There was no lack of flattery, even from literary persons. At Vienna a poem was pointed8 in his honour, and a French-Greek Grammar was dedicated9 to him, and such titles as “Most Illustrious,” “Most Powerful,” and “Most Clement,” were showered upon him, as upon a man whose lofty virtues10 and great exploits echoed through the world. A native of Bergamo, learned in heraldry, provided him with a coat of arms, representing, on a field gules, a lion, embracing three cubs11, emblematic12 of the Tepelenian dynasty. Already he had a consul13 at Leucadia accepted by the English, who, it is said, encouraged him to declare himself hereditary14 Prince of Greece, under the nominal15 suzerainty of the sultan; their real intention being to use him as a tool in return for their protection, and to employ him as a political counter-balance to the hospodars of Moldavia and Wallachia, who for the last twenty years had been simply Russian agents in disguise, This was not all; many of the adventurers with whom the Levant swarms16, outlaws17 from every country, had found a refuge in Albania, and helped not a little to excite Ali’s ambition by their suggestions. Some of these men frequently saluted18 him as King, a title which he affected19 to reject with indignation; and he disdained20 to imitate other states by raising a private standard of his own, preferring not to compromise his real power by puerile21 displays of dignity; and he lamented22 the foolish ambition of his children, who would ruin him, he said, by aiming, each, at becoming a vizier. Therefore he did not place his hope or confidence in them, but in the adventurers of every sort and kind, pirates, coiners, renegades, assassins, whom he kept in his pay and regarded as his best support. These he sought to attach to his person as men who might some day be found useful, for he did not allow the many favours of fortune to blind him to the real danger of his position. A vizier,” he was answered, “resembles a man wrapped in costly23 furs, but he sits on a barrel of powder, which only requires a spark to explode it.” The Divan24 granted all the concessions25 which Ali demanded, affecting ignorance of his projects of revolt and his intelligence with the enemies of the State; but then apparent weakness was merely prudent26 temporising. It was considered that Ali, already advanced in years, could not live much longer, and it was hoped that, at his death, Continental27 Greece, now in some measure detached from the Ottoman rule, would again fall under the sultan’s sway.
Meanwhile, Pacho Bey, bent28 on silently undermining Ali’s influence; had established himself as an intermediary for all those who came to demand justice on account of the pacha’s exactions, and he contrived29 that both his own complaints and those of his clients, should penetrate30 to the ears of the sultan; who, pitying his misfortunes, made him a kapidgi-bachi, as a commencement of better things. About this time the sultan also admitted to the Council a certain Abdi Effendi of Larissa, one of the richest nobles of Thessaly, who had been compelled by the tyranny of Veli Pacha to fly from his country. The two new dignitaries, having secured Khalid Effendi as a partisan31, resolved to profit by his influence to carry out their plans of vengeance32 on the Tepelenian family. The news of Pacho Bey’s promotion33 roused Ali from the security in which he was plunged35, and he fell a prey36 to the most lively anxiety. Comprehending at once the evil which this man,—trained in his own school, might cause him, he exclaimed, “Ah! if Heaven would only restore me the strength of my youth, I would plunge34 my sword into his heart even in the midst of the Divan.”
It was not long before Ali’s enemies found an extremely suitable opportunity for opening their attack. Veli Pacha, who had for his own profit increased the Thessalian taxation37 fivefold, had in doing so caused so much oppression that many of the inhabitants preferred the griefs and dangers of emigration rather than remain under so tyrannical a rule. A great number of Greeks sought refuge at Odessa, and the great Turkish families assembled round Pacho Bey and Abdi Effendi at Constantinople, who lost no opportunity of interceding38 in their favour. The sultan, who as yet did not dare to act openly against the Tepelenian family, was at least able to relegate39 Veli to the obscure post of Lepanto, and Veli, much disgusted, was obliged to obey. He quitted the new palace he had just built at Rapehani, and betook himself to the place of exile, accompanied by actors, Bohemian dancers, bear leaders, and a crowd of prostitutes.
Thus attacked in the person of his most powerful son, Ali thought to terrify his enemies by a daring blow. He sent three Albanians to Constantinople to assassinate40 Pacho Bey. They fell upon him as he was proceeding41 to the Mosque42 of Saint-Sophia, on the day on which the sultan also went in order to be present at the Friday ceremonial prayer, and fired several shots at him. He was wounded, but not mortally.
The assassins, caught red-handed, were hung at the gate of the Imperial Seraglio, but not before confessing that they were sent by the Pacha of Janina. The Divan, comprehending at last that so dangerous a man must be dealt with at any cost, recapitulated43 all Ali’s crimes, and pronounced a sentence against him which was confirmed by a decree of the Grand Mufti. It set forth44 that Ali Tepelen, having many times obtained pardon for his crimes, was now guilty of high treason in the first degree, and that he would, as recalcitrant45, be placed under the ban of the Empire if he did not within forty days appear at the Gilded46 Threshold of the Felicitous47 Gate of the Monarch48 who dispenses49 crowns to the princes who reign7 in this world, in order to justify50 himself. As may be supposed, submission51 to such an order was about the last thing Ali contemplated52. As he failed to appear, the Divan caused the Grand Mufti to launch the thunder of excommunication against him.
Ali had just arrived at Parga, which he now saw for the third time since he had obtained it, when his secretaries informed him that only the rod of Moses could save him from the anger of Pharaoh—a figurative mode of warning him that he had nothing to hope for. But Ali, counting on his usual luck, persisted in imagining that he could, once again, escape from his difficulty by the help of gold and intrigue. Without discontinuing the pleasures in which he was immersed, he contented53 himself with sending presents and humble54 petitions to Constantinople. But both were alike useless, for no one even ventured to transmit them to the sultan, who had sworn to cut off the head of anyone who dared mention the name of Ali Tepelen in his presence.
Receiving no answer to his overtures55, Ali became a prey to terrible anxiety. As he one day opened the Koran to consult it as to his future, his divining rod stopped at verse 82, chap. xix., which says, “He doth flatter himself in vain. He shall appear before our tribunal naked and bare.” Ali closed the book and spat56 three times into his bosom57. He was yielding to the most dire58 presentiments59, when a courier, arriving from the capital, informed him that all hope of pardon was lost.
He ordered his galley60 to be immediately prepared, and left his seraglio, casting a look of sadness on the beautiful gardens where only yesterday he had received the homage61 of his prostrate62 slaves. He bade farewell to his wives, saying that he hoped soon to return, and descended63 to the shore, where the rowers received him with acclamations. The sail was set to a favourable64 breeze, and Ali, leaving the shore he was never to see again, sailed towards Erevesa, where he hoped to meet the Lord High Commissioner65 Maitland. But the time of prosperity had gone by, and the regard which had once been shown him changed with his fortunes. The interview he sought was not granted.
The sultan now ordered a fleet to be equipped, which, after Ramadan, was to disembark troops on the coast of Epirus, while all the neighbouring pashas received orders to hold themselves in readiness to march with all the troops of their respective Governments against Ali, whose name was struck out of the list of viziers. Pacho Bey was named Pasha of Janina and Delvino on condition of subduing66 them, and was placed in command of the whole expedition.
However, notwithstanding these orders, there was not at the beginning of April, two months after the attempted assassination67 of Pacho Bey, a single soldier ready to march on Albania. Ramadan, that year, did not close until the new moon of July. Had Ali put himself boldly at the head of the movement which was beginning to stir throughout Greece, he might have baffled these vacillating projects, and possibly dealt a fatal blow to the Ottoman Empire. As far back as 1808, the Hydriotes had offered to recognise his son Veli, then Vizier of the Morea, as their Prince, and to support him in every way, if he would proclaim the independence of the Archipelago. The Moreans bore him no enmity until he refused to help them to freedom, and would have returned to him had he consented.
On the other side, the sultan, though anxious for war, would not spend a penny in order to wage it; and it was not easy to corrupt68 some of the great vassals ordered to march at their own expense against a man in whose downfall they had no special interest. Nor were the means of seduction wanting to Ali, whose wealth was enormous; but he preferred to keep it in order to carry on the war which he thought he could no longer escape. He made, therefore, a general appeal to all Albanian warriors69, whatever their religion. Mussulmans and Christians71, alike attracted by the prospect72 of booty and good pay, flocked to his standard in crowds.
He organised all these adventurers on the plan of the Armatous, by companies, placing a captain of his own choice at the head of each, and giving each company a special post to defend. Of all possible plans this was the best adapted to his country, where only a guerilla warfare73 can be carried on, and where a large army could not subsist74.
In repairing to the posts assigned to them, these troops committed such terrible depredations75 that the provinces sent to Constantinople demanding their suppression. The Divan answered the petitioners76 that it was their own business to suppress these disorders77, and to induce the Klephotes to turn their arms against Ali, who had nothing to hope from the clemency78 of the Grand Seigneur. At the same time circular letters were addressed to the Epirotes, warning them to abandon the cause of a rebel, and to consider the best means of freeing themselves from a traitor79, who, having long oppressed them, now sought to draw down on their country all the terrors of war. Ali, who every where maintained numerous and active spies, now redoubled his watchfulness80, and not a single letter entered Epirus without being opened and read by his agents. As an extra precaution, the guardians81 of the passes were enjoined82 to slay83 without mercy any despatch-bearer not provided with an order signed by Ali himself; and to send to Janina under escort any travellers wishing to enter Epirus. These measures were specially84 aimed against Suleyman Pacha, who had succeeded Veli in the government of Thessaly, and replaced Ali himself in the office of Grand Provost of the Highways. Suleyman’s secretary was a Greek called Anagnorto, a native of Macedonia, whose estates Ali had seized, and who had fled with his family to escape further persecution. He had become attached to the court party, less for the sake of vengeance on Ali than to aid the cause of the Greeks, for whose freedom he worked by underhand methods. He persuaded Suleyman Pacha that the Greeks would help him to dethrone Ali, for whom they cherished the deepest hatred85, and he was determined86 that they should learn the sentence of deprivation87 and excommunication fulminated against the rebel pacha. He introduced into the Greek translation which he was commissioned to make, ambiguous phrases which were read by the Christians as a call to take up arms in the cause of liberty. In an instant, all Hellas was up in arms. The Mohammedans were alarmed, but the Greeks gave out that it was in order to protect themselves and their property against the bands of brigands88 which had appeared on all sides. This was the beginning of the Greek insurrection, and occurred in May 1820, extending from Mount Pindus to Thermopylae. However, the Greeks, satisfied with having vindicated89 their right to bear arms in their own defence, continued to pay their taxes, and abstained90 from all hostility91.
At the news of this great movement, Ali’s friends advised him to turn it to his own advantage. “The Greeks in arms,” said they, “want a chief: offer yourself as their leader. They hate you, it is true, but this feeling may change. It is only necessary to make them believe, which is easily done, that if they will support your cause you will embrace Christianity and give them freedom.”
There was no time to lose, for matters became daily more serious. Ali hastened to summon what he called a Grand Divan, composed of the chiefs of both sects92, Mussulmans and Christians. There were assembled men of widely different types, much astonished at finding themselves in company: the venerable Gabriel, Archbishop of Janina, and uncle of the unfortunate Euphrosyne, who had been dragged thither94 by force; Abbas, the old head of the police, who had presided at the execution of the Christian70 martyr95; the holy bishop93 of Velas, still bearing the marks of the chains with which Ali had loaded him; and Porphyro, Archbishop of Arta, to whom the turban would have been more becoming than the mitre.
Ashamed of the part he was obliged to play, Ali, after long hesitation96, decided97 on speaking, and, addressing the Christians, “O Greeks!” he said, “examine my conduct with unprejudiced minds, and you will see manifest proofs of the confidence and consideration which I have ever shown you. What pacha has ever treated you as I have done? Who would have treated your priests and the objects of your worship with as much respect? Who else would have conceded the privileges which you enjoy? for you hold rank in my councils, and both the police and the administration of my States are in your hands. I do not, however, seek to deny the evils with which I have afflicted98 you; but, alas99! these evils have been the result of my enforced obedience100 to the cruel and perfidious101 orders of the Sublime102 Porte. It is to the Porte that these wrongs must be attributed, for if my actions be attentively103 regarded it will be seen that I only did harm when compelled thereto by the course of events. Interrogate104 my actions, they will speak more fully105 than a detailed106 apology.
“My position with regard to the Suliotes allowed no half-and-half measures. Having once broken with them, I was obliged either to drive them from my country or to exterminate107 them. I understood the political hatred of the Ottoman Cabinet too well not to know that it would declare war against me sooner or later, and I knew that resistance would be impossible, if on one side I had to repel108 the Ottoman aggression109, and on the other to fight against the formidable Suliotes.
“I might say the same of the Parganiotes. You know that their town was the haunt of my enemies, and each time that I appealed to them to change their ways they answered only with insults and threats. They constantly aided the Suliotes with whom I was at war; and if at this moment they still were occupying Parga, you would see them throw open the gates of Epirus to the forces of the sultan. But all this does not prevent my being aware that my enemies blame me severely110, and indeed I also blame myself, and deplore111 the faults which the difficulty of my position has entailed112 upon me. Strong in my repentance113, I do not hesitate to address myself to those whom I have most grievously wounded. Thus I have long since recalled to my service a great number of Suliotes, and those who have responded to my invitation are occupying important posts near my person. To complete the reconciliation114, I have written to those who are still in exile, desiring them to return fearlessly to their country, and I have certain information that this proposal has been everywhere accepted with enthusiasm. The Suliotes will soon return to their ancestral houses, and, reunited under my standard, will join me in combating the Osmanlis, our common enemies.
“As to the avarice115 of which I am accused, it seems easily justified116 by the constant necessity I was under of satisfying the inordinate117 cupidity118 of the Ottoman ministry119, which incessantly120 made me pay dearly for tranquillity121. This was a personal affair, I acknowledge, and so also is the accumulation of treasure made in order to support the war, which the Divan has at length declared.”
Here Ali ceased, then having caused a barrel full of gold pieces to be emptied on the floor, he continued:
“Behold a part of the treasure I have preserved with so much care, and which has been specially obtained from the Turks, our common enemies: it is yours. I am now more than ever delighted at being the friend of the Greeks. Their bravery is a sure earnest of victory, and we will shortly re-establish the Greek Empire, and drive the Osmanlis across the Bosphorus. O bishops122 and priests of Issa the prophet! bless the arms of the Christians, your children. O primates123! I call upon you to defend your rights, and to rule justly the brave nation associated with my interests.”
This discourse124 produced very different impressions on the Christian priests and archons. Some replied only by raising looks of despair to Heaven, others murmured their adhesion. A great number remained uncertain, not knowing what to decide. The Mirdite chief, he who had refused to slaughter125 the Kardikiotes, declared that neither he nor any Skipetar of the Latin communion would bear arms against their legitimate126 sovereign the sultan. But his words were drowned by cries of “Long live Ali Pasha! Long live the restorer of liberty!” uttered by some chiefs of adventurers and brigands.
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1
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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embellished
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| v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 )；装饰；修饰；润色 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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cubs
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| n.幼小的兽，不懂规矩的年轻人( cub的名词复数 ) | |
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emblematic
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| adj.象征的，可当标志的；象征性 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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divan
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| n.长沙发；（波斯或其他东方诗人的）诗集 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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interceding
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| v.斡旋，调解( intercede的现在分词 )；说情 | |
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relegate
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| v.使降级，流放，移交，委任 | |
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assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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recapitulated
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| v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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recalcitrant
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| adj.倔强的 | |
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gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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felicitous
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| adj.恰当的，巧妙的；n.恰当，贴切 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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dispenses
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| v.分配，分与；分配( dispense的第三人称单数 )；施与；配（药） | |
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50
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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51
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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52
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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53
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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spat
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| n.口角，掌击；v.发出呼噜呼噜声 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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presentiments
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| n.（对不祥事物的）预感( presentiment的名词复数 ) | |
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galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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61
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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petitioners
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| n.请求人，请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 )；离婚案原告 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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watchfulness
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| 警惕，留心； 警觉（性） | |
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guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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deprivation
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| n.匮乏；丧失；夺去，贫困 | |
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brigands
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| n.土匪，强盗( brigand的名词复数 ) | |
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vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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100
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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101
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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102
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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interrogate
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| vt.讯问，审问，盘问 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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106
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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107
exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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108
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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111
deplore
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| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
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112
entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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113
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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114
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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115
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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116
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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117
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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118
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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119
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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120
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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121
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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122
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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123
primates
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| primate的复数 | |
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124
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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125
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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126
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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