What, then, has the civilized5 world to offer in the way of remedies against criminality? The classic school of criminology, being unable to locate in the course of its scientific and historical mission the natural causes of crime, as I have shown in the preceding lectures, was not in a position to deal in a comprehensive and far-seeing manner with this problem of the remedy against criminality. Some of the classic criminologists, such as Bentham, Romagnosi, or Ellero, with a more positive bent6 of mind than others, may have given a little of their scientific activity to the analysis of this problem, namely the prevention of crime. But Ellero himself had to admit that "the classic school of criminology has written volumes concerning the death penalty and torture, but has produced but a few pages on the prevention of criminality." The historical mission of that school consisted in a reduction of punishment. For being born on the eve of the French revolution in the name of individualism and natural rights, it was a protest against the barbarian8 penalties of the Middle Ages. And thus the practical and glorious result of the classic school was a propaganda for the abolition9 of the most brutal10 penalties of the Middle Ages, such as the death penalty, torture, mutilation. We in our turn now follow up the practical and scientific mission of the classic school of criminology with a still more noble and fruitful mission by adding to the problem of the diminution11 of penalties the problem of the diminution of crimes. It is worth more to humanity to reduce the number of crimes than to reduce the dread12 sufferings of criminal punishments, although even this is a noble work, after the evil plant of crime has been permitted to grow in the realm of life. Take, for instance, the philanthropic awakening13 due to the Congress of Geneva in the matter of the Red Cross Society, for the care, treatment and cure of the wounded in war. However noble and praiseworthy this mission may be, it would be far nobler and better to prevent war than to heal the mutilated and wounded. If the same zeal15 and persistence16, which have been expended17 in the work of the Red Cross Society, had been devoted18 to the realization19 of international brotherhood20, the weary road of human progress would show far better results.
It is a noble mission to oppose the ferocious21 penalties of the Middle Ages. But it is still nobler to forestall22 crime. The classic school of criminology directed its attention merely to penalties, to repressive measures after crime had been committed, with all its terrible moral and material consequences. For in the classic school, the remedies against criminality have not the social aim of improving human life, but merely the illusory mission of retributive justice, meeting a moral delinquency by a corresponding punishment in the shape of legal sentences. This is the spirit which is still pervading24 criminal legislation, although there is a sort of eclectic compromise between the old and the new. The classic school of criminology has substituted for the old absolutist conceptions of justice the eclectic theory that absolute justice has the right to punish, but a right modified by the interests of civilized life in present society. This is the point discussed in Italy in the celebrated25 controversy26 between Pasquale Stanislao Mancini and Terencio Mamiani, in 1847. This is in substance the theory followed by the classic criminologists who revised the penal7 code, which public opinion considers incapable27 of protecting society against the dangers of crime. And we have but to look about us in the realities of contemporaneous life in order to see that the criminal code is far from being a remedy against crime, that it remedies nothing, because either premeditation or passion in the person of the criminal deprive the criminal law of all prohibitory power. The deceptive28 faith in the efficacy of criminal law still lives in the public mind, because every normal man feels that the thought of imprisonment29 would stand in his way, if he contemplated30 tomorrow committing a theft, a rape31, or a murder. He feels the bridle32 of the social sense. And the criminal code lends more strength to it and holds him back from criminal actions. But even if the criminal code did not exist, he would not commit a crime, so long as his physical and social environment would not urge him in that direction. The criminal code serves only to isolate33 temporarily from social intercourse34 those who are not considered worthy14 of it. And this punishment prevents the criminal for a while from repeating his criminal deed. But it is evident that the punishment is not imposed until after the deed has been done. It is a remedy directed against effects, but it does not touch the causes, the roots, of the evil.
We may say that in social life penalties have the same relation to crime that medicine has to disease. After a disease has developed in an organism, we have recourse to a physician. But he cannot do anything else but to reach the effects in some single individual. On the other hand, if the individual and the collectivity had obeyed the rules of preventive hygiene35, the disease would have been avoided 90 times in 100, and would have appeared only in extreme and exceptional cases, where a wound or an organic condition break through the laws of health. Lack of providence36 on the part of man, which is due to insufficient37 expression of the forces of the intellect and pervades38 so large a part of human life, is certainly to blame for the fact that mankind chooses to use belated remedies rather than to observe the laws of health, which demand a greater methodical control of one's actions and more foresight39, because the remedy must be applied40 before the disease becomes apparent. I say occasionally that human society acts in the matter of criminality with the same lack of forethought that most people do in the matter of tooth-ache. How many individuals do not suffer from tooth-ache, especially in the great cities? And yet any one convinced of the miraculous41 power of hygiene could easily clean his teeth every day and prevent the microbes of tooth rot from thriving, thereby42 saving his teeth from harm and pain. But it is tedious to do this every day. It implies a control of one's self. It cannot be done without the scientific conviction that induces men to acquire this habit. Most people say: "Oh well, if that tooth rots, I'll bear the pain." But when the night comes in which they cannot sleep for toothache, they will swear at themselves for not having taken precautions and will run to the dentist, who in most cases cannot help them any more.
The legislator should apply the rules of social hygiene in order to reach the roots of criminality. But this would require that he should bring his mind and will to bear daily on a legislative43 reform of individual and social life, in the field of economics and morals as well as in that of administration, politics, and intelligence. Instead of that, the legislators permit the microbes of criminality to develop their pathogenic powers in society. When crimes become manifest, the legislator knows no other remedy but imprisonment in order to punish an evil which he should have prevented. Unfortunately this scientific conviction is not yet rooted and potent44 in the minds of the legislators of most of the civilized countries, because they represent on an average the backward scientific convictions of one or two previous generations. The legislator who sits in parliament today was the university student of 30 years ago. With a few very rare exceptions he is supplied only with knowledge of outgrown45 scientific research. It is a historical law that the work of the legislator is always behind the science of his time. But nevertheless the scientist has the urgent duty to spread the conviction that hygiene is worth as much on the field of civilization as it is in medicine for the public health.
This is the fundamental conviction at which the positive school arrives: That which has happened in medicine will happen in criminology. The great value of practical hygiene, especially of social hygiene, which is greater than that of individual hygiene, has been recognized after the marvelous scientific discoveries concerning the origin and primitive46 causes of the most dangerous diseases. So long as Pasteur and his disciples47 had not given to the world their discovery of the pathogenic microbes of all infectious diseases, such as typhoid fever, cholera48, diphtheria, tuberculosis49, etc, more or less absurd remedies were demanded of the science of medicine. I remember, for instance, that I was compelled in my youth, during an epidemic50 of cholera, to stay in a closed room, in which fumigation51 was carried on with substances irritating the bronchial tubes and lungs without killing52 the cholera microbes, as was proved later on. It was not until the real causes of those infectious diseases were discovered, that efficient remedies could be employed against them. An aqueduct given to a center of population like Naples is a better protection against cholera than drugs, even after the disease has taken root in the midst of the people of Naples. This is the modern lesson which we wish to teach in the field of criminology, a field which will always retain its repressive functions as an exceptional and ultimate refuge, because we do not believe that we shall succeed in eliminating all forms of criminality. Hence, if a crime manifests itself, repression53 may be employed as one of the remedies of criminology, but it should be the very last, not the exclusively dominating one, as it is today.
It is this blind worship of punishment which is to blame for the spectacle which we witness in every modern country, the spectacle that the legislators neglect the rules of social hygiene and wake up with a start when some form of crime becomes acute, and that they know of no better remedy than an intensification54 of punishment meeted out by the penal code. If one year of imprisonment is not enough, we'll make it ten years, and if an aggravation55 of the ordinary penalty is not enough, we'll pass a law of exception. It is always the blind trust in punishment which remains56 the only remedy of the public conscience and which always works to the detriment57 of morality and material welfare, because it does not save the society of honest people and strikes without curing those who have fallen a prey58 to guilt59 and crime.
The positive school of criminology, then, aside from the greater value attributed to daily and systematic60 measures of social hygiene for the prevention of criminality, comes to radically62 different conclusions also in the matter of repressive justice. The classic school has for a cardinal63 remedy against crime a preference for one kind of punishment, namely imprisonment, and gives fixed64 and prescribed doses of this remedy. It is the logical conclusion of retributive justice that it travels by way of an illusory purification from moral guilt to the legal responsibility of the criminal and thence on to a corresponding dose of punishment, which has been previously65 prescribed and fixed.
We, on the other hand, hold that even the surviving form of repression, which will be inevitable66 in spite of the application of the rules of social prevention, should be widely different, on account of the different conception which we have of crime and of penal justice.
In the majority of cases composed of minor67 crimes committed by people belonging to the most numerous and least dangerous class of occasional or passionate68 criminals, the only form of civil repression will be the compensation of the victim for his loss. According to us, this should he the only form of penalty imposed in the majority of minor crimes committed by people who are not dangerous. In the present practice of justice the compensation of the victim for his loss has become a laughing stock, because this victim is systematically69 forgotten. The whole attention of the classic school has been concentrated on the juridical entity70 of the crime. The victim of the crime has been forgotten, although this victim deserves philanthropic sympathy more than the criminal who has done the harm. It is true, every, judge adds to the sentence the formula that the criminal is responsible for the injury and the costs to another authority. But the process of law puts off this compensation to an indefinite time, and if the victim succeeds a few years after the passing of the sentence in getting any action on the matter, the criminal has in the meantime had a thousand legal subterfuges71 to get away with his spoils. And thus the law itself becomes the breeding ground of personal revenge, for Filangieri says aptly that an innocent man grasps the dagger72 of the murderer, when the sword of justice does not defend him.
Let us say at this point that the rigid73 application of compensation for damages should never be displaced by imprisonment, because this would be equivalent to sanctioning a real class distinction, for the rich can laugh at damages, while the proletarian would have to make good a sentence of 1000 lire by 100 days in prison, and in the meantime the innocent family that tearfully waits for him outside, would be plunged75 into desperate straits. Compensation for damages should never take place in any other way than by means of the labor76 of the prisoner to an extent satisfactory to the family of the injured. It has been attempted to place this in an eclectic way on our law books, but this proposition remains a dead letter and is not applied in Italy, because a stroke of legislator's pen is not enough to change the fate of an entire nation.
These practical and efficient measures would be taken in the case of lesser77 criminals. For the graver crimes committed by atavistic or congenital criminals, of by persons inclining toward crime from acquired habit or mental alienation78, the positive school of criminology reserves segregation79 for an indefinite time, for it is absurd to fix the time beforehand in the case of a dangerous degenerate80 who has committed a grave crime.
The question of indeterminate sentences has been recently discussed also by Pessina, who combats it, of course, because the essence of the classic school of criminology is retribution for a fault by means of corresponding punishment. We might reply that no human judge can use any other but the grossest scale by which to determine whether you are responsible to the extent of the whole, one half, or one third. And since there is no absolute or objective criterion by which the ratio of crime to punishment can be determined81, penal justice becomes a game of chance. But we content ourselves by pointing out that segregation for an indefinite time has so much truth in it, that even the most orthodox of the classic school admit it, for instance in the case of criminals under age. Now, if an indeterminate sentence is a violation82 of the principles of the classic school, I cannot understand why it can be admitted in the case of minors83, but not in the case of adults. This is evidently an expedient84 imposed by the exigencies85 of practical life, and only the positive school of criminology can meet them by a logical systematization. For the rest, indefinite segregation, such as we propose for the most dangerous atavistic criminals, is a measure which is already in use for ordinary lunatics as well us for criminal lunatics. But it may be said that this is an administrative86 measure, not a court sentence. Well, if any one is so fond of formulas as to make this objection, he may get all the fun out of them that he likes. But it is a fact that an insane person who has committed a crime is sent to a building with iron bars on its gates such as a prison has. You may call it an administrative building or a penal institute, the name is unessential, for the substance alone counts. We maintain that congenital or pathological criminals cannot be locked up for a definite term in any institution, but should remain there until they are adapted for the normal life of society.
This radical61 reform of principles carries with it a radical transformation87 of details. Given an indeterminate segregation, there should be organs of guardianship88 for persons so secluded89, for instance permanent committees for the periodical revision of sentences. In the future, the criminal judge will always secure ample evidence to prove whether a defendant90 is really guilty, for this is the fundamental point. If it is certain that he has committed the crime, he should either be excluded from social intercourse or sentenced to mate good the damage, provided the criminal is not dangerous and the crime not grave. It is absurd to sentence a man to five or six days imprisonment for some insignificant91 misdemeanor. You lower him in the eyes of the public, subject him to surveillance by the police, and send him to prison from whence he will go out more corrupted92 than he was on entering it. It is absurd to impose segregation in prison for small errors. Compensation for injuries is enough. For the segregation of the graver criminals, the management must be as scientific as it is now in insane asylums93. It is absurd to place an old pensioned soldier or a hardened bureaucrat95 at the head of a penal institution. It is enough to visit one of those compulsory96 human beehives and to see how a military discipline carries a brutal hypocrisy97 into it. The management of such institutions must be scientific, and the care of their inmates98 must be scientific, since a grave crime is always a manifestation99 of the pathological condition of the individual. In America there are already institutions, such as the Elmira Reformatory, where the application of the methods of the positive school of criminology has been solemnly promised. The director of the institution is a psychologist, a physician. When a criminal under age is brought in, he is studied from the point of view of physiology100 and psychology101. The treatment serves to regenerate102 the plants who, being young, may still be straightened up. Scientific therapeutics can do little for relapsed criminals. The present repression of crime robs the prisoner of his personality and reduces him to a number, either in mass imprisonment which corrupts103 him completely, or in solitary104 confinement105, which will turn him into a stupid or raving106 beast.
These methods are also gradually introduced in the insane asylums. I must tell you a little story to illustrate107 this. When I was a professor in Pisa, eight years ago, I took my students to the penitentiaries108 and the asylum94 for the criminal insane in Montelupo, as I always used to do. Dr. Algieri, the director of this asylum, showed us among others a very interesting case. This was a man of about 45, whose history was shortly the following: He was a bricklayer living in one of the cities of Toscana. He had been a normal and honest man, a very good father, until one unlucky day came, in which a brick falling from a factory broke a part of his skull109. He fell down unconscious, was picked up, carried to the hospital, and cured of his external injury, but lost both his physical and moral health. He became an epileptic.
And the lesion to which the loss of the normal function of his nervous system was due transformed him from the docile110 and even-tempered man that he had been into a quarrelsome and irritable111 individual, so that he was less regular in his work, less moral and honest in his family life, and was finally sentenced for a grave assault in a saloon brawl112. He was condemned113 as a common criminal to I don't know how many years of imprisonment. But in prison, the exceptional conditions of seclusion114 brought on a deterioration115 of his physical and moral health, his epileptic fits became more frequent, his character grew worse. The director of the prison sent him to the asylum for the insane criminals at Montelupo, which shelters criminals suspected of insanity116 and insane criminals.
Dr. Algieri studied the interesting case and came to the diagnosis117 that there was splinter of bone in the man's brain which had not been noticed in the treatment at the hospital, and that this was the cause of the epilepsy and demoralization of the prisoner. He trepanned a portion of the skull around the old wound and actually found a bone splinter lodged118 in the man's brain. He removed the splinter, and put a platinum119 plate over the trepanned place to protect the brain. The man improved, the epileptic fits ceased, his moral condition became as normal as before, and this bricklayer (how about the free will?) was dismissed from the asylum, for he had given proofs of normal behavior for about five or six months, thanks to the wisdom of the doctor who had relieved him of the lesion which had made him epileptic and immoral120. If this asylum for insane criminals had not been in existence, he would have ended in a padded cell, the same as another man whom I and my students saw a few years ago in the Ancona penitentiary121. The director, an old soldier, said to me: "Professor, I shall show you a type of human beast. He is a man who passes four fifths of the year in a padded cell." After calling six attendants, "because we must be careful," we went to the cell, and I said to that director: "Please, leave this man to me. I have little faith in the existence of human beasts. Keep the attendants at a distance." "No," replied the director, "my responsibility does not permit me to do that."
But I insisted. The cell was opened, and the man came out of it really like a wild beast with bulging122 eyes and distorted face. But I met him with a smile and said to him kindly123: "How are you?" This change of treatment immediately changed the attitude of the man. He first had a nervous fit and then broke into tears and told me his story with the eloquence125 of suffering. He said that he had some days in which he was not master of himself, but he recognized that he was good whenever the attacks of temper were over. Without saying so, he thus invoked126 the wisdom of human psychology for better treatment. There is indeed a physician in those prisons, but he treats generally only the ordinary diseases and is not familiar with special psychological knowledge. There may be exceptions, and in that case it is a lucky coincidence. But the prison doctor has also his practice outside and hurries through his prison work. "They simulate sickness in order to get out of prison," he says. And this will be so all the more that the physicians of our time have not sufficient training in psychology to enable them to do justice to the psychology of the criminal.
You must, therefore, give a scientific management to these institutions, and you will then render humane127 even the treatment of those grave and dangerous criminals, whose condition cannot be met by a simple compensation of the injury they have done to others.
This is the function of repression as we look upon it, an inevitable result of the positive data regarding the natural origin of crime.
We believe, in other words, that repression will play but an unimportant role in the future. We believe that every branch of legislation will come to prefer the remedies of social hygiene to those symptomatic remedies and apply them from day to day. And thus we come to the theory of the prevention of crime. Some say: "it is better to repress than to prevent." Others say: "It is better to prevent than to repress." In order to solve this conflict we must remember that there are two widely different kinds of repression. There is the immediate124, direct empirical repression, which does not investigate the cause of criminality, but waits until the crime is about to be committed. That is police prevention. There is on the other hand a social prevention which has an indirect and more remote function, which does not wait until crime is about to be committed, but locates the causes of crime in poverty, abandoned children, trampdom, etc, and seeks to prevent these conditions by remote and indirect means. In Italy, prevention is anonymous128 with arrest. That is to say, by repression is understood only police repression. Under these circumstances, it is well to take it for granted that some of the expected crimes will be carried out, for crimes are not committed at fixed periods after first informing the police. The damage done by criminality, and especially by political and social criminality, against which police repression is particularly directed, will be smaller than that done by the abuse inseparably connected with police power. In the case of atavistic criminality, prevention does not mean handcuffing of the man who is about to commit a crime, but devising such economic and educational measures in the family and administration as will eliminate the causes of crime or attenuate129 them, precisely130 because punishment is less effective than prevention.
In other words, in order to prevent crime, we must have recourse to measures which I have called "substitutes for punishment," and which prevent, the development of crime, because they go to the source in order to do away with effects.
Bentham narrates131 that the postal132 service in England, in the 18th century, was in the hands of stage drivers, but this service was not connected with the carrying of passengers, as became the custom later. And then it was impossible to get the drivers to arrive on time, because they stopped too often at the inns. Fines were imposed, imprisonment was resorted to, yet the drivers arrived late. The penalties did not accomplish any results so long as the causes remained. Then the idea was conceived to carry passengers on the postal stages, and that stopped the drivers from being late, because whenever they made a halt, the passengers, who had an interest in arriving on time, called the drivers and did not give them much time to linger. This is an illustration of a substitute for punishment.
Another illustration. In the Middle Ages, up to the eve of our modern civilization, piracy133 was in vogue134. Is there anything that was not tried to suppress piracy? The pirates were persecuted135 like wild beasts. Whenever they were caught they were condemned to the most terrible forms of death. Yet piracy continued. Then came the application of steam navigation, and piracy disappeared as by magic. And robbery and brigandage136? They withstood the death penalty and extraordinary raids by soldiers. And we witness today the spectacle of a not very serious contest between the police who wants to catch a brigand137, Musolino; and a brigand who does not wish to be caught.
Wherever the woods are not traversed by railroads or tramways, brigandage carries on its criminal trade. But wherever railroads and tramways exist, brigandage is a form of crime which disappears. You may insist on death penalties and imprisonment, but assault and robbery will continue, because it is connected with geographical138 conditions. Use on the other hand the instrument of civilization, without sentencing any one, and brigandage and robbery will disappear before its light. And if human beings in large industrial centers are herded139 together in tenements140 and slum hotels, how can a humane judge aggravate141 the penalties against sexual crimes? How can the sense of shame develop among people, when young and old of both sexes are crowded together in the same bed, in the same corrupted and corrupting142 environment, which robs the human soul of every noble spark?
I might stray pretty far, if I were to continue these illustrations of social hygiene which will be the true solution of the problem and the supreme143 systematic, daily humane, and bloodless remedy against the disease of criminality. However, we have not the simple faith that in the near or far future of humanity crimes can ever be wholly eradicated144. Even Socialism, which looks forward to a fundamental transformation of future society on the basis of brotherhood and social justice, cannot elevate itself to the absolute and naive145 faith that criminality, insanity, and suicide can ever fully74 disappear from the earth. But it is our firm conviction that the endemic form of criminality, insanity, and suicide will disappear, and that nothing will remain of them but rare sporadic146 forms caused by lesion or telluric and other influences.
Since we have made the great discovery that malaria147, which weighs upon so many parts in Italy, is dependent for its transmission on a certain mosquito, we have acquired the control of malarial148 therapeutics and are enabled to protect individuals and families effectively against malaria. But aside from this function of protecting people, there must be a social prevention, and since those malarial insects can live only in swampy149 districts, it is necessary to bring to those unreclaimed lands the blessing150 of the hoe and plow151, in order to remove the cause and do away with the effects. The same problem confronts us in criminology. In the society of the future we shall undertake this work of social hygiene, and thereby we shall remove the epidemic forms of criminality. And nine-tenths of the crimes will then disappear, so that nothing will remain of them but exceptional cases. There will remain, for instance, such cases as that of the bricklayer which I mentioned, because there may always be accidents, no matter what may be the form of social organization, and nervous disorders152 may thus appear in certain individuals. But you can see that these would be exceptional cases of criminality, which will be easily cured under the direction of science, that will be the supreme and beneficent manager of institutes for the segregation of those who will be unfit for social intercourse. The problem of criminality will thus be solved as far as possible, because the gradual transformation of society will eliminate the swamps in which the miasma153 of crime may form and breed.
If we wish to apply these standards to an example which today attracts the attention of all Italy to this noble city, if we desire to carry our theories into the practice of contemporaneous life, if science is to respond to the call of life, let us throw a glance at that form of endemic criminality known as the Camorra in this city, which has taken root here just as stabbing affrays have in certain centers of Turin, and the Mafia in certain centers of Sicily. In the first place, we must not be wilfully154 blind to facts and refuse to see that the citizens will protect themselves, if social justice does not do so. And from that to crime there is but a shot step. But which is the swampy soil in which this social disease can spread and persist like leprosy in tin collective organism? It is the economic poverty of the masses, which lends to intellectual and moral poverty.
You have lately had in Naples a very fortunate struggle, which seems to have overcome one of the representatives of the high Camorra. But can we believe that the courageous155 work of a few public writers has touched the roots of the Camorra in this city? It would be self-deception to think so. For we see that plants blossom out again, even after the most destructive hurricane has passed over them.
The healing of society is not so easy, that a collective plague may be cured by the courageous acts of one or more individuals. The process is much slower and more complicated. Nevertheless these episodes are milestones156 of victory in the onward157 march of civilization, which will paralyze the historical manifestations158 of social criminality. Here, then, we have a city in which some hundred thousand people rise every morning and do not know how to get a living, who have no fixed occupation, because there is not enough industrial development to reach that methodical application of labor which lifted humanity out of the prehistoric159 forests. Truly, the human race progresses by two uplifting energies: War and labor.
In primitive and savage160 society, when the human personality did not know the check of social discipline, a military discipline held the members of the tribe together. But war, while useful in primitive society, loses its usefulness more and more, because it carries within itself the cancer that paralyzes it.
While war compels collective groups to submit to the co-ordinating discipline of human activity, it also decreases the respect for human life. The soldier who kills his fellow man of a neighboring nation by a stroke of his sword will easily lose the respect for the life of members of his own social group. Then the second educational energy interferes161, the energy of labor, which makes itself felt at the decisive moment of prehistoric development, when the human race passes from a pastoral, hunting, and nomadic162 life Into an agriculture and settled life. This is the historic stage, in which the collective ownership of land and instruments of production is displaced by communal163 property, family property, and finally individual property. During these stages, humanity passes from individual and isolated164 labor in collective, associated, co-ordinated labor. The remains of the neolithic165 epoch166 show us the progress of the first workshops, in which our ancestors gathered and fashioned their primitive tools and arms. They give us an idea of associated and common labor, which then becomes the great uplifting energy, because, unlike war, it does not carry within itself a disdain167 or violation of the rights of others. Labor is the sole perennial168 energy of mankind which leads to social perfection. But if you have 100,000 persons in a city like Naples who do not enjoy the certainty and discipline of employment at methodical and common labor, you need not wonder that the uncertainty169 of daily life, an illfed stomach, and an anemic brain, result in the atrophy170 of all moral sentiment, and that the evil plant of the Camorra spreads out over everything. The processes in the law courts may attract the fleeting171 attention of public opinion, of legislation, of government, to the disease from which this portion of the social organism is suffering, but mere23 repression will not accomplish anything lasting172.
The teaching of science tells us plainly that in such a case of endemic criminality social remedies must be applied to social evils. Unless the remedy of social reforms accompanies the development and protection of labor; unless justice is assured to every member of the collectivity, the courage of this or that citizen is spent in vain, and the evil plant will continue to thrive in the jungle.
Taught by the masterly and inflexible173 logic2 of facts, we come to the adoption174 of the scientific method in criminal research and conclude that a simple and uniform remedy like punishment is not adequate to cure such a natural and social phenomenon as crime, which has its own natural and social causes. The measures for the preservation175 of society against criminality must be manifold, complex and varied176, and must be the outcome of persevering177 and systematic work on the part of legislators and citizens on the solid foundation of a systematic collective economy.
Let me take leave of you with this practical conclusion, and give my heart freedom to send to my brain a wave of fervent178 blood, which shall express my enduring gratitude179 for the reception which you have given me. Old in years, but young in spirit and energetic aspiration180 to every high ideal, I tender you my sincere thanks. As a man and a citizen, I thank you, because these three lectures have been for me a fountain of youth, of faith, of enthusiasm. Thanks to them I return to the other fields of my daily occupation with a greater faith in the future of my country and of humanity. To you, young Italy, I address these words of thanks, glad and honored, if my words have aroused in your soul one breath which will make you stronger and more confident in the future of civilization and social justice.
The End
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phenomena
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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philosophical
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civilized
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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penal
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barbarian
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abolition
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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14
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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15
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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16
persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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17
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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18
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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19
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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20
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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21
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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22
forestall
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| vt.抢在…之前采取行动；预先阻止 | |
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23
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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24
pervading
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的现在分词 ) | |
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25
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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26
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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27
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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28
deceptive
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| adj.骗人的，造成假象的，靠不住的 | |
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29
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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30
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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31
rape
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| n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸 | |
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32
bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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33
isolate
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| vt.使孤立，隔离 | |
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34
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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35
hygiene
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| n.健康法，卫生学 （a.hygienic） | |
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36
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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37
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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38
pervades
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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39
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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40
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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41
miraculous
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|
| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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42
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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43
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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44
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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45
outgrown
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|
| 长[发展] 得超过（某物）的范围( outgrow的过去分词 )； 长[发展]得不能再要（某物）； 长得比…快； 生长速度超过 | |
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46
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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47
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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48
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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49
tuberculosis
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|
| n.结核病，肺结核 | |
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50
epidemic
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|
| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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51
fumigation
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| n.烟熏，熏蒸；忿恨 | |
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52
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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53
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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54
intensification
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| n.激烈化，增强明暗度；加厚 | |
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55
aggravation
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| n.烦恼，恼火 | |
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56
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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57
detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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58
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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59
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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60
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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61
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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62
radically
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| ad.根本地，本质地 | |
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63
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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64
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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65
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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66
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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67
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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68
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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69
systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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70
entity
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| n.实体，独立存在体，实际存在物 | |
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71
subterfuges
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|
| n.（用说谎或欺骗以逃脱责备、困难等的）花招，遁词( subterfuge的名词复数 ) | |
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72
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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73
rigid
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|
| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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74
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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75
plunged
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|
| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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76
labor
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|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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77
lesser
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|
| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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78
alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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79
segregation
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| n.隔离，种族隔离 | |
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80
degenerate
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|
| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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81
determined
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|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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82
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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83
minors
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|
| n.未成年人( minor的名词复数 )；副修科目；小公司；[逻辑学]小前提v.[主美国英语]副修，选修，兼修( minor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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84
expedient
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|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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85
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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86
administrative
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|
| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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87
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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88
guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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89
secluded
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|
| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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90
defendant
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| n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的 | |
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91
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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92
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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93
asylums
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|
| n.避难所( asylum的名词复数 )；庇护；政治避难；精神病院 | |
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94
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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95
bureaucrat
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| n. 官僚作风的人，官僚，官僚政治论者 | |
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96
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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97
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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98
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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99
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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100
physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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101
psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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102
regenerate
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| vt.使恢复，使新生；vi.恢复，再生；adj.恢复的 | |
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103
corrupts
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的第三人称单数 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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104
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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105
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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106
raving
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| adj.说胡话的；疯狂的，怒吼的；非常漂亮的；令人醉心[痴心]的v.胡言乱语(rave的现在分词)n.胡话；疯话adv.胡言乱语地；疯狂地 | |
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107
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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108
penitentiaries
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| n.监狱( penitentiary的名词复数 ) | |
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109
skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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110
docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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111
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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112
brawl
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| n.大声争吵，喧嚷；v.吵架，对骂 | |
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113
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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114
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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115
deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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116
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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117
diagnosis
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| n.诊断，诊断结果，调查分析，判断 | |
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118
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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119
platinum
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| n.白金 | |
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120
immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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121
penitentiary
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| n.感化院；监狱 | |
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122
bulging
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| 膨胀； 凸出（部）； 打气； 折皱 | |
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123
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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124
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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125
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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126
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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127
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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128
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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129
attenuate
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| v.使变小，使减弱 | |
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130
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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131
narrates
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| v.故事( narrate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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132
postal
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| adj.邮政的，邮局的 | |
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133
piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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134
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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135
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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136
brigandage
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| n.抢劫；盗窃；土匪；强盗 | |
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137
brigand
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| n.土匪，强盗 | |
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138
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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139
herded
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| 群集，纠结( herd的过去式和过去分词 )； 放牧； （使）向…移动 | |
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140
tenements
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| n.房屋，住户，租房子( tenement的名词复数 ) | |
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141
aggravate
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| vt.加重(剧)，使恶化；激怒，使恼火 | |
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corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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143
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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eradicated
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| 画着根的 | |
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naive
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| adj.幼稚的，轻信的；天真的 | |
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sporadic
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| adj.偶尔发生的 [反]regular；分散的 | |
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malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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148
malarial
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| 患疟疾的，毒气的 | |
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149
swampy
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| adj.沼泽的，湿地的 | |
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150
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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151
plow
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| n.犁，耕地，犁过的地；v.犁，费力地前进[英]plough | |
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152
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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153
miasma
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| n.毒气；不良气氛 | |
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154
wilfully
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| adv.任性固执地；蓄意地 | |
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155
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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156
milestones
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| n.重要事件( milestone的名词复数 )；重要阶段；转折点；里程碑 | |
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onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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159
prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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161
interferes
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| vi. 妨碍，冲突，干涉 | |
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162
nomadic
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| adj.流浪的；游牧的 | |
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communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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neolithic
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| adj.新石器时代的 | |
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166
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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167
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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perennial
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| adj.终年的；长久的 | |
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169
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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170
atrophy
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| n./v.萎缩，虚脱，衰退 | |
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fleeting
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| adj.短暂的，飞逝的 | |
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172
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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173
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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174
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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175
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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177
persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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178
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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180
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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