To write the praises of Agesilaus in language equalling his virtue1 and renown2 is, I know, no easy task; yet must it be essayed; since it were but an ill requital3 of pre-eminence, that, on the ground of his perfection, a good man should forfeit4 the tribute even of imperfect praise.
As touching5, therefore, the excellency of his birth, what weightier, what nobler testimony6 can be adduced than this one fact? To the commemorative list of famous ancestry7 is added today the name1 Agesilaus as holding this or that numerical descent from Heracles, and these ancestors no private persons, but kings sprung from the loins of kings. Nor is it open to the gainsayer9 to contend that they were kings indeed but of some chance city. Not so, but even as their family holds highest honour in their fatherland, so too is their city the most glorious in Hellas, whereby they hold, not primacy over the second best, but among leaders they have leadership.
And herein it is open to us to praise both his fatherland and his family. It is notable that never throughout these ages has Lacedaemon, out of envy of the privilege accorded to her kings, tried to dissolve their rule; nor ever yet throughout these ages have her kings strained after greater powers than those which limited their heritage of kingship from the first. Wherefore, while all other forms of government, democracies and oligarchies10, tyrannies and monarchies11, alike have failed to maintain their continuity unbroken, here, as the sole exception, endures indissolubly their kingship.2
And next in token of an aptitude12 for kingship seen in Agesilaus, before even he entered upon office, I note these signs. On the death of Agis, king of Lacedaemon, there were rival claimants to the throne. Leotychides claimed the succession as being the son of Agis, and Agesilaus as the son of Archidamus. But the verdict of Lacedaemon favoured Agesilaus as being in point of family and virtue unimpeachable,3 and so they set him on the throne. And yet, in this princeliest of cities so to be selected by the noblest citizens as worthy13 of highest privilege, argues, methinks conclusively14, an excellence15 forerunning exercise of rule.4
And so I pass on at once to narrate16 the chief achievements of his reign17, since by the light of deeds the character of him who wrought18 them will, if I mistake not, best shine forth19.
Agesilaus was still a youth5 when he obtained the kingdom, and he was still but a novice20 in his office when the news came that the king of Persia was collecting a mighty21 armament by sea and land for the invasion of Hellas. The Lacedaemonians and their allies sat debating these matters, when Agesilaus undertook to cross over into Asia. He only asked for thirty Spartans22 and two thousand New Citizens,6 besides a contingent24 of the allies six thousand strong; with these he would cross over into Asia and endeavour to effect a peace; or, if the barbarian25 preferred war, he would leave him little leisure to invade Hellas.
The proposal was welcomed with enthusiasm on the part of many. They could not but admire the eagerness of their king to retaliate26 upon the Persian for his former invasions of Hellas by counter-invasion on his own soil. They liked the preference also which he showed for attacking rather than awaiting his enemy’s attack, and his intention to carry on the war at the expense of Persia rather than that of Hellas; but it was the perfection of policy, they felt, so to change the arena27 of battle, with Asia as the prize of victory instead of Hellas. If we pass on to the moment when he had received his army and set sail, I can conceive no clearer exposition of his generalship than the bare narration28 of his exploits.
The scene is Asia, and this his first achievement. Tissaphernes had sworn an oath to Agesilaus on this wise: if Agesilaus would grant him an armistice29 until the return of certain ambassadors whom he would send to the king, he (Tissaphernes) would do his utmost to procure30 the independence of the Hellenic cities in Asia. And Agesilaus took a counter oath: without fraud or covin to observe the armistice during the three months7 necessary to that transaction. But the compact was scarcely made when Tissaphernes gave the lie to the solemn undertaking31 he had sworn to. So far from effecting peace, he begged the King to send him a large armament in addition to that which he already had. As to Agesilaus, though he was well aware of these proceedings32, he adhered loyally to the armistice.
And for myself, I look upon this as the first glorious achievement of the Spartan23. By displaying the perjury33 of Tissaphernes he robbed him of his credit with all the world; by the exhibition of himself in contrast as a man who ratified34 his oath and would not gainsay8 an article of his agreement, he gave all men, Hellenes and barbarians35 alike, encouragement to make covenant36 with him to the full extent of his desire.
When Tissaphernes, priding himself on the strength of that army which had come down to aid him, bade Agesilaus to be gone from Asia or to prepare for war,8 deep was the vexation depicted37 on the faces of the Lacedaemonians there present and their allies, as they realised that the scanty38 force of Agesilaus was all too small to cope with the armaments of Persia. But the brow of their general was lit with joy as gaily39 he bade the ambassadors take back this answer to Tissaphernes: “I hold myself indebted to your master for the perjury whereby he has obtained to himself the hostility40 of heaven, and made the gods themselves allies of Hellas.” And so without further pause he published a general order to his soldiers to pack their baggage and prepare for active service; and to the several cities which lay on the line of march to Caria, the order sped to have their markets in readiness; while to the men of Ionia and the Aeolid and the Hellespont he sent despatches bidding them send their contingents41 to Ephesus to join in the campaign.
Tissaphernes meanwhile was influenced by the fact that Agesilaus had no cavalry42, and that Caria was a hilly district unsuited for that arm. Moreover, as he further bethought him, Agesilaus must needs be wroth with him for his deceit. What could be clearer, therefore, than that he was about to make a dash at the satrap’s home in Caria? Accordingly he transported the whole of his infantry43 into Caria and marched his cavalry round the while into the plain of the Maeander, persuaded that he would trample44 the Hellenes under the hoofs45 of his horses long before they reached the district where no cavalry could operate.
But Agesilaus, instead of advancing upon Caria, turned right about and marched in the direction of Phrygia. Picking up the various forces that met him on his progress, he passed onwards, laying city after city at his feet, and by the suddenness of his incursion capturing enormous wealth.
Here was an achievement which showed the genius of a general, as all agreed. When once war as declared, and the arts of circumvention46 and deceit were thereby47 justified48, he had proved Tissaphernes to be a very bade in subtlety;9 and with what sagacity again did he turn the circumstances to account for the enrichment of his friends. Owing to the quantity of wealth captured, precious things were selling for a mere49 song. Thereupon he gave his friends warning to make their purchases, adding that he should at once march down to the sea-coast at the head of his troops. The quartermasters meanwhile received orders to make a note of the purchasers with the prices of the articles, and to consign50 the goods. The result was that, without prior disbursement51 on their part, or detriment52 to the public treasury53, his friends reaped an enormous harvest. Moreover, when deserters came with offers to disclose hidden treasures, and naturally enough laid their proposal before the king himself, he took care to have the capture of these treasures effected by his friends, which would enable them to do a stroke of business, and at the same time redound54 to their prestige. For this reason he was not long in discovering many an eager aspirant55 to his friendship.
But a country pillaged56 and denuded57 of inhabitants would not long support an army. That he felt. A more perennial58 source of supply was surely to be found in waving cornfields and thickly clustering homesteads. So with infinite pains he set himself not merely to crush his foes60 by force, but also to win them to his side by gentleness. In this spirit he often enjoined62 upon his soldiers to guard their captives as fellow-men rather than take vengeance63 upon them as evildoers;10 or, on a change of quarters, if aware of little children left behind by the dealers64 (since the men often sold them in the belief that it would be impossible to carry them away and rear them), he would show concern in behalf of these poor waifs and have them conveyed to some place of safety; or he would entrust65 them to the care of fellow-prisoners also left behind on account of old age; in no case must they be left to ravening66 dogs and wolves. In this way he won the goodwill67 not only of those who heard tell of these doings but of the prisoners themselves. And whenever he brought over a city to his side, he set the citizens free from the harsher service of a bondsman to his lord, imposing68 the gentler obedience69 of a freeman to his ruler. Indeed, there were fortresses70 impregnable to assault which he brought under his power by the subtler force of human kindness.
But when, in Phrygia even, the freedom of his march along the flats was hampered71 by the cavalry of Pharnabazus, he saw that if he wished to avoid a skulking72 warfare73 under cover, a force of cavalry was indispensable. Accordingly he enlisted74 the wealthiest members of every city in those parts to breed and furnish horses; with this saving clause, however: that the individual who furnished a horse and arms with a good rider should be exempt75 from service himself. By this means he engendered76 an eagerness to discharge the obligation, not unlike that of the condemned77 man, casting about to discover some one to die in his place.11 He further ordered some of the states themselves to furnish contingents of mounted troopers, and this in the conviction that from such training-centres he would presently get a pick of cavaliers proud of their horsemanship. And thus once more he won golden opinions by the skill with which he provided himself with a body of cavalry in the plenitude of strength and ripe for active service.
On the approach of early spring12 he collected his whole armament at Ephesus, and set himself to the work of training it. With that object he proposed a series of prizes: one set for the cavalry squadron which rode best, another for the heavy infantry divisions which presented the best physique, another again for various light troops, peltasts, and bowmen, which showed themselves most efficient in their respective duties.
Thereupon it was a sight to see the gymnasiums thronged78 with warriors79 going through their exercises, the racecourses crowded with troopers on prancing80 steeds, the archers81 and the javelin82 men shooting at the butts83. Nay84, the whole city in which he lay was transformed into a spectacle itself, so filled to overflowing85 was the market-place with arms and armour86 of every sort, and horses, all for sale. Here were coppersmiths and carpenters, ironfounders and cobblers, painters and decorators — one and all busily engaged in fabricating the implements87 of war; so that an onlooker88 might have thought the city of Ephesus itself a gigantic arsenal89. It would have kindled90 courage in the breast of a coward to see the long lines of soldiers, with Agesilaus at their head, all garlanded as they marched in proud procession from the gymnasiums and dedicated91 their wreaths to our Lady Artemis. Since, where these three elements exist — reverence92 towards heaven, practice in military affairs, and obedience to command — all else must needs be full of happy promise.
But seeing that contempt for the foe61 is calculated to infuse a certain strength in face of battle, he ordered his criers to strip naked the barbarians captured by his foraging93 parties, and so to sell them. The soldiers who saw the white skins of these folk, unused to strip for toil94, soft and sleek95 and lazy-looking, as of people who could only stir abroad in carriages, concluded that a war with women would scarcely be more formidable. Then he published a further order to the soldiers: “I shall lead you at once by the shortest route to the stronghold13 of the enemy’s territory. Your general asks you to keep yourselves on the alert in mind and body, as men about to enter the lists of battle on the instant.”
But Tissaphernes was persuaded that this was all talk on his part for the purpose of outwitting him a second time: now certainly Agesilaus would make an incursion into Caria. So once again the satrap transported his infantry over into that country just has he had done before, and as before he posted his cavalry in the plain of the Maeander.
This time, however, Agesilaus was true to his word. In accordance with his published order he advanced straight upon the region of Sardis, and, during a three days’ march through a country where not an enemy was to be seen, provided his army with abundant supplies. On the fourth day the enemy’s cavalry came up. The Persian general ordered the commandant of his baggage train to cross the Pactolus and encamp, whilst his troopers, who had caught sight of the camp followers96 of the Hellenes scattered97 in search of booty, put many of them to the sword. Agesilaus, aware how matters were going, ordered his cavalry to the rescue, and the Persians on their side, seeing the enemy’s supports approaching, collected and formed up in line to receive them with the serried98 squadrons of their cavalry. And now Agesilaus, conscious that his enemy’s infantry had not as yet arrived, whilst on his side no element in his preparation was lacking, felt that the moment was come to join battle if he could. Accordingly he sacrificed and advanced against the opposing lines of cavalry. A detachment of heavy infantry, the ten-years-service men, had orders to close with them at the run, while the light infantry division were told to show them the way at a swinging pace. At the same time he passed the order along the line of his cavalry to charge in reliance of the support of himself and the main body in their rear. Charge they did, these troopers, and the pick of Persian cavalry received them bravely, but in face of the conjoint horror of the attack they swerved99, and some were cut down at once in the river-bed, while others sought safety in flight. The Hellenes followed close on the heels of the flying foe, and captured his camp. Here the peltasts, not unnaturally100, fell to pillaging101, whereupon Agesilaus formed a cordon102 of troops, round the property of friends and foes alike, and so encamped.
Presently hearing that the enemy were in a state of disorder103, the result of every one holding his fellow responsible for what had happened, he advanced without further stay on Sardis. Having arrived, he fell to burning and ravaging104 the suburbs, while at the same time he did not fail to make it known by proclamation that those who asked for freedom should join his standard; or if there were any who claimed a right of property in Asia he challenged them to come out and meet her liberators in fair fight and let the sword decide between them. Finding that no one ventured to come out to meet him, his march became for the future a peaceful progress. All around him he beheld105 Hellenes who formerly106 were forced to bow the knee to brutal107 governors now honoured by their former tyrants108, while those who had claimed to enjoy divine honours were so humbled109 by him that they scarce dared to look a Hellene in the face. Everywhere he saved the territory of his friends from devastation110, and reaped the fruits of the enemy’s soil to such good effect that within two years he was able to dedicate as a tithe111 to the god at Delphi more than one hundred talents.14
It was then that the Persian king, believing that Tissaphernes was to blame for the ill success of his affairs, sent down Tithraustes and cut off the satrap’s head. After this the fortunes of the barbarians grew still more desperate, whilst those of Agesilaus assumed a bolder front. On all side embassies from the surrounding nations came to make terms of friendship, and numbers even came over to him, stretching out eager arms to grasp at freedom. So that Agesilaus was now no longer the chosen captain of the Hellenes only, but of many Asiatics.
And here we may pause and consider what a weight of admiration112 is due to one who, being now ruler over countless113 cities of the continent, and islands also (since the state had further entrusted114 the navy to his hands), just when he had reached this pinnacle115 of renown and power, and might look to turn to account his thronging116 fortunes; when, too, which overtops all else, he was cherishing fond hopes to dissolve that empire which in former days had dared to march on Hellas;— at such a moment suffered himself not to be overmastered by these promptings, but on receipt of a summons of the home authorities to come to the assistance of the fatherland, obeyed the mandate117 of his state as readily15 as though he stood confronted face to face with the Five in the hall of ephors; and thus gave clear proof that he would not accept the whole earth in exchange for the land of his fathers, nor newly-acquired in place of ancient friends, nor base gains ingloriously purchased rather than the perilous118 pursuit of honour and uprightness.16
And, indeed, glancing back at the whole period during which he remained in the exercise of his authority, no act of deeper significance in proof of his kingly qualities need be named than this. He found the cities which he was sent out to govern each and all a prey119 to factions120, the result of constitutional disturbances121 consequent on the cessation of the Athenian empire, and without resort to exile or sanguinary measures he so disposed them by his healing presence that civil concord122 and material prosperity were permanently123 maintained. Therefore it was that the Hellenes in Asia deplored124 his departure,17 as though they had lost, not simply a ruler, but a father or bosom125 friend, and in the end they showed that their friendship was of no fictitious126 character. At any rate, they voluntarily helped him to succour Lacedaemon, though it involved, as they knew, the need of doing battle with combatants of equal prowess with themselves. So the tale of his achievements in Asia has an end.
1 Or, “even today, in the proud bead-roll of his ancestry he stands commemorated127, in numerical descent from Heracles.”
2 See “Cyrop.” I. i. 1.
3 For this matter see “Hell.” III. iii. 1-6; V. iv. 13; Plut. “Ages.” iii. 3 (Cloigh, iv. 3 foll.); Paus. iii. 3.
4 See Aristides (“Rhet.” 776), who quotes the passage for its measured cadence128.
5 B.C. 399; according to Plut. (“Ages.” ad fin59.) he was forty-three, and therefore still “not old.” See “Hell.” III. iv. 1 for the startling news, B.C. 396.
6 For the class of Neodamodes, see Arnold’s note to Thuc. v. 34 (Jowett, “Thuc.” ii. 307); also Thuc. vii. 58; “Hell.” I. iii. 15.
7 See Grote, “H. G.” x. 359; “Hell.” III. iv. 5.
8 Lit. “When Tissaphernes, priding himself . . . bade Agesilaus be gone . . . deep was the annoyance129 felt.”
9 See below, xi. 4; “Mem.” III. i. 6; IV. ii. 15; “Cyrop.” I. vi. 31; Plut. “Ages.” xi. (Clough, iv. 10).
10 See Grote, vol. ix. p. 365 foll.
11 Instead of the plain zetoie of the parallel passage (“Hell.” III. iv. 15) the encomiast prefers the poetical130 masteuoi.
12 B.C. 395; see “Hell.” III. iv. 16; Plut. “Marcel.” (Clough, ii. 262); Polyb. xii. 20, 7.
13 Or, “the richest parts of the country,” viz. Lydia; Plut. “Ages.” x.
14 = 25,000 pounds nearly.
15 Cf. Hor. “Od.” III. v. 50.
16 See Pindar, “Olymp.” vi. 14.
17 See Plut. “Ages.” xv.
1 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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2 renown | |
n.声誉,名望 | |
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3 requital | |
n.酬劳;报复 | |
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4 forfeit | |
vt.丧失;n.罚金,罚款,没收物 | |
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5 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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6 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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7 ancestry | |
n.祖先,家世 | |
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8 gainsay | |
v.否认,反驳 | |
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9 gainsayer | |
否认的 | |
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10 oligarchies | |
n.寡头统治的政府( oligarchy的名词复数 );寡头政治的执政集团;寡头统治的国家 | |
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11 monarchies | |
n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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12 aptitude | |
n.(学习方面的)才能,资质,天资 | |
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13 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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14 conclusively | |
adv.令人信服地,确凿地 | |
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15 excellence | |
n.优秀,杰出,(pl.)优点,美德 | |
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16 narrate | |
v.讲,叙述 | |
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17 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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18 wrought | |
v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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19 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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20 novice | |
adj.新手的,生手的 | |
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21 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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22 spartans | |
n.斯巴达(spartan的复数形式) | |
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23 spartan | |
adj.简朴的,刻苦的;n.斯巴达;斯巴达式的人 | |
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24 contingent | |
adj.视条件而定的;n.一组,代表团,分遣队 | |
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25 barbarian | |
n.野蛮人;adj.野蛮(人)的;未开化的 | |
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26 retaliate | |
v.报复,反击 | |
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27 arena | |
n.竞技场,运动场所;竞争场所,舞台 | |
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28 narration | |
n.讲述,叙述;故事;记叙体 | |
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29 armistice | |
n.休战,停战协定 | |
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30 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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31 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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32 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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33 perjury | |
n.伪证;伪证罪 | |
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34 ratified | |
v.批准,签认(合约等)( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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35 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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36 covenant | |
n.盟约,契约;v.订盟约 | |
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37 depicted | |
描绘,描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 ); 描述 | |
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38 scanty | |
adj.缺乏的,仅有的,节省的,狭小的,不够的 | |
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39 gaily | |
adv.欢乐地,高兴地 | |
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40 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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41 contingents | |
(志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的)一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 ); 代表团; (军队的)分遣队; 小分队 | |
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42 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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43 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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44 trample | |
vt.踩,践踏;无视,伤害,侵犯 | |
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45 hoofs | |
n.(兽的)蹄,马蹄( hoof的名词复数 )v.(兽的)蹄,马蹄( hoof的第三人称单数 ) | |
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46 circumvention | |
n.陷害,欺骗 | |
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47 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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48 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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49 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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50 consign | |
vt.寄售(货品),托运,交托,委托 | |
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51 disbursement | |
n.支付,付款 | |
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52 detriment | |
n.损害;损害物,造成损害的根源 | |
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53 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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54 redound | |
v.有助于;提;报应 | |
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55 aspirant | |
n.热望者;adj.渴望的 | |
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56 pillaged | |
v.抢劫,掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57 denuded | |
adj.[医]变光的,裸露的v.使赤裸( denude的过去式和过去分词 );剥光覆盖物 | |
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58 perennial | |
adj.终年的;长久的 | |
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59 fin | |
n.鳍;(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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60 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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61 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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62 enjoined | |
v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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64 dealers | |
n.商人( dealer的名词复数 );贩毒者;毒品贩子;发牌者 | |
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65 entrust | |
v.信赖,信托,交托 | |
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66 ravening | |
a.贪婪而饥饿的 | |
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67 goodwill | |
n.善意,亲善,信誉,声誉 | |
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68 imposing | |
adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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69 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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70 fortresses | |
堡垒,要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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71 hampered | |
妨碍,束缚,限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72 skulking | |
v.潜伏,偷偷摸摸地走动,鬼鬼祟祟地活动( skulk的现在分词 ) | |
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73 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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74 enlisted | |
adj.应募入伍的v.(使)入伍, (使)参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 );获得(帮助或支持) | |
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75 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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76 engendered | |
v.产生(某形势或状况),造成,引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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78 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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80 prancing | |
v.(马)腾跃( prance的现在分词 ) | |
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81 archers | |
n.弓箭手,射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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82 javelin | |
n.标枪,投枪 | |
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83 butts | |
笑柄( butt的名词复数 ); (武器或工具的)粗大的一端; 屁股; 烟蒂 | |
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84 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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85 overflowing | |
n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的,充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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86 armour | |
(=armor)n.盔甲;装甲部队 | |
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87 implements | |
n.工具( implement的名词复数 );家具;手段;[法律]履行(契约等)v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 );执行;贯彻;使生效 | |
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88 onlooker | |
n.旁观者,观众 | |
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89 arsenal | |
n.兵工厂,军械库 | |
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90 kindled | |
(使某物)燃烧,着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 ); 激起(感情等); 发亮,放光 | |
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91 dedicated | |
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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92 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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93 foraging | |
v.搜寻(食物),尤指动物觅(食)( forage的现在分词 );(尤指用手)搜寻(东西) | |
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94 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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95 sleek | |
adj.光滑的,井然有序的;v.使光滑,梳拢 | |
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96 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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97 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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98 serried | |
adj.拥挤的;密集的 | |
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99 swerved | |
v.(使)改变方向,改变目的( swerve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100 unnaturally | |
adv.违反习俗地;不自然地;勉强地;不近人情地 | |
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101 pillaging | |
v.抢劫,掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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102 cordon | |
n.警戒线,哨兵线 | |
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103 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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104 ravaging | |
毁坏( ravage的现在分词 ); 蹂躏; 劫掠; 抢劫 | |
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105 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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106 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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107 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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108 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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109 humbled | |
adj. 卑下的,谦逊的,粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下,贬低 | |
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110 devastation | |
n.毁坏;荒废;极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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111 tithe | |
n.十分之一税;v.课什一税,缴什一税 | |
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112 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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113 countless | |
adj.无数的,多得不计其数的 | |
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114 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115 pinnacle | |
n.尖塔,尖顶,山峰;(喻)顶峰 | |
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116 thronging | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的现在分词 ) | |
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117 mandate | |
n.托管地;命令,指示 | |
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118 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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119 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
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120 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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121 disturbances | |
n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 );打扰;困扰;障碍 | |
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122 concord | |
n.和谐;协调 | |
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123 permanently | |
adv.永恒地,永久地,固定不变地 | |
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124 deplored | |
v.悲叹,痛惜,强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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126 fictitious | |
adj.虚构的,假设的;空头的 | |
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127 commemorated | |
v.纪念,庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128 cadence | |
n.(说话声调的)抑扬顿挫 | |
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129 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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130 poetical | |
adj.似诗人的;诗一般的;韵文的;富有诗意的 | |
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