Smith was not cast down by his reverses. No sooner had he laid hislatest betrayers by the heels than he set himself resolutely1 toobtain money and means for establishing a colony in New England, andto this project and the cultivation2 in England of interest in NewEngland he devoted3 the rest of his life.
His Map and Description of New England was published in 1616, and hebecame a colporteur of this, beseeching4 everywhere a hearing for hisnoble scheme. It might have been in 1617, while Pocahontas was aboutto sail for Virginia, or perhaps after her death, that he was againin Plymouth, provided with three good ships, but windbound for threemonths, so that the season being past, his design was frustrated6, andhis vessels7, without him, made a fishing expedition to Newfoundland.
It must have been in the summer of this year that he was at Plymouthwith divers8 of his personal friends, and only a hundred pounds amongthem all. He had acquainted the nobility with his projects, and wasafraid to see the Prince Royal before he had accomplished9 anything,"but their great promises were nothing but air to prepare the voyageagainst the next year." He spent that summer in the west of England,visiting "Bristol, Exeter, Bastable? Bodman, Perin, Foy, Milborow,Saltash, Dartmouth, Absom, Pattnesse, and the most of the gentry10 inCornwall and Devonshire, giving them books and maps," and incitingthem to help his enterprise.
So well did he succeed, he says, that they promised him twenty sailof ships to go with him the next year, and to pay him for his painsand former losses. The western commissioners11, in behalf of thecompany, contracted with him, under indented12 articles, "to be admiralof that country during my life, and in the renewing of the letters-patent so to be nominated"; half the profits of the enterprise to betheirs, and half to go to Smith and his companions.
Nothing seems to have come out of this promising13 induction14 except thetitle of "Admiral of New England," which Smith straightway assumedand wore all his life, styling himself on the title-page ofeverything he printed, "Sometime Governor of Virginia and Admiral ofNew England." As the generous Captain had before this time assumedthis title, the failure of the contract could not much annoy him. Hehad about as good right to take the sounding name of Admiral asmerchants of the west of England had to propose to give it to him.
The years wore away, and Smith was beseeching aid, republishing hisworks, which grew into new forms with each issue, and no doubt makinghimself a bore wherever he was known. The first edition of "NewEngland's Trials"--by which he meant the various trials and attemptsto settle New England was published in 1620. It was to some extent arepetition of his "Description" of 1616. In it he made no referenceto Pocahontas. But in the edition of 1622, which is dedicated15 toCharles, Prince of Wales, and considerably16 enlarged, he drops intothis remark about his experience at Jamestown: "It Is true in ourgreatest extremitie they shot me, slue three of my men, and by thefolly of them that fled tooke me prisoner; yet God made Pocahontasthe king's daughter the meanes to deliver me: and thereby17 taught meto know their treacheries to preserve the rest. [This is evidentlyan allusion18 to the warning Pocahontas gave him at Werowocomoco.] Itwas also my chance in single combat to take the king of Paspaheghprisoner, and by keeping him, forced his subjects to work in chainstill I made all the country pay contribution having little elsewhereon to live."This was written after he had heard of the horrible massacre19 of 1622at Jamestown, and he cannot resist the temptation to draw a contrastbetween the present and his own management. He explains that theIndians did not kill the English because they were Christians20, but toget their weapons and commodities. How different it was when he wasin Virginia. "I kept that country with but 38, and had not to eatbut what we had from the savages22. When I had ten men able to goabroad, our commonwealth23 was very strong: with such a number I rangedthat unknown country 14 weeks: I had but 18 to subdue24 them all."This is better than Sir John Falstaff. But he goes on: "When I firstwent to those desperate designes it cost me many a forgotten pound tohire men to go, and procrastination25 caused more run away than went.""Twise in that time I was President." [It will be remembered thatabout the close of his first year he gave up the command, for form'ssake, to Capt. Martin, for three hours, and then took it again.] "Torange this country of New England in like manner, I had but eight, asis said, and amongst their bruite conditions I met many of theirsilly encounters, and without any hurt, God be thanked." The valiantCaptain had come by this time to regard himself as the inventor anddiscoverer of Virginia and New England, which were explored andsettled at the cost of his private pocket, and which he is notashamed to say cannot fare well in his absence. Smith, with all hisgood opinion of himself, could not have imagined how delicious hischaracter would be to readers in after-times. As he goes on he warmsup: "Thus you may see plainly the yearly success from New England byVirginia, which hath been so costly27 to this kingdom and so dear tome.
"By that acquaintance I have with them I may call them my children [hespent between two and three months on the New England coast] for theyhave been my wife, my hawks28, my hounds, my cards, my dice29, and totalmy best content, as indifferent to my heart as my left hand to myright.... Were there not one Englishman remaining I would yet beginagain as I did at the first; not that I have any secret encouragementfor any I protest, more than lamentable30 experiences; for all theirdiscoveries I can yet hear of are but pigs of my sowe: nor morestrange to me than to hear one tell me he hath gone from Billingateand discovered Greenwich!"As to the charge that he was unfortunate, which we should think mighthave become current from the Captain's own narratives31, he tells hismaligners that if they had spent their time as he had done, theywould rather believe in God than in their own calculations, andperadventure might have had to give as bad an account of theiractions. It is strange they should tax him before they have triedwhat he tried in Asia, Europe, and America, where he never needed toimportune for a reward, nor ever could learn to beg: "These sixteenyears I have spared neither pains nor money, according to my ability,first to procure32 his majesty33's letters patent, and a Company here tobe the means to raise a company to go with me to Virginia [this isthe expedition of 1606 in which he was without command] as is said:
which beginning here and there cost me near five years work, and morethan 500 pounds of my own estate, besides all the dangers, miseriesand encumbrances34 I endured gratis35, where I stayed till I left 500better provided than ever I was: from which blessed Virgin5 (ere Ireturned) sprung the fortunate habitation of Somer Isles36." "Ere Ireturned" is in Smith's best vein37. The casual reader would certainlyconclude that the Somers Isles were somehow due to the providence38 ofJohn Smith, when in fact he never even heard that Gates and Smithwere shipwrecked there till he had returned to England, sent homefrom Virginia. Neill says that Smith ventured L 9 in the Virginiacompany! But he does not say where he got the money.
New England, he affirms, hath been nearly as chargeable to him andhis friends: he never got a shilling but it cost him a pound. Andnow, when New England is prosperous and a certainty, "what think youI undertook when nothing was known, but that there was a vast land."These are some of the considerations by which he urges the company tofit out an expedition for him: "thus betwixt the spur of desire andthe bridle39 of reason I am near ridden to death in a ring of despair;the reins40 are in your hands, therefore I entreat41 you to ease me."The Admiral of New England, who since he enjoyed the title had hadneither ship, nor sailor, nor rod of land, nor cubic yard of saltwater under his command, was not successful in his several "Trials."And in the hodge-podge compilation42 from himself and others, which hehad put together shortly after,--the "General Historie," hepathetically exclaims: "Now all these proofs and this relation, I nowcalled New England's Trials. I caused two or three thousand of themto be printed, one thousand with a great many maps both of Virginiaand New England, I presented to thirty of the chief companies inLondon at their Halls, desiring either generally or particularly(them that would) to imbrace it and by the use of a stock of fivethousand pounds to ease them of the superfluity of most of theircompanies that had but strength and health to labor43; near a year Ispent to understand their resolutions, which was to me a greater toiland torment45, than to have been in New England about my business butwith bread and water, and what I could get by my labor; but inconclusion, seeing nothing would be effected I was contented46 as wellwith this loss of time and change as all the rest."In his "Advertisements" he says that at his own labor, cost, and losshe had "divulged47 more than seven thousand books and maps," in orderto influence the companies, merchants and gentlemen to make aplantation, but "all availed no more than to hew49 Rocks with Oister-shels."His suggestions about colonizing50 were always sensible. But we canimagine the group of merchants in Cheapside gradually dissolving asSmith hove in sight with his maps and demonstrations51.
In 1618, Smith addressed a letter directly to Lord Bacon, to whichthere seems to have been no answer. The body of it was acondensation of what he had repeatedly written about New England, andthe advantage to England of occupying the fisheries. "This nineteenyears," he writes, "I have encountered no few dangers to learn whathere I write in these few leaves:... their fruits I am certain maybring both wealth and honor for a crown and a kingdom to hismajesty's posterity52." With 5,000, pounds he will undertake toestablish a colony, and he asks of his Majesty a pinnace to lodge53 hismen and defend the coast for a few months, until the colony getssettled. Notwithstanding his disappointments and losses, he is stillpatriotic, and offers his experience to his country: "Should Ipresent it to the Biskayners, French and Hollanders, they have mademe large offers. But nature doth bind54 me thus to beg at home, whomstrangers have pleased to create a commander abroad.... Though I canpromise no mines of gold, the Hollanders are an example of myproject, whose endeavors by fishing cannot be suppressed by all theKing of Spain's golden powers. Worth is more than wealth, andindustrious subjects are more to a kingdom than gold. And this is socertain a course to get both as I think was never propounded55 to anystate for so small a charge, seeing I can prove it, both by example,reason and experience."Smith's maxims56 were excellent, his notions of settling New Englandwere sound and sensible, and if writing could have put him in commandof New England, there would have been no room for the Puritans. Headdressed letter after letter to the companies of Virginia andPlymouth, giving them distinctly to understand that they were losingtime by not availing themselves of his services and his project.
After the Virginia massacre, he offered to undertake to drive thesavages out of their country with a hundred soldiers and thirtysailors. He heard that most of the company liked exceedingly wellthe notion, but no reply came to his overture57.
He laments58 the imbecility in the conduct of the new plantations59. Atfirst, he says, it was feared the Spaniards would invade theplantations or the English Papists dissolve them: but neither thecouncils of Spain nor the Papists could have desired a better courseto ruin the plantations than have been pursued; "It seems God isangry to see Virginia in hands so strange where nothing but murderand indiscretion contends for the victory."In his letters to the company and to the King's commissions for thereformation of Virginia, Smith invariably reproduces his ownexploits, until we can imagine every person in London, who couldread, was sick of the story. He reminds them of his unrequitedservices: "in neither of those two countries have I one foot of land,nor the very house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my ownhands, nor ever any content or satisfaction at all, and though I seeordinarily those two countries shared before me by them that neitherhave them nor knows them, but by my descriptions.... For the booksand maps I have made, I will thank him that will show me so much forso little recompense, and bear with their errors till I have donebetter. For the materials in them I cannot deny, but am ready toaffirm them both there and here, upon such ground as I havepropounded, which is to have but fifteen hundred men to subdue againthe Salvages62, fortify63 the country, discover that yet unknown, andboth defend and feed their colony."There is no record that these various petitions and letters of advicewere received by the companies, but Smith prints them in his History,and gives also seven questions propounded to him by thecommissioners, with his replies; in which he clearly states the causeof the disasters in the colonies, and proposes wise and statesman-like remedies. He insists upon industry and good conduct: "torectify a commonwealth with debauched people is impossible, and nowise man would throw himself into such society, that intendshonestly, and knows what he understands, for there is no country topillage, as the Romans found; all you expect from thence must be bylabour."Smith was no friend to tobacco, and although he favored theproduction to a certain limit as a means of profit, it is interestingto note his true prophecy that it would ultimately be a demoralizingproduct. He often proposes the restriction64 of its cultivation, andspeaks with contempt of "our men rooting in the ground about tobaccolike swine." The colony would have been much better off "had theynot so much doated on their tobacco, on whose furnish foundationthere is small stability."So long as he lived, Smith kept himself informed of the progress ofadventure and settlement in the New World, reading all relations andeagerly questioning all voyagers, and transferring their accounts tohis own History, which became a confused patchwork65 of other men'sexploits and his own reminiscences and reflections. He alwaysregards the new plantations as somehow his own, and made in the lightof his advice; and their mischances are usually due to the neglect ofhis counsel. He relates in this volume the story of the Pilgrims in1620 and the years following, and of the settlement of the SomersIsles, making himself appear as a kind of Providence over the NewWorld.
Out of his various and repetitious writings might be compiled quite ahand-book of maxims and wise saws. Yet all had in steady view onepurpose--to excite interest in his favorite projects, to shame thelaggards of England out of their idleness, and to give himselfhonorable employment and authority in the building up of a newempire. "Who can desire," he exclaims, "more content that hath smallmeans, or but only his merit to advance his fortunes, than to treadand plant that ground he hath purchased by the hazard of his life; ifhe have but the taste of virtue66 and magnanimity, what to such a mindcan be more pleasant than planting and building a foundation for hisposterity, got from the rude earth by God's blessing67 and his ownindustry without prejudice to any; if he have any grace of faith orzeal in Religion, what can be more healthful to any or more agreeableto God than to convert those poor salvages to know Christ andhumanity, whose labours and discretion60 will triply requite61 any chargeand pain.""Then who would live at home idly," he exhorts68 his countrymen, "orthink in himself any worth to live, only to eat, drink and sleep, andso die; or by consuming that carelessly his friends got worthily69, orby using that miserably70 that maintained virtue honestly, or for beingdescended nobly, or pine with the vain vaunt of great kindred inpenury, or to maintain a silly show of bravery, toil44 out thy heart,soul and time basely; by shifts, tricks, cards and dice, or byrelating news of other men's actions, sharke here and there for adinner or supper, deceive thy friends by fair promises anddissimulations, in borrowing when thou never meanest to pay, offendthe laws, surfeit71 with excess, burden thy country, abuse thyself,despair in want, and then cozen72 thy kindred, yea, even thy ownbrother, and wish thy parent's death (I will not say damnation), tohave their estates, though thou seest what honors and rewards theworld yet hath for them that will seek them and worthily deservethem.""I would be sorry to offend, or that any should mistake my honestmeaning: for I wish good to all, hurt to none; but rich men for themost part are grown to that dotage73 through their pride in theirwealth, as though there were no accident could end it or their life.""And what hellish care do such take to make it their own misery74 andtheir countrie's spoil, especially when there is such need of theiremployment, drawing by all manner of inventions from the Prince andhis honest subjects, even the vital spirits of their powers andestates; as if their bags or brags75 were so powerful a defense76, themalicious could not assault them, when they are the only bait tocause us not only to be assaulted, but betrayed and smothered77 in ourown security ere we will prevent it."And he adds this good advice to those who maintain their children inwantonness till they grow to be the masters: "Let this lamentableexample [the ruin of Constantinople] remember you that are rich(seeing there are such great thieves in the world to rob you) notgrudge to lend some proportion to breed them that have little, yetwilling to learn how to defend you, for it is too late when the deedis done."No motive78 of action did Smith omit in his importunity79, for "Religionabove all things should move us, especially the clergy80, if we arereligious." "Honor might move the gentry, the valiant26 andindustrious, and the hope and assurance of wealth all, if we werethat we would seem and be accounted; or be we so far inferior toother nations, or our spirits so far dejected from our ancientpredecessors, or our minds so upon spoil, piracy81 and such villainy,as to serve the Portugall, Spaniard, Dutch, French or Turke (as tothe cost of Europe too many do), rather than our own God, our king,our country, and ourselves; excusing our idleness and our basecomplaints by want of employment, when here is such choice of allsorts, and for all degrees, in the planting and discovering theseNorth parts of America."It was all in vain so far as Smith's fortunes were concerned. Theplanting and subjection of New England went on, and Smith had no partin it except to describe it. The Brownists, the Anabaptists, thePapists, the Puritans, the Separatists, and "such factiousHumorists," were taking possession of the land that Smith claimed tohave "discovered," and in which he had no foothold. Failing to getemployment anywhere, he petitioned the Virginia Company for a rewardout of the treasury82 in London or the profits in Virginia.
At one of the hot discussions in 1623 preceding the dissolution ofthe Virginia Company by the revocation83 of their charter, Smith waspresent, and said that he hoped for his time spent in Virginia heshould receive that year a good quantity of tobacco. The charter wasrevoked in 1624 after many violent scenes, and King James was glad tobe rid of what he called "a seminary for a seditious parliament."The company had made use of lotteries84 to raise funds, and upon theirdisuse, in 1621, Smith proposed to the company to compile for itsbenefit a general history. This he did, but it does not appear thatthe company took any action on his proposal. At one time he had beennamed, with three others, as a fit person for secretary, on theremoval of Mr. Pory, but as only three could be balloted85 for, hisname was left out. He was, however, commended as entirely86 competent.
After the dissolution of the companies, and the granting of newletters-patent to a company of some twenty noblemen, there seems tohave been a project for dividing up the country by lot. Smith says:
"All this they divided in twenty parts, for which they cast lots, butno lot for me but Smith's Isles, which are a many of barren rocks,the most overgrown with shrubs87, and sharp whins, you can hardly passthem; without either grass or wood, but three or four short shrubbyold cedars88."The plan was not carried out, and Smith never became lord of eventhese barren rocks, the Isles of Shoals. That he visited them whenhe sailed along the coast is probable, though he never speaks ofdoing so. In the Virginia waters he had left a cluster of islandsbearing his name also.
In the Captain's "True Travels," published in 1630, is a summary ofthe condition of colonization89 in New England from Smith's voyagethence till the settlement of Plymouth in 1620, which makes anappropriate close to our review of this period:
"When I first went to the North part of Virginia, where the WesterlyColony had been planted, it had dissolved itself within a year, andthere was not one Christian21 in all the land. I was set forth90 at thesole charge of four merchants of London; the Country being thenreputed by your westerlings a most rocky, barren, desolate91 desart;but the good return I brought from thence, with the maps andrelations of the Country, which I made so manifest, some of them didbelieve me, and they were well embraced, both by the Londoners, andWesterlings, for whom I had promised to undertake it, thinking tohave joyned them all together, but that might well have been a workfor Hercules. Betwixt them long there was much contention92: theLondoners indeed went bravely forward: but in three or four years Iand my friends consumed many hundred pounds amongst the Plimothians,who only fed me but with delays, promises, and excuses, but noperformance of anything to any purpose. In the interim93, manyparticular ships went thither94, and finding my relations true, andthat I had not taken that I brought home from the French men, as hadbeen reported: yet further for my pains to discredit95 me, and mycalling it New England, they obscured it, and shadowed it, with thetitle of Canada, till at my humble96 suit, it pleased our most RoyalKing Charles, whom God long keep, bless and preserve, then Prince ofWales, to confirm it with my map and book, by the title of NewEngland; the gain thence returning did make the fame thereof soincrease that thirty, forty or fifty sail went yearly only to tradeand fish; but nothing would be done for a plantation48, till about somehundred of your Brownists of England, Amsterdam and Leyden went toNew Plimouth, whose humorous ignorances, caused them for more than ayear, to endure a wonderful deal of misery, with an infinitepatience; saying my books and maps were much better cheap to teachthem than myself: many others have used the like good husbandry thathave payed soundly in trying their self-willed conclusions; but thosein time doing well, diverse others have in small handfulls undertakento go there, to be several Lords and Kings of themselves, but mostvanished to nothing."
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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beseeching
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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divers
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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gentry
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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indented
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| adj.锯齿状的，高低不平的；缩进排版 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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induction
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dedicated
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considerably
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thereby
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allusion
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massacre
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Christians
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Christian
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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commonwealth
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subdue
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procrastination
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valiant
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costly
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hawks
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dice
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lamentable
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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procure
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majesty
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encumbrances
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gratis
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isles
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vein
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providence
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bridle
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reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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entreat
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compilation
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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divulged
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| v.吐露，泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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hew
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| v.砍；伐；削 | |
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colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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51
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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52
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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54
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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propounded
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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overture
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| n.前奏曲、序曲，提议，提案，初步交涉 | |
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laments
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| n.悲恸，哀歌，挽歌( lament的名词复数 )v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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requite
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| v.报酬，报答 | |
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salvages
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| 海上营救( salvage的名词复数 )； 抢救出的财产； 救援费； 经加工后重新利用的废物 | |
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fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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patchwork
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| n.混杂物；拼缝物 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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exhorts
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| n.劝勉者，告诫者，提倡者( exhort的名词复数 )v.劝告，劝说( exhort的第三人称单数 ) | |
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worthily
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| 重要地，可敬地，正当地 | |
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miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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surfeit
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| v.使饮食过度；n.(食物)过量，过度 | |
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cozen
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| v.欺骗，哄骗 | |
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dotage
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| n.年老体衰；年老昏聩 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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brags
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| v.自夸，吹嘘( brag的第三人称单数 ) | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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revocation
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| n.废止，撤回 | |
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lotteries
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| n.抽彩给奖法( lottery的名词复数 )；碰运气的事；彩票；彩券 | |
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balloted
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| v.（使）投票表决( ballot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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cedars
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| 雪松，西洋杉( cedar的名词复数 ) | |
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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interim
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| adj.暂时的，临时的；n.间歇，过渡期间 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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95
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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96
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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