts will also reveal it—for criminality increases and expands, honest people remain unprotected, and those who are struck by the law do not improve, but become ever more antisocial through the repeated relapses. And so we have that contrast which I mentioned in the beginning of my lecture, that the theoretical side of criminal science is so perfected, while criminal conditions are painfully in evidence. The inevitable conclusion is the necessity of a progressive transformation of the science of crime and punishment.
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1
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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diffuse
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| v.扩散；传播；adj.冗长的；四散的，弥漫的 | |
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3
lottery
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| n.抽彩；碰运气的事，难于算计的事 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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conceitedly
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| 自满地 | |
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conceited
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| adj.自负的，骄傲自满的 | |
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somber
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| adj.昏暗的，阴天的，阴森的，忧郁的 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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smallpox
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| n.天花 | |
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cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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diagnosis
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| n.诊断，诊断结果，调查分析，判断 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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victoriously
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| adv.获胜地，胜利地 | |
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inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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21
vibration
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| n.颤动，振动；摆动 | |
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vibrations
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| n.摆动( vibration的名词复数 )；震动；感受；（偏离平衡位置的）一次性往复振动 | |
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derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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30
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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specialty
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| n.(speciality)特性，特质；专业，专长 | |
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err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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lucid
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| adj.明白易懂的，清晰的，头脑清楚的 | |
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reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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rejuvenate
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| v.(使)返老还童；(使)恢复活力 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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inauguration
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| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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monograph
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| n.专题文章，专题著作 | |
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rifts
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| n.裂缝( rift的名词复数 )；裂隙；分裂；不和 | |
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equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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formulate
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| v.用公式表示；规划；设计；系统地阐述 | |
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46
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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patricide
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| n.杀父 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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50
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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51
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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52
sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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53
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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54
majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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55
vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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56
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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58
penitentiaries
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| n.监狱( penitentiary的名词复数 ) | |
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59
anthropology
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| n.人类学 | |
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60
meager
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| adj.缺乏的，不足的，瘦的 | |
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61
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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monographs
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| n.专著，专论( monograph的名词复数 ) | |
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embryo
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| n.胚胎，萌芽的事物 | |
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anthropological
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| adj.人类学的 | |
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66
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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67
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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68
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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69
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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71
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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72
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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73
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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75
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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76
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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77
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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78
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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79
sneering
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| 嘲笑的，轻蔑的 | |
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80
cull
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| v.拣选；剔除；n.拣出的东西；剔除 | |
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81
kernel
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| n.(果实的)核，仁；(问题)的中心，核心 | |
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82
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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83
indictments
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| n.（制度、社会等的）衰败迹象( indictment的名词复数 )；刑事起诉书；公诉书；控告 | |
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84
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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85
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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86
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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87
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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88
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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89
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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90
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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91
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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92
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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93
soothed
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|
| v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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94
presage
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| n.预感，不祥感；v.预示 | |
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95
forsakes
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| 放弃( forsake的第三人称单数 )； 弃绝； 抛弃； 摒弃 | |
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96
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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97
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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98
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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99
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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100
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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101
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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102
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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103
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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104
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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105
psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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106
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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107
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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108
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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109
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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110
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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111
arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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112
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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113
eloquent
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|
| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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114
contortions
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| n.扭歪，弯曲；扭曲，弄歪，歪曲( contortion的名词复数 ) | |
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115
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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116
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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117
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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118
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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119
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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120
inhumanly
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| adv.无人情味地，残忍地 | |
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121
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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122
elasticity
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| n.弹性，伸缩力 | |
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123
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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124
naive
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| adj.幼稚的，轻信的；天真的 | |
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125
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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126
decided
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|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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127
fowl
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| n.家禽，鸡，禽肉 | |
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128
iniquitous
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|
| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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129
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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130
brawl
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| n.大声争吵，喧嚷；v.吵架，对骂 | |
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131
premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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132
delirium
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| n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
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133
chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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134
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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135
acquit
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|
| vt.宣判无罪；(oneself)使(自己)表现出 | |
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136
considerably
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|
| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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137
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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138
fixed
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|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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139
penitentiary
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| n.感化院；监狱 | |
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140
civic
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|
| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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141
stipulated
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|
| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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142
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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143
serene
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|
| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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144
equanimity
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| n.沉着，镇定 | |
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145
extenuating
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|
| adj.使减轻的，情有可原的v.（用偏袒的辩解或借口）减轻( extenuate的现在分词 )；低估，藐视 | |
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146
condemns
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|
| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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147
rebuke
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|
| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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148
assuage
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| v.缓和，减轻，镇定 | |
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149
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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150
hypocrisy
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|
| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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151
thereby
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|
| adv.因此，从而 | |
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152
overthrows
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|
| n.推翻，终止，结束( overthrow的名词复数 )v.打倒，推翻( overthrow的第三人称单数 )；使终止 | |
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153
laborer
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|
| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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154
maternity
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|
| n.母性，母道，妇产科病房；adj.孕妇的，母性的 | |
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155
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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156
filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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157
inscribed
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|
| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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158
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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159
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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160
possessed
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|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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161
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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162
explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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163
enumerated
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|
| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
habitual
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|
| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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165
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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166
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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167
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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168
fiat
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| n.命令，法令，批准；vt.批准，颁布 | |
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169
psychic
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| n.对超自然力敏感的人；adj.有超自然力的 | |
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170
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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171
diversified
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|
| adj.多样化的，多种经营的v.使多样化，多样化( diversify的过去式和过去分词 )；进入新的商业领域 | |
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172
omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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173
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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174
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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175
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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176
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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177
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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178
elimination
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| n.排除，消除，消灭 | |
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179
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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180
infinity
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| n.无限，无穷，大量 | |
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181
primitive
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|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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182
nebula
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| n.星云，喷雾剂 | |
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183
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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184
arduously
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| adv.费力地，严酷地 | |
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185
fauna
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| n.(一个地区或时代的)所有动物，动物区系 | |
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186
flora
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| n.(某一地区的)植物群 | |
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187
starry
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| adj.星光照耀的, 闪亮的 | |
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188
firmament
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| n.苍穹；最高层 | |
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189
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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190
disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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191
degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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192
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
eternity
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|
| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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194
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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195
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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196
lore
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| n.传说；学问，经验，知识 | |
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197
divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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198
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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199
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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200
reminders
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|
| n.令人回忆起…的东西( reminder的名词复数 )；提醒…的东西；（告知该做某事的）通知单；提示信 | |
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201
invoked
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|
| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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202
malady
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|
| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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203
descends
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| v.下来( descend的第三人称单数 )；下去；下降；下斜 | |
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204
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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205
lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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206
incite
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| v.引起，激动，煽动 | |
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207
wreaking
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| 诉诸（武力），施行（暴力），发（脾气）( wreak的现在分词 ) | |
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208
absurdity
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|
| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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209
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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210
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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211
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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212
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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213
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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214
reassure
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| v.使放心，使消除疑虑 | |
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215
timorous
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| adj.胆怯的，胆小的 | |
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216
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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217
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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218
raving
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| adj.说胡话的；疯狂的，怒吼的；非常漂亮的；令人醉心[痴心]的v.胡言乱语(rave的现在分词)n.胡话；疯话adv.胡言乱语地；疯狂地 | |
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