Captain John Smith returned to England in the autumn of 1609, woundedin body and loaded with accusations1 of misconduct, concocted2 by hisfactious companions in Virginia. There is no record that thesecharges were ever considered by the London Company. Indeed, wecannot find that the company in those days ever took any action onthe charges made against any of its servants in Virginia. Men camehome in disgrace and appeared to receive neither vindication3 norcondemnation. Some sunk into private life, and others more pushingand brazen4, like Ratcliffe, the enemy of Smith, got employment againafter a time. The affairs of the company seem to have been conductedwith little order or justice.
Whatever may have been the justice of the charges against Smith, hehad evidently forfeited5 the good opinion of the company as adesirable man to employ. They might esteem6 his energy and profit byhis advice and experience, but they did not want his services. Andin time he came to be considered an enemy of the company.
Unfortunately for biographical purposes, Smith's life is pretty mucha blank from 1609 to 1614. When he ceases to write about himself hepasses out of sight. There are scarcely any contemporary allusionsto his existence at this time. We may assume, however, from ourknowledge of his restlessness, ambition, and love of adventure, thathe was not idle. We may assume that he besieged9 the company with hisplans for the proper conduct of the settlement of Virginia; that hetalked at large in all companies of his discoveries, his exploits,which grew by the relating, and of the prospective10 greatness of thenew Britain beyond the Atlantic. That he wearied the Council by hisimportunity and his acquaintances by his hobby, we can also surmise11.
No doubt also he was considered a fanatic12 by those who failed tocomprehend the greatness of his schemes, and to realize, as he did,the importance of securing the new empire to the English before itwas occupied by the Spanish and the French. His conceit13, hisboasting, and his overbearing manner, which no doubt was one of thecauses why he was unable to act in harmony with the other adventurersof that day, all told against him. He was that most uncomfortableperson, a man conscious of his own importance, and out of favor andout of money.
Yet Smith had friends, and followers14, and men who believed in him.
This is shown by the remarkable15 eulogies16 in verse from many pens,which he prefixes17 to the various editions of his many works. Theyseem to have been written after reading the manuscripts, and preparedto accompany the printed volumes and tracts18. They all allude19 to theenvy and detraction20 to which he was subject, and which must haveamounted to a storm of abuse and perhaps ridicule21; and they all taxthe English vocabulary to extol22 Smith, his deeds, and his works. Inputting23 forward these tributes of admiration24 and affection, as wellas in his constant allusion8 to the ill requital25 of his services, wesee a man fighting for his reputation, and conscious of the necessityof doing so. He is ever turning back, in whatever he writes, torehearse his exploits and to defend his motives26.
The London to which Smith returned was the London of Shakespeare'sday; a city dirty, with ill-paved streets unlighted at night, nosidewalks, foul28 gutters29, wooden houses, gable ends to the street, setthickly with small windows from which slops and refuse were at anymoment of the day or night liable to be emptied upon the heads of thepassers by; petty little shops in which were beginning to bedisplayed the silks and luxuries of the continent; a city crowded andgrowing rapidly, subject to pestilences30 and liable to sweepingconflagrations. The Thames had no bridges, and hundreds of boatsplied between London side and Southwark, where were most of thetheatres, the bull-baitings, the bear-fighting, the public gardens,the residences of the hussies, and other amusements that Bankside,the resort of all classes bent31 on pleasure, furnished high or low.
At no time before or since was there such fantastical fashion indress, both in cut and gay colors, nor more sumptuousness32 in costumeor luxury in display among the upper classes, and such squalor in lowlife. The press teemed33 with tracts and pamphlets, written inlanguage "as plain as a pikestaff," against the immoralities of thetheatres, those "seminaries of vice," and calling down the judgmentof God upon the cost and the monstrosities of the dress of both menand women; while the town roared on its way, warned by sermons, andinstructed in its chosen path by such plays and masques as BenJonson's "Pleasure reconciled to Virtue35."The town swarmed36 with idlers, and with gallants who wantedadvancement but were unwilling37 to adventure their ease to obtain it.
There was much lounging in apothecaries38' shops to smoke tobacco,gossip, and hear the news. We may be sure that Smith found manyauditors for his adventures and his complaints. There was a gooddeal of interest in the New World, but mainly still as a place wheregold and other wealth might be got without much labor39, and as apossible short cut to the South Sea and Cathay. The vast number ofLondoners whose names appear in the second Virginia charter shows thereadiness of traders to seek profit in adventure. The stir for widerfreedom in religion and government increased with the activity ofexploration and colonization40, and one reason why James finallyannulled the Virginia, charter was because he regarded the meetingsof the London Company as opportunities of sedition41.
Smith is altogether silent about his existence at this time. We donot hear of him till 1612, when his "Map of Virginia" with hisdescription of the country was published at Oxford42. The map had beenpublished before: it was sent home with at least a portion of thedescription of Virginia. In an appendix appeared (as has been said)a series of narrations43 of Smith's exploits, covering the rime45 he wasin Virginia, written by his companions, edited by his friend Dr.
Symonds, and carefully overlooked by himself.
Failing to obtain employment by the Virginia company, Smith turnedhis attention to New England, but neither did the Plymouth companyavail themselves of his service. At last in 1614 he persuaded someLondon merchants to fit him out for a private trading adventure tothe coast of New England. Accordingly with two ships, at the chargeof Captain Marmaduke Roydon, Captain George Langam, Mr. John Buley,and William Skelton, merchants, he sailed from the Downs on the 3d ofMarch, 1614, and in the latter part of April "chanced to arrive inNew England, a part of America at the Isle46 of Monahiggan in 43 1/2 ofNortherly latitude47." This was within the territory appropriated tothe second (the Plymouth) colony by the patent of 1606, which gaveleave of settlement between the 38th and 44th parallels.
Smith's connection with New England is very slight, and mainly thatof an author, one who labored48 for many years to excite interest in itby his writings. He named several points, and made a map of suchportion of the coast as he saw, which was changed from time to timeby other observations. He had a remarkable eye for topography, as isespecially evident by his map of Virginia. This New England coast isroughly indicated in Venazzani's Plot Of 1524, and better onMercator's of a few years later, and in Ortelius's "Theatrum OrbisTerarum" of 1570; but in Smith's map we have for the first time afair approach to the real contour.
Of Smith's English predecessors49 on this coast there is no room hereto speak. Gosnold had described Elizabeth's Isles50, explorations andsettlements had been made on the coast of Maine by Popham andWeymouth, but Smith claims the credit of not only drawing the firstfair map of the coast, but of giving the name "New England" to whathad passed under the general names of Virginia, Canada, Norumbaga,etc.
Smith published his description of New England June 18, 1616, and itis in that we must follow his career. It is dedicated51 to the "high,hopeful Charles, Prince of Great Britain," and is prefaced by anaddress to the King's Council for all the plantations52, and another toall the adventurers into New England. The addresses, as usual, callattention to his own merits. "Little honey [he writes] hath thathive, where there are more drones than bees; and miserable53 is thatland where more are idle than are well employed. If the endeavors ofthese vermin be acceptable, I hope mine may be excusable: though Iconfess it were more proper for me to be doing what I say thanwriting what I know. Had I returned rich I could not have erred54; nowhaving only such food as came to my net, I must be taxed. But, Iwould my taxers were as ready to adventure their purses as I, purse,life, and all I have; or as diligent55 to permit the charge, as I knowthey are vigilant56 to reap the fruits of my labors57." The value of thefisheries he had demonstrated by his catch; and he says, looking, asusual, to large results, "but because I speak so much of fishing, ifany mistake me for such a devote fisher, as I dream of nought58 else,they mistake me. I know a ring of gold from a grain of barley59 as wellas a goldsmith; and nothing is there to be had which fishing dothhinder, but further us to obtain."John Smith first appears on the New England coast as a whale fisher.
The only reference to his being in America in Josselyn's"Chronological Observations of America" is under the wrong year,1608: "Capt. John Smith fished now for whales at Monhiggen." Hesays: "Our plot there was to take whales, and made tryall of a Myneof gold and copper60;" these failing they were to get fish and furs.
Of gold there had been little expectation, and (he goes on) "we foundthis whale fishing a costly61 conclusion; we saw many, and spent muchtime in chasing them; but could not kill any; they being a kind ofJubartes, and not the whale that yeeldes finnes and oyle as weexpected." They then turned their attention to smaller fish, butowing to their late arrival and "long lingering about the whale"--chasing a whale that they could not kill because it was not the rightkind--the best season for fishing was passed. Nevertheless, theysecured some 40,000 cod62--the figure is naturally raised to 60,000when Smith retells the story fifteen years afterwards.
But our hero was a born explorer, and could not be content with notexamining the strange coast upon which he found himself. Leaving hissailors to catch cod, he took eight or nine men in a small boat, andcruised along the coast, trading wherever he could for furs, of whichhe obtained above a thousand beaver63 skins; but his chance to tradewas limited by the French settlements in the east, by the presence ofone of Popham's ships opposite Monhegan, on the main, and by a coupleof French vessels65 to the westward66. Having examined the coast fromPenobscot to Cape67 Cod, and gathered a profitable harvest from thesea, Smith returned in his vessel64, reaching the Downs within sixmonths after his departure. This was his whole experience in NewEngland, which ever afterwards he regarded as particularly hisdiscovery, and spoke68 of as one of his children, Virginia being theother.
With the other vessel Smith had trouble. He accuses its master,Thomas Hunt, of attempting to rob him of his plots and observations,and to leave him "alone on a desolate69 isle, to the fury of famine,And all other extremities70." After Smith's departure the rascallyHunt decoyed twenty-seven unsuspecting savages71 on board his ship andcarried them off to Spain, where he sold them as slaves. Hunt soldhis furs at a great profit. Smith's cargo72 also paid well: in hisletter to Lord Bacon in 1618 he says that with forty-five men he hadcleared L 1,500 in less than three months on a cargo of dried fishand beaver skins--a pound at that date had five times the purchasingpower of a pound now.
The explorer first landed on Monhegan, a small island in sight ofwhich in the war of 1812 occurred the lively little seafight of theAmerican Wasp73 and the British Frolic, in which the Wasp was thevictor, but directly after, with her prize, fell into the hands of anEnglish seventy-four.
He made certainly a most remarkable voyage in his open boat. BetweenPenobscot and Cape Cod (which he called Cape James) he says he sawforty several habitations, and sounded about twenty-five excellentharbors. Although Smith accepted the geographical74 notion of histime, and thought that Florida adjoined India, he declared thatVirginia was not an island, but part of a great continent, and hecomprehended something of the vastness of the country he was coastingalong, "dominions75 which stretch themselves into the main, God dothknow how many thousand miles, of which one could no more guess theextent and products than a stranger sailing betwixt England andFrance could tell what was in Spain, Italy, Germany, Bohemia,Hungary, and the rest." And he had the prophetic vision, which hemore than once refers to, of one of the greatest empires of the worldthat would one day arise here. Contrary to the opinion thatprevailed then and for years after, he declared also that New Englandwas not an island.
Smith describes with considerable particularity the coast, giving thenames of the Indian tribes, and cataloguing the native productions,vegetable and animal. He bestows76 his favorite names liberally uponpoints and islands--few of which were accepted. Cape Ann he calledfrom his charming Turkish benefactor77, "Cape Tragabigzanda"; the threeislands in front of it, the "Three Turks' Heads"; and the Isles ofShoals he simply describes: "Smyth's Isles are a heape together, noneneare them, against Acconimticus." Cape Cod, which appears upon allthe maps before Smith's visit as "Sandy" cape, he says "is only aheadland of high hills of sand, overgrown with shrubbie pines, hurts[whorts, whortleberries] and such trash; but an excellent harbor forall weathers. This Cape is made by the maine Sea on the one side,and a great bay on the other in the form of a sickle78."A large portion of this treatise79 on New England is devoted80 to anargument to induce the English to found a permanent colony there, ofwhich Smith shows that he would be the proper leader. The mainstaple for the present would be fish, and he shows how Holland hasbecome powerful by her fisheries and the training of hardy81 sailors.
The fishery would support a colony until it had obtained a goodfoothold, and control of these fisheries would bring more profit toEngland than any other occupation. There are other reasons than gainthat should induce in England the large ambition of founding a greatstate, reasons of religion and humanity, erecting83 towns, peoplingcountries, informing the ignorant, reforming things unjust, teachingvirtue, finding employment for the idle, and giving to the mothercountry a kingdom to attend her. But he does not expect the Englishto indulge in such noble ambitions unless he can show a profit inthem.
"I have not [he says] been so ill bred but I have tasted of plentyand pleasure, as well as want and misery84; nor doth a necessity yet,nor occasion of discontent, force me to these endeavors; nor am Iignorant that small thank I shall have for my pains; or that manywould have the world imagine them to be of great judgment34, that canbut blemish85 these my designs, by their witty86 objections anddetractions; yet (I hope) my reasons and my deeds will so prevailwith some, that I shall not want employment in these affairs to makethe most blind see his own senselessness and incredulity; hoping thatgain will make them affect that which religion, charity and thecommon good cannot.... For I am not so simple to think that ever anyother motive27 than wealth will ever erect82 there a Commonwealth87; ordraw company from their ease and humours at home, to stay in NewEngland to effect any purpose."But lest the toils88 of the new settlement should affright his readers,our author draws an idyllic89 picture of the simple pleasures whichnature and liberty afford here freely, but which cost so dearly inEngland. Those who seek vain pleasure in England take more pains toenjoy it than they would spend in New England to gain wealth, and yethave not half such sweet content. What pleasure can be more, heexclaims, when men are tired of planting vines and fruits andordering gardens, orchards90 and building to their mind, than "torecreate themselves before their owne doore, in their owne boatesupon the Sea, where man, woman and child, with a small hooke andline, by angling, may take divers91 sorts of excellent fish at theirpleasures? And is it not pretty sport, to pull up two pence, sixpence, and twelve pence as fast as you can hale and veere a line?...
And what sport doth yield more pleasing content, and less hurt orcharge than angling with a hooke, and crossing the sweet ayre fromIsle to Isle, over the silent streams of a calme Sea? wherein themost curious may finde pleasure, profit and content."Smith made a most attractive picture of the fertility of the soil andthe fruitfulness of the country. Nothing was too trivial to bementioned. "There are certain red berries called Alkermes which isworth ten shillings a pound, but of these hath been sold for thirtyor forty shillings the pound, may yearly be gathered a goodquantity." John Josselyn, who was much of the time in New Englandfrom 1638 to 1671 and saw more marvels92 there than anybody else everimagined, says, "I have sought for this berry he speaks of, as a manshould for a needle in a bottle of hay, but could never light uponit; unless that kind of Solomon's seal called by the English treacle-berry should be it."Towards the last of August, 1614, Smith was back at Plymouth. He hadnow a project of a colony which he imparted to his friend SirFerdinand Gorges93. It is difficult from Smith's various accounts tosay exactly what happened to him next. It would appear that hedeclined to go with an expedition of four ship which the Virginiacompany despatched in 1615, and incurred94 their ill-will by refusing,but he considered himself attached to the western or Plymouthcompany. Still he experienced many delays from them: they promisedfour ships to be ready at Plymouth; on his arrival "he found no suchmatter," and at last he embarked95 in a private expedition, to found acolony at the expense of Gorges, Dr. Sutliffe, Bishop96 o Exeter, and afew gentlemen in London. In January 1615, he sailed from Plymouthwith a ship Of 20 tons, and another of 50. His intention was, afterthe fishing was over, to remain in New England with only fifteen menand begin a colony.
These hopes were frustrated97. When only one hundred and twentyleagues out all the masts of his vessels were carried away in astorm, and it was only by diligent pumping that he was able to keephis craft afloat and put back to Plymouth. Thence on the 24th ofJune he made another start in a vessel of sixty tons with thirty men.
But ill-luck still attended him. He had a queer adventure withpirates. Lest the envious98 world should not believe his own story,Smith had Baker99, his steward100, and several of his crew examined beforea magistrate101 at Plymouth, December 8, 1615, who support his story bytheir testimony102 up to a certain point.
It appears that he was chased two days by one Fry, an English pirate,in a greatly superior vessel, heavily armed and manned. By reason ofthe foul weather the pirate could not board Smith, and his master,mate, and pilot, Chambers103, Minter, and Digby, importuned104 him tosurrender, and that he should send a boat to the pirate, as Fry hadno boat. This singular proposal Smith accepted on condition Frywould not take anything that would cripple his voyage, or send moremen aboard (Smith furnishing the boat) than he allowed. Bakerconfessed that the quartermaster and Chambers received gold of thepirates, for what purpose it does not appear. They came on board,but Smith would not come out of his cabin to entertain them,"although a great many of them had been his sailors, and for his lovewould have wafted105 us to the Isle of Flowers."Having got rid of the pirate Fry by this singular manner of receivinggold from him, Smith's vessel was next chased by two French piratesat Fayal. Chambers, Minter, and Digby again desired Smith to yield,but he threatened to blow up his ship if they did not stand to thedefense; and so they got clear of the French pirates. But more wereto come.
At "Flowers" they were chased by four French men-of-war. AgainChambers, Minter, and Digby importuned Smith to yield, and upon theconsideration that he could speak French, and that they wereProtestants of Rochelle and had the King's commission to takeSpaniards, Portuguese106, and pirates, Smith, with some of his company,went on board one of the French ships. The next day the Frenchplundered Smith's vessel and distributed his crew among their ships,and for a week employed his boat in chasing all the ships that camein sight. At the end of this bout7 they surrendered her again to hercrew, with victuals107 but no weapons. Smith exhorted108 his officers toproceed on their voyage for fish, either to New England orNewfoundland. This the officers declined to do at first, but thesoldiers on board compelled them, and thereupon Captain Smith busiedhimself in collecting from the French fleet and sending on board hisbark various commodities that belonged to her--powder, match, books,instruments, his sword and dagger109, bedding, aquavite, his commission,apparel, and many other things. These articles Chambers and theothers divided among themselves, leaving Smith, who was still onboard the Frenchman, only his waistcoat and breeches. The next day,the weather being foul, they ran so near the Frenchman as to endangertheir yards, and Chambers called to Captain Smith to come aboard orhe would leave him. Smith ordered him to send a boat; Chambersreplied that his boat was split, which was a lie, and told him tocome off in the Frenchman's boat. Smith said he could not commandthat, and so they parted. The English bark returned to Plymouth, andSmith was left on board the French man-of-war.
Smith himself says that Chambers had persuaded the French admiralthat if Smith was let to go on his boat he would revenge himself onthe French fisheries on the Banks.
For over two months, according to his narration44, Smith was kept onboard the Frenchman, cruising about for prizes, "to manage theirfight against the Spaniards, and be in a prison when they took anyEnglish." One of their prizes was a sugar caraval from Brazil;another was a West Indian worth two hundred thousand crowns, whichhad on board fourteen coffers of wedges of silver, eight thousandroyals of eight, and six coffers of the King of Spain's treasure,besides the pillage110 and rich coffers of many rich passengers. TheFrench captain, breaking his promise to put Smith ashore111 at Fayal, atlength sent him towards France on the sugar caravel. When near thecoast, in a night of terrible storm, Smith seized a boat and escaped.
It was a tempest that wrecked113 all the vessels on the coast, and fortwelve hours Smith was drifting about in his open boat, in momentaryexpectation of sinking, until he was cast upon the oozy114 isle of"Charowne," where the fowlers picked him up half dead with water,cold, and hunger, and he got to Rochelle, where he made complaint tothe Judge of Admiralty. Here he learned that the rich prize had beenwrecked in the storm and the captain and half the crew drowned. Butfrom the wreck112 of this great prize thirty-six thousand crowns' worthof jewels came ashore. For his share in this Smith put in his claimwith the English ambassador at Bordeaux. The Captain was hospitablytreated by the Frenchmen. He met there his old friend MasterCrampton, and he says: "I was more beholden to the Frenchmen thatescaped drowning in the man-of-war, Madam Chanoyes of Rotchell, andthe lawyers of Burdeaux, than all the rest of my countrymen I met inFrance." While he was waiting there to get justice, he saw the"arrival of the King's great marriage brought from Spain." This isall his reference to the arrival of Anne of Austria, eldest115 daughterof Philip III., who had been betrothed116 to Louis XIII. in 1612, one ofthe double Spanish marriages which made such a commotion117 in France.
Leaving his business in France unsettled (forever), Smith returned toPlymouth, to find his reputation covered with infamy118 and his clothes,books, and arms divided among the mutineers of his boat. Thechiefest of these he "laid by the heels," as usual, and the othersconfessed and told the singular tale we have outlined. It needs nocomment, except that Smith had a facility for unlucky adventuresunequaled among the uneasy spirits of his age. Yet he was as buoyantas a cork119, and emerged from every disaster with more enthusiasm forhimself and for new ventures. Among the many glowing tributes tohimself in verse that Smith prints with this description is onesigned by a soldier, Edw. Robinson, which begins:
"Oft thou hast led, when I brought up the Rere,In bloody120 wars where thousands have been slaine."This common soldier, who cannot help breaking out in poetry when hethinks of Smith, is made to say that Smith was his captain "in thefierce wars of Transylvania," and he apostrophizes him:
"Thou that to passe the worlds foure parts dost deemeNo more, than ewere to goe to bed or drinke,And all thou yet hast done thou dost esteemeAs nothing.
"For mee: I not commend but much admireThy England yet unknown to passers by-her,For it will praise itselfe in spight of me:
Thou, it, it, thou, to all posteritie."
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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concocted
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的过去式和过去分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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brazen
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| adj.厚脸皮的，无耻的，坚硬的 | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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esteem
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bout
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allusion
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prospective
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surmise
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fanatic
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conceit
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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remarkable
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eulogies
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| n.颂词，颂文( eulogy的名词复数 ) | |
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prefixes
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| n.前缀( prefix的名词复数 )；人名前的称谓；前置代号（置于前面的单词或字母、数字） | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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allude
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detraction
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ridicule
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extol
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inputting
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admiration
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requital
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| n.酬劳；报复 | |
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motives
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motive
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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gutters
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| （路边）排水沟( gutter的名词复数 )； 阴沟； （屋顶的）天沟； 贫贱的境地 | |
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pestilences
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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sumptuousness
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teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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34
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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35
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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36
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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37
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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38
apothecaries
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| n.药剂师，药店( apothecary的名词复数 ) | |
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39
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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40
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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41
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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42
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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43
narrations
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| 叙述事情的经过，故事( narration的名词复数 ) | |
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44
narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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45
rime
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| n.白霜；v.使蒙霜 | |
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46
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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47
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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48
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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49
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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50
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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51
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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52
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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53
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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54
erred
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| 犯错误，做错事( err的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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56
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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57
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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58
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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59
barley
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| n.大麦，大麦粒 | |
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60
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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62
cod
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| n.鳕鱼；v.愚弄；哄骗 | |
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63
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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64
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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68
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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71
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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72
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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73
wasp
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| n.黄蜂，蚂蜂 | |
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74
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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75
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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bestows
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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78
sickle
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| n.镰刀 | |
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79
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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80
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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81
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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82
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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83
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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84
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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85
blemish
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| v.损害；玷污；瑕疵，缺点 | |
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86
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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87
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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88
toils
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| 网 | |
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89
idyllic
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| adj.质朴宜人的，田园风光的 | |
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90
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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92
marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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93
gorges
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| n.山峡，峡谷( gorge的名词复数 )；咽喉v.（用食物把自己）塞饱，填饱( gorge的第三人称单数 )；作呕 | |
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94
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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95
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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96
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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97
frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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98
envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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99
baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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100
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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101
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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102
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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103
chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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104
importuned
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| v.纠缠，向（某人）不断要求( importune的过去式和过去分词 )；（妓女）拉（客） | |
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105
wafted
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| v.吹送，飘送，（使）浮动( waft的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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107
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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108
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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110
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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111
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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112
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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113
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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114
oozy
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| adj.软泥的 | |
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115
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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116
betrothed
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| n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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117
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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118
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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119
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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120
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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