He crossed the Hellespont and made his way through the very tribes traversed by the Persian18 with his multitudinous equipment in former days, and the march which cost the barbarian1 a year was accomplished2 by Agesilaus in less than a single month. He did not want to arrive a day too late to serve his fatherland. And so passing through Macedonia he arrived in Thessaly, and here the men of Larissa, Crannon, Scotussa, and Pharsalus, who were allies of the Boeotians, and indeed all the Thessalians, with the exception of those who were in exile at the time, combined to dog his steps and do him damage. For a while he led his troops in a hollow square, posting one half of his cavalry3 in the van and the other half on his rear, but finding his march hindered by frequent attacks of the Thessalians on his hindmost divisions, he sent round the mass of his cavalry from the vanguard to support his rear, reserving only his personal escort.19 And now in battle order the rival squadrons faced each other; when the Thessalians, not liking4 a cavalry engagement in face of heavy infantry5, wheeled and step by step retreated; their opponents with much demureness6 following. Then Agesilaus, detecting the common error under which both parties laboured, sent round his own bodyguard7 of stalwart troopers with orders to their predecessors8 (an order they would act upon themselves) to charge the enemy at full gallop9 and not give him a chance to rally. The Thessalians, in face of this unexpected charge, either could not so much as rally, or in the attempt to do so were caught with their horses’ flanks exposed to the enemy’s attack. Polycharmus, the Pharsalian, a commandant of cavalry, did indeed succeed in wheeling, but was cut down with those about him sword in hand. This was the signal for a flight so extraordinary that dead and dying lined the road, and the living were captured wholesale10, nor was a halt made until the pursuers reached Mount Narthacius. Here, midway between Pras and Narthacius, Agesilaus erected11 a trophy12, and here for the moment he halted in unfeigned satisfaction at his exploit, since it was from an antagonist14 boasting the finest cavalry in the world that he had wrested15 victory with a body of cavalry organised by himself.
Next day, crossing the mountain barrier of Achaea Phthiotis, his march lay through friendly territory for the rest of the way as far as the frontiers of Boeotia. Here he found the confederates drawn16 up in battle line. They consisted of the Thebans, the Athenians, the Argives, the Corinthians, the Aenianians, the Euboeans, and both divisions of the Locrians.20 He did not hesitate, but openly before their eyes drew out his lines to give them battle. He had with him a division21 and a half of Lacedaemonians, and from the seat of war itself the allied17 troops of the Phocians and the men of Orchomenus only, besides the armament which he had brought with him from Asia.
I am not going to maintain that he ventured on the engagement in spite of having far fewer and inferior forces. Such an assertion would only reveal the senselessness of the general22 and the folly19 of the writer who should select as praiseworthy the reckless imperilling of mighty21 interests. On the contrary, what I admire is the fact that he had taken care to provide himself with an army not inferior to that of his enemy, and had so equipped them that his cohorts literally22 gleamed with purple and bronze.23 He had taken pains to enable his soldiers to undergo the fatigue23 of war, he had filled their breasts with a proud consciousness that they were equal to do battle with any combatants in the world, and what was more, he had infused a wholesome24 rivalry25 in those about him to prove themselves each better than the rest. He had filled all hearts with sanguine26 expectation of great blessings27 to descend28 on all, if they proved themselves good men. Such incentives29, he thought, were best calculated to arouse enthusiasm in men’s souls to engage in battle with the enemy. And in this expectation he was not deceived.
I proceed to describe the battle, for in certain distinctive30 features it differed from all the battles of our day. The contending forces met on the plain of Coronea, Agesilaus and his troops approaching from the Cephisus, the Thebans and their allies from the slopes of the Helicon. These masses of infantry, as any eye might see, were of duly balanced strength, while as near as could be the cavalry on either side was numerically the same. Agesilaus held the right of his own army, and on his extreme left lay the men of Orchomenus. On the opposite side the Thebans themselves formed their own right and the Argives held their left. While the two armies approached a deep silence prevailed on either side, but when they were now a single furlong’s24 space apart the Thebans quickened to a run, and, with a loud hurrah31, dashed forward to close quarters. And now there was barely a hundred yards25 between them, when Herippidas, with his foreign brigade, rushed forward from the Spartan32’s battle lines to meet them. This brigade consisted partly of troops which had served with Agesilaus ever since he left home, with a portion of the Cyreians, besides Ionians, Aeolians, and their neighbours on the Hellespont. All these took part in the forward rush of the attack just mentioned, and coming within spear-thrust they routed that portion of the enemy in front of them. The Argives did not even wait for Agesilaus and his division, but fled towards Helicon, and at that moment some of his foreign friends were on the point of crowning Agesilaus with the wreath of victory, when some one brought him word that the Thebans had cut through the division from Orchomenus and were busy with the baggage-train. Accordingly he at once deployed33 his division and advanced by counter-march against them. The Thebans on their side, seeing that their allies had scattered34 on Helicon, and eager to make their way back to join their friends, began advancing sturdily.
To assert that Agesilaus at this crisis displayed real valour is to assert a thing indisputable, but for all that the course he adopted was not the safest. It was open to him to let the enemy pass in their effort to rejoin their friends, and that done to have hung upon their heels and overmastered their rear ranks, but he did nothing of the sort: what he did was, to crash front to front against the Thebans. And so with shields interlocked they shoved and fought and fought and shoved, dealing35 death and yielding life. There was no shouting, nor yet was there even silence, but a strange and smothered36 utterance37, such as rage and battle vent18.26 At last a portion of the Thebans forced their way through towards Helicon, but many were slain38 in that departure.
Victory remained with Agesilaus. Wounded himself, they bore him back to his own lines, when some of his troopers came galloping39 up to tell him that eighty of the enemy had taken refuge with their arms27 under cover of the Temple,28 and they asked what they ought to do. He, albeit40 he had received wounds all over him, having been the mark of divers41 weapons, did not even so forget his duty to God, and gave orders to let them go whithersoever they chose, nor suffered them to be ill-treated, but ordered his bodyguard of cavalry to escort them out of reach of danger.
And now that the battle had ceased, it was a sight to see where the encounter took place, the earth bedabbled with gore42, the dead lying cheek by jowl, friend and foe43 together, and the great shields hacked44 and broken to pieces, and the spears snapped asunder45, the daggers46 lying bare of sheaths, some on the ground, some buried in the bodies, some still clutched in the dead men’s hands. For the moment then, seeing that it was already late in the day, they dragged together the corpses47 of their slain apart from those of the enemy29 and laid them within the lines, and took their evening meal and slept; but early next morning Agesilaus ordered Gylis, the polemarch, to marshal the troops in battle order and to set up a trophy, while each man donned a wreath in honour of the god, and the pipers piped. So they busied themselves, but the Thebans sent a herald48 asking leave to bury their dead under cover of a truce49. And so it came to pass that a truce was made, and Agesilaus departed homewards, having chosen, in lieu of supreme50 greatness in Asia, to rule, and to be ruled, in obedience51 to the laws at home.
It was after this30 that his attention was drawn to the men of Argos. They had appropriated Corinth, and were reaping the fruits of their fields at home. The war to them was a merry jest. Accordingly he marched against them; and having ravaged52 their territory throughout, he crossed over by the pass31 down upon Corinth and captured the long walls leading to Lechaeum. And so having thrown open the gates of Peloponnese he returned home in time for the Hyacinthia,32 where, in the post assigned to him by the master of the chorus, he shared in the performance of the paean53 in honour of the god.
Later on, it being brought to his notice that the Corinthians were keeping all their cattle safely housed in the Peiraeum, sowing the whole of that district, and gathering54 in their crops; and, which was a matter of the greatest moment, that the Boeotians, with Creusis as their base of operations, could pour their succours into Corinth by this route — he marched against Peiraeum. Finding it strongly guarded, he made as if the city of Corinth were about to capitulate, and immediately after the morning meal shifted his ground and encamped against the capital. Under cover of night there was a rush from Peiraeum to protect the city, which he was well aware of, and with break of day he turned right about and took Peiraeum, defenceless as it lay, capturing all that it contained, with the various fortresses55 within; and having so done retired56 homewards.
After these exploits33 the Achaeans were urgent for an alliance, and begged him to join them in an expedition against Acarnania. In the course of this the Acarnanians attacked him in a defile57. Storming the heights above his head with his light troops,34 he gave them battle, and slew58 many of them, and set up a trophy, nor stayed his hand until he had united the Acarnanians, the Aetolians, and the Argives,35 in friendship with the Achaeans and alliance with himself.
When the enemy, being desirous of peace, sent an embassy, it was Agesilaus who spoke59 against the peace,36 until he had forced the states of Corinth and of Thebes to welcome back those of them who, for Lacedaemon’s sake, had suffered banishment60.
And still later,37 again, he restored the exiles of the Phliasians, who had suffered in the same cause, and with that object marched in person against Phlius, a proceeding61 which, however liable to censure62 on other grounds, showed unmistakable attachment63 to his party.38
Thus, when the adverse64 faction13 had put to death those of the Lacedaemonians then in Thebes, he brought succour to his friends, and marched upon Thebes.39 Finding the entire country fenced with ditch and palisading, he crossed Cynoscephalae40 and ravaged the district right up to the city itself, giving the Thebans an opportunity of engaging him in the plain or upon the hills, as they preferred. And once more, in the ensuing year,41 he marched against Thebes, and now surmounting65 these palisades and entrenchments at Scolus,42 he ravaged the remainder of Boeotia.
Hitherto fortune had smiled in common upon the king himself and upon his city. And as for the disasters which presently befell, no one can maintain that they were brought about under the leadership of Agesilaus. But the day came when, after the disaster which had occurred at Leuctra, the rival powers in conjunction with the Mantineans fell to massacring his friends and adherents43 in Tegea (the confederacy between all the states of Boeotia, the Arcadians, and the Eleians being already an accomplished fact). Thereupon, with the forces of Lacedaemon alone,44 he took the field, and thus belied66 the current opinion that it would be a long while before the Lacedaemonians ventured to leave their own territory again. Having ravaged the country of those who had done his friends to death, he was content, and returned home.
After this Lacedaemon was invaded by the united Arcadians, Argives, Eleians, and Boeotians, who were assisted by the Phocians, both sections of the Locrians, the Thessalians, Aenianians, Acarnanians, and Euboeans; moreover, the slaves had revolted and several of the provincial67 cities;45 while of the Spartans68 themselves as many had fallen on the field of Leuctra as survived. But in spite of all, he safely guarded the city, and that too a city without walls and bulwarks69. Forbearing to engage in the open field, where the gain would lie wholly with the enemy, he lay stoutly70 embattled on ground where the citizens must reap advantage; since, as he doggedly71 persisted, to march out meant to be surrounded on every side; whereas to stand at bay where every defile gave a coign of vantage, would give him mastery complete.46
After the invading army had retired, no one will gainsay72 the sound sense of his behaviour. Old age debarred him from active service on foot or horse, and what the city chiefly needed now, he saw, was money, if she looked to gain allies. To the task therefore of providing that he set himself. Everything that could be done by stopping at home he deftly73 turned his hand to; or when the call arose and he could better help his country by departure he had no false pride; he set off on foreign service, not as general, but as ambassador. Yet on such embassy he achieved acts worthy20 of the greatest general. Autophradates47 was besieging74 Ariobarzanes,48 who was an ally of Sparta, in Assos; but before the face of Agesilaus he fled in terror and was gone. Cotys,49 besieging Sestos, which still adhered to Ariobarzanes, broke up the siege and departed crestfallen75. Well might the ambassador have set up a trophy in commemoration of the two bloodless victories. Once more, Mausolus50 was besieging both the above-named places with a squadron of one hundred sail. He too, like, and yet unlike, the former two, yielded not to terror but to persuasion76, and withdrew his fleet. These, then, were surely admirable achievements, since those who looked upon him as a benefactor77 and those who fled from before him both alike made him the richer by their gifts.
Tachos,51 indeed, and Mausolus gave him a magnificent escort; and, for the sake of his former friendship with Agesilaus, the latter contributed also money for the state of Lacedaemon; and so they sped him home.
And now the weight of, may be, fourscore years was laid upon him,52 when it came under his observation that the king of Egypt,53 with his hosts of foot and horse and stores of wealth, had set his heart on a war with Persia. Joyfully78 he learned that he himself was summoned by King Tachos, and that the command-inchief of all the forces was promised to him. By this one venture he would achieve three objects, which were to requite79 the Egyptian for the benefits conferred on Lacedaemon; to liberate80 the Hellenes in Asia once again; and to inflict81 on the Persian a just recompense, not only for the old offences, but for this which was of today; seeing that, while boasting alliance with Sparta, he had dictatorially82 enjoined83 the emancipation84 of Messene.54 But when the man who had summoned him refused to confer the proffered85 generalship, Agesilaus, like one on whom a flagrant deception86 has been practised, began to consider the part he had to play. Meanwhile a separate division55 of the Egyptian armies held aloof87 from their king. Then, the disaffection spreading, all the rest of his troops deserted88 him; whereat the monarch89 took flight and retired in exile to Sidon in Phoenicia, leaving the Egyptians, split in faction, to choose to themselves a pair of kings.56 Thereupon Agesilaus took his decision. If he helped neither, it meant that neither would pay the service-money due to his Hellenes, that neither would provide a market, and that, whichever of the two conquered in the end, Sparta would be equally detested90. But if he threw in his lot with one of them, that one would in all likelihood in return for the kindness prove a friend. Accordingly he chose between the two that one who seemed to be the truer partisan91 of Hellas, and with him marched against the enemy of Hellas and conquered him in a battle, crushing him. His rival he helped to establish on the throne, and having made him a friend to Lacedaemon, and having acquired vast sums besides, he turned and set sail homewards, even in mid-winter, hastening so that Sparta might not lie inactive, but against the coming summer be alert to confront the foe.
18 I.e. “Xerxes.”
19 I.e. “the Three hundred.” See Thuc. v. 72; “Pol. Lac.” xiii. 6.
20 See “Hell.” IV. ii. 7.
21 Lit. “mora.”
22 Lit. “Agesilaus.”
23 See “Cyrop.” VI. iv. 1.
24 Lit. “a stade.”
25 Lit. “three plethra.”
26 Or, “as the rage and fury of battle may give vent to.” See “Cyrop.” VII. i. 38-40. A graphic92 touch omitted in “Hell.” IV. iii. 19.
27 I.e. “they had kept their arms.”
28 See Plut. “Ages.” xix.; Paus. ix. 34.
29 Reading, tous ek ton polemion nekrous, after Weiske.
30 B.C. 393.
31 kata ta stena. See “Hell.” IV. iv. 19. kata Tenean, according to Koppen’s emendation.
32 See Grote, “H. G.” v. 208; Herod. ix. 7; “Hell.” IV. v. 10.
33 B.C. 390-389?
34 See “Hell.” IV. vi. 9-11, where it is expressly stated that the action was won by the Spartan hoplites. See Hartman, “An. Xen.” (cap. xi. “De Agesilao libello”), p. 263, for other discrepancies93 between the historian and the encomiast.
35 See perhaps “Hell.” IV. iv. 19; vii. 2 foll.
36 I.e. “of Antalcidas, B.C. 387.” See “Hell.” V. i. 36; Grote, “H. G.” ix. 537 note.
37 B.C. 383 and 380; see “Hell.” V. ii. 10; iii. 10.
38 See “Hell.” V. iii. 16.
39 B.C. 378.
40 See “Hell.” V. iv. 34 foll.; for the site see Breitenbach, ad loc.
41 B.C. 377.
42 See “Hell.” V. iv. 47.
43 Or intimates.
44 B.C. 370. See “Hell.“VI. v. 21.
45 Lit. “perioecid”; see Plut. “Ages.” xxxii. (Clough, iv. 39); “Hell.” VI. v. 32.
46 Is this parallel to “Hell.” VII. v. 10, or “Hell.” VI. v. 28? According to the historian, Agesilaus adopted similar tactics on both occasions (in B.C. 369 and B.C. 362 alike). The encomiast after his manner appears to treat them as one. Once and again his hero “cunctando restituit rem,” but it was by the same strategy.
47 Satrap of Lydia.
48 Satrap of Propontis or Hellespontine Phrygia.
49 Satrap of Paphlagonia, king of Thrace. Iphicrates married his daughter. See Grote, “H. G.” x. 410.
50 Satrap of Caria.
51 King of Egypt.
52 Or, “But to pass on, he was already, may be, eighty years of age, when it came under his observation. . . .”
53 This same Tachos.
54 See “Hell.” VII. i. 36; iv. 9.
55 I.e. “the army under Nectanebos.” See Diod. xv. 92; Plut. “Ages.” xxxvii. (Clough, iv. 44 foll.)
56 I.e. “Nectanebos and a certain Mendesian.”
收听单词发音 |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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demureness
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| n.demure（拘谨的，端庄的）的变形 | |
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bodyguard
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| n.护卫，保镖 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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gallop
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| v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔；飞速发展 | |
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wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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28
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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incentives
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| 激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 )； 刺激； 诱因； 动机 | |
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distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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31
hurrah
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| int.好哇，万岁，乌拉 | |
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32
spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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deployed
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的过去式和过去分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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36
smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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albeit
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| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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gore
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| n.凝血，血污；v.（动物）用角撞伤，用牙刺破；缝以补裆；顶 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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hacked
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| 生气 | |
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asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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paean
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| n.赞美歌，欢乐歌 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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surmounting
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| 战胜( surmount的现在分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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belied
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| v.掩饰( belie的过去式和过去分词 )；证明（或显示）…为虚假；辜负；就…扯谎 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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spartans
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| n.斯巴达（spartan的复数形式） | |
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bulwarks
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| n.堡垒( bulwark的名词复数 )；保障；支柱；舷墙 | |
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stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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doggedly
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| adv.顽强地，固执地 | |
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gainsay
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| v.否认，反驳 | |
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deftly
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| adv.灵巧地，熟练地，敏捷地 | |
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besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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crestfallen
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| adj. 挫败的，失望的，沮丧的 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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requite
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| v.报酬，报答 | |
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liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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dictatorially
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| adv.独裁地，自大地 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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graphic
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| adj.生动的，形象的，绘画的，文字的，图表的 | |
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discrepancies
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| n.差异，不符合（之处），不一致（之处）( discrepancy的名词复数 ) | |
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