The medieval cities were not organized upon some preconceived plan in obedience4 to the will of an outside legislator. Each of them was a natural growth in the full sense of the word — an always varying result of struggle between various forces which adjusted and re-adjusted themselves in conformity5 with their relative energies, the chances of their conflicts, and the support they found in their surroundings. Therefore, there are not two cities whose inner organization and destinies would have been identical. Each one, taken separately, varies from century to century. And yet, when we cast a broad glance upon all the cities of Europe, the local and national unlikenesses disappear, and we are struck to find among all of them a wonderful resemblance, although each has developed for itself, independently from the others, and in different conditions. A small town in the north of Scotland, with its population of coarse labourers and fishermen; a rich city of Flanders, with its world-wide commerce, luxury, love of amusement and animated6 life; an Italian city enriched by its intercourse7 with the East, and breeding within its walls a refined artistic8 taste and civilization; and a poor, chiefly agricultural, city in the marsh9 and lake district of Russia, seem to have little in common. And nevertheless, the leading lines of their organization, and the spirit which animates10 them, are imbued11 with a strong family likeness. Everywhere we see the same federations12 of small communities and guilds3, the same “sub-towns” round the mother city, the same folkmote, and the same insigns of its independence. The defensor of the city, under different names and in different accoutrements, represents the same authority and interests; food supplies, labour and commerce, are organized on closely similar lines; inner and outer struggles are fought with like ambitions; nay14, the very formulae used in the struggles, as also in the annals, the ordinances16, and the rolls, are identical; and the architectural monuments, whether Gothic, Roman, or Byzantine in style, express the same aspirations17 and the same ideals; they are conceived and built in the same way. Many dissemblances are mere18 differences of age, and those disparities between sister cities which are real are repeated in different parts of Europe. The unity19 of the leading idea and the identity of origin make up for differences of climate, geographical20 situation, wealth, language and religion. This is why we can speak of the medieval city as of a well-defined phase of civilization; and while every research insisting upon local and individual differences is most welcome, we may still indicate the chief lines of development which are common to all cities.1
There is no doubt that the protection which used to be accorded to the market-place from the earliest barbarian21 times has played an important, though not an exclusive, part in the emancipation22 of the medieval city. The early barbarians23 knew no trade within their village communities; they traded with strangers only, at certain definite spots, on certain determined24 days. And, in order that the stranger might come to the barter-place without risk of being slain25 for some feud26 which might be running between two kins, the market was always placed under the special protection of all kins. It was inviolable, like the place of worship under the shadow of which it was held. With the Kabyles it is still annaya, like the footpath28 along which women carry water from the well; neither must be trodden upon in arms, even during inter-tribal wars. In medieval times the market universally enjoyed the same protection.2 No feud could be prosecuted29 on the place whereto people came to trade, nor within a certain radius30 from it; and if a quarrel arose in the motley crowd of buyers and sellers, it had to be brought before those under whose protection the market stood — the community’s tribunal, or the bishop31’s, the lord’s, or the king’s judge. A stranger who came to trade was a guest, and he went on under this very name. Even the lord who had no scruples32 about robbing a merchant on the high road, respected the Weichbild, that is, the pole which stood in the market-place and bore either the king’s arms, or a glove, or the image of the local saint, or simply a cross, according to whether the market was under the protection of the king, the lord, the local church, or the folkmote — the vyeche.3
It is easy to understand how the self-jurisdiction33 of the city could develop out of the special jurisdiction in the market-place, when this last right was conceded, willingly or not, to the city itself. And such an origin of the city’s liberties, which can be traced in very many cases, necessarily laid a special stamp upon their subsequent development. It gave a predominance to the trading part of the community. The burghers who possessed34 a house in the city at the time being, and were coowners in the town-lands, constituted very often a merchant guild2 which held in its hands the city’s trade; and although at the outset every burgher, rich and poor, could make part of the merchant guild, and the trade itself seems to have been carried on for the entire city by its trustees, the guild gradually became a sort of privileged body. It jealously prevented the outsiders who soon began to flock into the free cities from entering the guild, and kept the advantages resulting from trade for the few “families” which had been burghers at the time of the emancipation. There evidently was a danger of a merchant oligarchy35 being thus constituted. But already in the tenth, and still more during the two next centuries, the chief crafts, also organized in guilds, were powerful enough to check the oligarchic36 tendencies of the merchants.
The craft guild was then a common seller of its produce and a common buyer of the raw materials, and its members were merchants and manual workers at the same time. Therefore, the predominance taken by the old craft guilds from the very beginnings of the free city life guaranteed to manual labour the high position which it afterwards occupied in the city.4 In fact, in a medieval city manual labour was no token of inferiority; it bore, on the contrary, traces of the high respect it had been kept in in the village community. Manual labour in a “mystery” was considered as a pious37 duty towards the citizens: a public function (Amt), as honourable38 as any other. An idea of “justice” to the community, of “right” towards both producer and consumer, which would seem so extravagant39 now, penetrated40 production and exchange. The tanner’s, the cooper’s, or the shoemaker’s work must be “just,” fair, they wrote in those times. Wood, leather or thread which are used by the artisan must be “right”; bread must be baked “in justice,” and so on. Transport this language into our present life, and it would seem affected41 and unnatural42; but it was natural and unaffected then, because the medieval artisan did not produce for an unknown buyer, or to throw his goods into an unknown market. He produced for his guild first; for a brotherhood43 of men who knew each other, knew the technics of the craft, and, in naming the price of each product, could appreciate the skill displayed in its fabrication or the labour bestowed44 upon it. Then the guild, not the separate producer, offered the goods for sale in the community, and this last, in its turn, offered to the brotherhood of allied45 communities those goods which were exported, and assumed responsibility for their quality. With such an organization, it was the ambition of each craft not to offer goods of inferior quality, and technical defects or adulterations became a matter concerning the whole community, because, an ordinance15 says, “they would destroy public confidence.”5 Production being thus a social duty, placed under the control of the whole amitas, manual labour could not fall into the degraded condition which it occupies now, so long as the free city was living.
A difference between master and apprentice46, or between master and worker (compayne, Geselle), existed but in the medieval cities from their very beginnings; this was at the outset a mere difference of age and skill, not of wealth and power. After a seven years’ apprenticeship47, and after having proved his knowledge and capacities by a work of art, the apprentice became a master himself. And only much later, in the sixteenth century, after the royal power had destroy ed the city and the craft organization, was it possible to become master in virtue49 of simple inheritance or wealth. But this was also the time of a general decay in medieval industries and art.
There was not much room for hired work in the early flourishing periods of the medieval cities, still less for individual hirelings. The work of the weavers50, the archers51, the smiths, the bakers52, and so on, was performed for the craft and the city; and when craftsmen53 were hired in the building trades, they worked as temporary corporations (as they still do in the Russian artels), whose work was paid en bloc54. Work for a master began to multiply only later on; but even in this case the worker was paid better than he is paid now, even in this country, and very much better than he used to be paid all over Europe in the first half of this century. Thorold Rogers has familiarized English readers with this idea; but the same is true for the Continent as well, as is shown by the researches of Falke and Schonberg, and by many occasional indications. Even in the fifteenth century a mason, a carpenter, or a smith worker would be paid at Amiens four sols a day, which corresponded to forty-eight pounds of bread, or to the eighth part of a small ox (bouvard). In Saxony, the salary of the Geselle in the building trade was such that, to put it in Falke’s words, he could buy with his six days’ wages three sheep and one pair of shoes.6 The donations of workers (Geselle) to cathedrals also bear testimony55 of their relative well-being56, to say nothing of the glorious donations of certain craft guilds nor of what they used to spend in festivities and pageants57.7 In fact, the more we learn about the medieval city, the more we are convinced that at no time has labour enjoyed such conditions of prosperity and such respect as when city life stood at its highest.
More than that; not only many aspirations of our modern radicals58 were already realized in the middle ages, but much of what is described now as Utopian was accepted then as a matter of fact. We are laughed at when we say that work must be pleasant, but —“every one must be pleased with his work,” a medieval Kuttenberg ordinance says, “and no one shall, while doing nothing (mit nichts thun), appropriate for himself what others have produced by application and work, because laws must be a shield for application and work.”8 And amidst all present talk about an eight hours’ day, it may be well to remember an ordinance of Ferdinand the First relative to the Imperial coal mines, which settled the miner’s day at eight hours, “as it used to be of old” (wie vor Alters herkommen), and work on Saturday afternoon was prohibited. Longer hours were very rare, we are told by Janssen, while shorter hours were of common occurrence. In this country, in the fifteenth century, Rogers says, “the workmen worked only forty-eight hours a week.”9 The Saturday half-holiday, too, which we consider as a modern conquest, was in reality an old medieval institution; it was bathing-time for a great part of the community, while Wednesday afternoon was bathing-time for the Geselle.10 And although school meals did not exist — probably because no children went hungry to school — a distribution of bath-money to the children whose parents found difficulty in providing it was habitual59 in several places As to Labour Congresses, they also were a regular Feature of the middles ages. In some parts of Germany craftsmen of the same trade, belonging to different communes, used to come together every year to discuss questions relative to their trade, the years of apprenticeship, the wandering years, the wages, and so on; and in 1572, the Hanseatic towns formally recognized the right of the crafts to come together at periodical congresses, and to take any resolutions, so long as they were not contrary to the cities’ rolls, relative to the quality of goods. Such Labour Congresses, partly international like the Hansa itself, are known to have been held by bakers, founders60, smiths, tanners, sword-makers61 and cask-makers.11
The craft organization required, of course, a close supervision62 of the craftsmen by the guild, and special jurates were always nominated for that purpose. But it is most remarkable63 that, so long as the cities lived their free life, no complaints were heard about the supervision; while, after the State had stepped in, confiscating64 the property of the guilds and destroying their independence in favour of its own bureaucracy, the complaints became simply countless65.12 On the other hand, the immensity of progress realized in all arts under the mediaeval guild system is the best proof that the system was no hindrance66 to individual initiative.13 The fact is, that the medieval guild, like the medieval parish, “street,” or “quarter,” was not a body of citizens, placed under the control of State functionaries67; it was a union of all men connected with a given trade: jurate buyers of raw produce, sellers of manufactured goods, and artisans — masters, “compaynes,” and apprentices48. For the inner organization of the trade its assembly was sovereign, so long as it did not hamper68 the other guilds, in which case the matter was brought before the guild of the guilds — the city. But there was in it something more than that. It had its own self-jurisdiction, its own military force, its own general assemblies, its own traditions of struggles, glory, and independence, its own relations with other guilds of the same trade in other cities: it had, in a word, a full organic life which could only result from the integrality of the vital functions. When the town was called to arms, the guild appeared as a separate company (Schaar), armed with its own arms (or its own guns, lovingly decorated by the guild, at a subsequent epoch), under its own self-elected commanders. It was, in a word, as independent a unit of the federation13 as the republic of Uri or Geneva was fifty years ago in the Swiss Confederation. So that, to compare it with a modern trade union, divested69 of all attributes of State sovereignty, and reduced to a couple of functions of secondary importance, is as unreasonable70 as to compare Florence or Brugge with a French commune vegetating71 under the Code Napoleon, or with a Russian town placed under Catherine the Second’s municipal law. Both have elected mayors, and the latter has also its craft corporations; but the difference is — all the difference that exists between Florence and Fontenay-les-Oies or Tsarevokokshaisk, or between a Venetian doge and a modern mayor who lifts his hat before the sous-prefet’s clerk.
The medieval guilds were capable of maintaining their independence; and, later on, especially in the fourteenth century, when, in consequence of several causes which shall presently be indicated, the old municipal life underwent a deep modification72, the younger crafts proved strong enough to conquer their due share in the management of the city affairs. The masses, organized in “minor” arts, rose to wrest73 the power out of the hands of a growing oligarchy, and mostly succeeded in this task, opening again a new era of prosperity. True, that in some cities the uprising was crushed in blood, and mass decapitations of workers followed, as was the case in Paris in 1306, and in Cologne in 1371. In such cases the city’s liberties rapidly fell into decay, and the city was gradually subdued74 by the central authority. But the majority of the towns had preserved enough of vitality75 to come out of the turmoil76 with a new life and vigour77.14 A new period of rejuvenescence was their reward. New life was infused, and it found its expression in splendid architectural monuments, in a new period of prosperity, in a sudden progress of technics and invention, and in a new intellectual movement leading to the Renaissance78 and to the Reformation.
The life of a mediaeval city was a succession of hard battles to conquer liberty and to maintain it. True, that a strong and tenacious79 race of burghers had developed during those fierce contests; true, that love and worship of the mother city had been bred by these struggles, and that the grand things achieved by the mediaeval communes were a direct outcome of that love. But the sacrifices which the communes had to sustain in the battle for freedom were, nevertheless, cruel, and left deep traces of division on their inner life as well. Very few cities had succeeded, under a concurrence80 of favourable81 circumstances, in obtaining liberty at one stroke, and these few mostly lost it equally easily; while the great number had to fight fifty or a hundred years in succession, often more, before their rights to free life had been recognized, and another hundred years to found their liberty on a firm basis — the twelfth century charters thus being but one of the stepping-stones to freedom.15 In reality, the mediaeval city was a fortified82 oasis83 amidst a country plunged84 into feudal86 submission87, and it had to make room for itself by the force of its arms. In consequence of the causes briefly88 alluded89 to in the preceding chapter, each village community had gradually fallen under the yoke90 of some lay or clerical lord. His house had grown to be a castle, and his brothers-inarms were now the scum of adventurers, always ready to plunder91 the peasants. In addition to three days a week which the peasants had to work for the lord, they had also to bear all sorts of exactions for the right to sow and to crop, to be gay or sad, to live, to marry, or to die. And, worst of all, they were continually plundered92 by the armed robbers of some neighbouring lord, who chose to consider them as their master’s kin27, and to take upon them, and upon their cattle and crops, the revenge for a feud he was fighting against their owner. Every meadow, every field, every river, and road around the city, and every man upon the land was under some lord.
The hatred93 of the burghers towards the feudal barons94 has found a most characteristic expression in the wording of the different charters which they compelled them to sign. Heinrich V. is made to sign in the charter granted to Speier in 1111, that he frees the burghers from “the horrible and execrable law of mortmain, through which the town has been sunk into deepest poverty” (von dem scheusslichen und nichtswurdigen Gesetze, welches gemein Budel genannt wird, Kallsen, i. 307). The coutume of Bayonne, written about 1273, contains such passages as these: “The people is anterior95 to the lords. It is the people, more numerous than all others, who, desirous of peace, has made the lords for bridling96 and knocking down the powerful ones, “and so on (Giry, Etablissements de Rouen, i. 117, Quoted by Luchaire, p. 24). A charter submitted for King Robert’s signature is equally characteristic. He is made to say in it: “I shall rob no oxen nor other animals. I shall seize no merchants, nor take their moneys, nor impose ransom97. From Lady Day to the All Saints’ Day I shall seize no horse, nor mare98, nor foals, in the meadows. I shall not burn the mills, nor rob the flour . . . I shall offer no protection to thieves,” etc. (Pfister has published that document, reproduced by Luchaire). The charter “granted” by the Besancon Archbishop Hugues, in which he has been compelled to enumerate99 all the mischiefs100 due to his mortmain rights, is equally characteristic.16 And so on.
Freedom could not be maintained in such surroundings, and the cities were compelled to carry on the war outside their walls. The burghers sent out emissaries to lead revolt in the villages; they received villages into their corporations, and they waged direct war against the nobles. It Italy, where the land was thickly sprinkled with feudal castles, the war assumed heroic proportions, and was fought with a stern acrimony on both sides. Florence sustained for seventy-seven years a succession of bloody101 wars, in order to free its contado from the nobles; but when the conquest had been accomplished102 (in 1181) all had to begin anew. The nobles rallied; they constituted their own leagues in opposition103 to the leagues of the towns, and, receiving fresh support from either the Emperor or the Pope, they made the war last for another 130 years. The same took place in Rome, in Lombardy, all over Italy.
Prodigies104 of valour, audacity105, and tenaciousness106 were displayed by the citizens in these wars. But the bows and the hatchets107 of the arts and crafts had not always the upper hand in their encounters with the armour-clad knights109, and many castles withstood the ingenious siege-machinery and the perseverance110 of the citizens. Some cities, like Florence, Bologna, and many towns in France, Germany, and Bohemia, succeeded in emancipating111 the surrounding villages, and they were rewarded for their efforts by an extraordinary prosperity and tranquillity112. But even here, and still more in the less strong or less impulsive113 towns, the merchants and artisans, exhausted114 by war, and misunderstanding their own interests, bargained over the peasants’ heads. They compelled the lord to swear allegiance to the city; his country castle was dismantled115, and he agreed to build a house and to reside in the city, of which he became a coburgher (combourgeois, concittadino); but he maintained in return most of his rights upon the peasants, who only won a partial relief from their burdens. The burgher could not understand that equal rights of citizenship116 might be granted to the peasant upon whose food supplies he had to rely, and a deep rent was traced between town and village. In some cases the peasants simply changed owners, the city buying out the barons’ rights and selling them in shares to her own citizens.17 Serfdom was maintained, and only much later on, towards the end of the thirteenth century, it was the craft revolution which undertook to put an end to it, and abolished personal servitude, but dispossessed at the same time the serfs of the land.18 It hardly need be added that the fatal results of such policy were soon felt by the cities themselves; the country became the city’s enemy.
The war against the castles had another bad effect. It involved the cities in a long succession of mutual117 wars, which have given origin to the theory, till lately in vogue118, namely, that the towns lost their independence through their own jealousies119 and mutual fights. The imperialist historians have especially supported this theory, which, however, is very much undermined now by modern research. It is certain that in Italy cities fought each other with a stubborn animosity, but nowhere else did such contests attain120 the same proportions; and in Italy itself the city wars, especially those of the earlier period, had their special causes. They were (as was already shown by Sismondi and Ferrari) a mere continuation of the war against the castles — the free municipal and federative principle unavoidably entering into a fierce contest with feudalism, imperialism121, and papacy. Many towns which had but partially122 shaken off the yoke of the bishop, the lord, or the Emperor, were simply driven against the free cities by the nobles, the Emperor, and Church, whose policy was to divide the cities and to arm them against each other. These special circumstances (partly reflected on to Germany also) explain why the Italian towns, some of which Sollght support with the Emperor to combat the Pope, while the others sought support from the Church to resist the Emperor, were soon divided into a Gibelin and a Guelf camp, and why the same division appeared in each separate city.19
The immense economical progress realized by most italian cities just at the time when these wars were hottest,20 and the alliances so easily concluded between towns, still better characterize those struggles and further undermine the above theory. Already in the years 1130–1150 powerful leagues came into existence; and a few years later, when Frederick Barbarossa invaded Italy and, supported by the nobles and some retardatory cities, marched against Milan, popular enthusiasm was roused in many towns by popular preachers. Crema, Piacenza, Brescia, Tortona, etc., went to the rescue; the banners of the guilds of Verona, Padua, Vicenza, and Trevisa floated side by side in the cities’ camp against the banners of the Emperor and the nobles. Next year the Lombardian League came into existence, and sixty years later we see it reinforced by many other cities, and forming a lasting123 organization which had half of its federal war-chest in Genoa and the other half in Venice.21 In Tuscany, Florence headed another powerful league, to which Lucca, Bologna, Pistoia, etc., belonged, and which played an important part in crushing down the nobles in middle Italy, while smaller leagues were of common occurrence. It is thus certain that although petty jealousies undoubtedly124 existed, and discord125 could be easily sown, they did not prevent the towns from uniting together for the common defence of liberty. Only later on, when separate cities became little States, wars broke out between them, as always must be the case when States struggle for supremacy126 or colonies.
Similar leagues were formed in Germany for the same purpose. When, under the successors of Conrad, the land was the prey127 of interminable feuds128 between the nobles, the Westphalian towns concluded a league against the knights, one of the clauses of which was never to lend money to a knight108 who would continue to conceal129 stolen goods.22 When “the knights and the nobles lived on plunder, and murdered whom they chose to murder,” as the Wormser Zorn complains, the cities on the Rhine (Mainz, Cologne, Speier, Strasburg, and Basel) took the initiative of a league which soon numbered sixty allied towns, repressed the robbers, and maintained peace. Later on, the league of the towns of Suabia, divided into three “peace districts” (Augsburg, Constance, and Ulm), had the same purpose. And even when such leagues were broken,23 they lived long enough to show that while the supposed peacemakers — the kings, the emperors, and the Church-fomented discord, and were themselves helpless against the robber knights, it was from the cities that the impulse came for re-establishing peace and union. The cities — not the emperors — were the real makers of the national unity.24
Similar federations were organized for the same purpose among small villages, and now that attention has been drawn130 to this subject by Luchaire we may expect soon to learn much more about them. Villages joined into small federations in the contado of Florence, so also in the dependencies of Novgorod and Pskov. As to France, there is positive evidence of a federation of seventeen peasant villages which has existed in the Laonnais for nearly a hundred years (till 1256), and has fought hard for its independence. Three more peasant republics, which had sworn charters similar to those of Laon and Soissons, existed in the neighbourhood of Laon, and, their territories being contiguous, they supported each other in their liberation wars. Altogether, Luchaire is of the opinion that many such federations must have come into existence in France in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but that documents relative to them are mostly lost. Of course, being unprotected by walls, they could easily be crushed down by the kings and the lords; but in certain favourable circumstances, when they found support in a league of towns and protection in their mountains, such peasant republics became independent units of the Swiss Confederation.25
As to unions between cities for peaceful purposes, they were of quite common occurrence. The intercourse which had been established during the period of liberation was not interrupted afterwards. Sometimes, when the scabini of a German town, having to pronounce judgment131 in a new or complicated case, declared that they knew not the sentence (des Urtheiles nicht weise zu sein), they sent delegates to another city to get the sentence. The same happened also in France;26 while Forli and Ravenna are known to have mutually naturalized their citizens and granted them full rights in both cities. To submit a contest arisen between two towns, or within a city, to another commune which was invited to act as arbiter132, was also in the spirit of the times.27 As to commercial treaties between cities, they were quite habitual.28 unions for regulating the production and the sizes of casks which were used for the commerce in wine, “herring unions,” and so on, were mere precursors133 of the great commercial federations of the Flemish Hansa, and, later on, of the great North German Hansa, the history of which alone might contribute pages and pages to illustrate134 the federation spirit which permeated135 men at that time. It hardly need be added, that through the Hanseatic unions the medieval cities have contributed more to the development of international intercourse, navigation, and maritime136 discovery than all the States of the first seventeen centuries of our era.
In a word, federations between small territorial137 units, as well as among men united by common pursuits within their respective guilds, and federations between cities and groups of cities constituted the very essence of life and thought during that period. The first five of the second decade of centuries of our era may thus be described as an immense attempt at securing mutual aid and support on a grand scale, by means of the principles of federation and association carried on through all manifestations138 of human life and to all possible degrees. This attempt was attended with success to a very great extent. It united men formerly139 divided; it secured them a very great deal of freedom, and it tenfolded their forces. At a time when particularism was bred by so many agencies, and the causes of discord and jealousy140 might have been so numerous, it is gratifying to see that cities scattered141 over a wide continent had so much in common, and were so ready to confederate for the prosecution142 of so many common aims. They succumbed144 in the long run before powerful enemies; not having understood the mutual-aid principle widely enough, they themselves committed fatal faults; but they did not perish through their own jealousies, and their errors were not a want of federation spirit among themselves.
The results of that new move which mankind made in the medieval city were immense. At the beginning of the eleventh century the towns of Europe were small clusters of miserable145 huts, adorned146 but with low clumsy churches, the builders of which hardly knew how to make an arch; the arts, mostly consisting of some weaving and forging, were in their infancy147; learning was found in but a few monasteries148. Three hundred and fifty years later, the very face of Europe had been changed. The land was dotted with rich cities, surrounded by immense thick walls which were embellished149 by towers and gates, each of them a work of art in itself. The cathedrals, conceived in a grand style and profusely150 decorated, lifted their bell-towers to the skies, displaying a purity of form and a boldness of imagination which we now vainly strive to attain. The crafts and arts had risen to a degree of perfection which we can hardly boast of having superseded151 in many directions, if the inventive skill of the worker and the superior finish of his work be appreciated higher than rapidity of fabrication. The navies of the free cities furrowed152 in all directions the Northern and the Southern Mediterranean153; one effort more, and they would cross the oceans. Over large tracts154 of land well-being had taken the place of misery155; learning had grown and spread. The methods of science had been elaborated; the basis of natural philosophy had been laid down; and the way had been paved for all the mechanical inventions of which our own times are so proud. Such were the magic changes accomplished in Europe in less than four hundred years. And the losses which Europe sustained through the loss of its free cities can only be understood when we compare the seventeenth century with the fourteenth or the thirteenth. The prosperity which formerly characterized Scotland, Germany, the plains of Italy, was gone. The roads had fallen into an abject156 state, the cities were depopulated, labour was brought into slavery, art had vanished, commerce itself was decaying.29
If the medieval cities had bequeathed to us no written documents to testify of their splendour, and left nothing behind but the monuments of building art which we see now all over Europe, from Scotland to Italy, and from Gerona in Spain to Breslau in Slavonian territory, we might yet conclude that the times of independent city life were times of the greatest development of human intellect during the Christian157 era down to the end of the eighteenth century. On looking, for instance, at a medieval picture representing Nuremberg with its scores of towers and lofty spires158, each of which bore the stamp of free creative art, we can hardly conceive that three hundred years before the town was but a collection of miserable hovels. And our admiration159 grows when we go into the details of the architecture and decorations of each of the countless churches, bell-towers, gates, and communal160 houses which are scattered all over Europe as far east as Bohemia and the now dead towns of Polish Galicia. Not only Italy, that mother of art, but all Europe is full of such monuments. The very fact that of all arts architecture — a social art above all — had attained161 the highest development, is significant in itself. To be what it was, it must have originated from an eminently162 social life.
Medieval architecture attained its grandeur163 — not only because it was a natural development of handicraft; not only because each building, each architectural decoration, had been devised by men who knew through the experience of their own hands what artistic effects can be obtained from stone, iron, bronze, or even from simple logs and mortar164; not only because, each monument was a result of collective experience, accumulated in each “mystery” or craft30 — it was grand because it was born out of a grand idea. Like Greek art, it sprang out of a conception of brotherhood and unity fostered by the city. It had an audacity which could only be won by audacious struggles and victories; it had that expression of vigour, because vigour permeated all the life of the city. A cathedral or a communal house symbolized165 the grandeur of an organism of which every mason and stone-cutter was the builder, and a medieval building appears — not as a solitary167 effort to which thousands of slaves would have contributed the share assigned them by one man’s imagination; all the city contributed to it. The lofty bell-tower rose upon a structure, grand in itself, in which the life of the city was throbbing168 — not upon a meaningless scaffold like the Paris iron tower, not as a sham169 structure in stone intended to conceal the ugliness of an iron frame, as has been done in the Tower Bridge. Like the Acropolis of Athens, the cathedral of a medieval city was intended to glorify170 the grandeur of the victorious171 city, to symbolize166 the union of its crafts, to express the glory of each citizen in a city of his own creation. After having achieved its craft revolution, the city often began a new cathedral in order to express the new, wider, and broader union which had been called into life.
The means at hand for these grand undertakings172 were disproportionately small. Cologne Cathedral was begun with a yearly outlay173 of but 500 marks; a gift of 100 marks was inscribed174 as a grand donation;31 and even when the work approached completion, and gifts poured in in proportion, the yearly outlay in money stood at about 5,000 marks, and never exceeded 14,000. The cathedral of Basel was built with equally small means. But each corporation contributed its part of stone, work, and decorative175 genius to their common monument. Each guild expressed in it its political conceptions, telling in stone or in bronze the history of the city, glorifying176 the principles of “Liberty, equality, and fraternity,”32 praising the city’s allies, and sending to eternal fire its enemies. And each guild bestowed its love upon the communal monument by richly decorating it with stained windows, paintings, “gates, worthy177 to be the gates of Paradise,” as Michel Angelo said, or stone decorations of each minutest corner of the building.33 Small cities, even small parishes,34 vied with the big agglomerations178 in this work, and the cathedrals of Laon and St. Ouen hardly stand behind that of Rheims, or the Communal House of Bremen, or the folkmote’s bell-tower of Breslau. “No works must be begun by the commune but such as are conceived in response to the grand heart of the commune, composed of the hearts of all citizens, united in one common will”— such were the words of the Council of Florence; and this spirit appears in all communal works of common utility, such as the canals, terraces, vineyards, and fruit gardens around Florence, or the irrigation canals which intersected the plains of Lombardy, or the port and aqueduct of Genoa, or, in fact, any works of the kind which were achieved by almost every city.35
All arts had progressed in the same way in the medieval cities, those of our own days mostly being but a continuation of what had grown at that time. The prosperity of the Flemish cities was based upon the fine woollen cloth they fabricated. Florence, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, before the black death, fabricated from 70,000 to 100,000 panni of woollen stuffs, which were valued at 1,200,000 golden florins.36 The chiselling179 of precious metals, the art of casting, the fine forging of iron, were creations of the mediaeval “mysteries” which had succeeded in attaining180 in their own domains182 all that could be made by the hand, without the use of a powerful prime motor. By the hand and by invention, because, to use Whewell’s words:
“Parchment and paper, printing and engraving183, improved glass and steel, gunpowder184, clocks, telescopes, the mariner’s compass, the reformed calendar, the decimal notation185; algebra186, trigonometry, chemistry, counterpoint (an invention equivalent to a new creation of music); these are all possessions which we inherit from that which has so disparagingly187 been termed the Stationary188 Period” (History of Inductive Sciences, i. 252).
True that no new principle was illustrated189 by any of these discoveries, as Whewell said; but medieval science had done something more than the actual discovery of new principles. It had prepared the discovery of all the new principles which we know at the present time in mechanical sciences: it had accustomed the explorer to observe facts and to reason from them. It was inductive science, even though it had not yet fully190 grasped the importance and the powers of induction191; and it laid the foundations of both mechanics and natural philosophy. Francis Bacon, Galileo, and Copernicus were the direct descendants of a Roger Bacon and a Michael Scot, as the steam engine was a direct product of the researches carried on in the Italian universities on the weight of the atmosphere, and of the mathematical and technical learning which characterized Nuremberg.
But why should one take trouble to insist upon the advance of science and art in the medieval city? Is it not enough to point to the cathedrals in the domain181 of skill, and to the Italian language and the poem of Dante in the domain of thought, to give at once the measure of what the medieval city created during the four centuries it lived?
The medieval cities have undoubtedly rendered an immense service to European civilization. They have prevented it from being drifted into the theocracies192 and despotical states of old; they have endowed it with the variety, the self-reliance, the force of initiative, and the immense intellectual and material energies it now possesses, which are the best pledge for its being able to resist any new invasion of the East. But why did these centres of civilization, which attempted to answer to deeply-seated needs of human nature, and were so full of life, not live further on? Why were they seized with senile debility in the sixteenth century? and, after having repulsed193 so many assaults from without, and only borrowed new vigour from their interior struggles, why did they finally succumb143 to both?
Various causes contributed to this effect, some of them having their roots in the remote past, while others originated in the mistakes committed by the cities themselves. Towards the end of the fifteenth century, mighty194 States, reconstructed on the old Roman pattern, were already coming into existence. In each country and each region some feudal lord, more cunning, more given to hoarding195, and often less scrupulous196 than his neighbours, had succeeded in appropriating to himself richer personal domains, more peasants on his lands, more knights in his following, more treasures in his chest. He had chosen for his seat a group of happily-situated villages, not yet trained into free municipal life — Paris, Madrid, or Moscow — and with the labour of his serfs he had made of them royal fortified cities, whereto he attracted war companions by a free distribution of villages, and merchants by the protection he offered to trade. The germ of a future State, which began gradually to absorb other similar centres, was thus laid. Lawyers, versed197 in the study of Roman law, flocked into such centres; a tenacious and ambitious race of men issued from among the burgesses, who equally hated the naughtiness of the lords and what they called the lawlessness of the peasants. The very forms of the village community, unknown to their code, the very principles of federalism were repulsive198 to them as “barbarian” inheritances. Caesarism, supported by the fiction of popular consent and by the force of arms, was their ideal, and they worked hard for those who promised to realize it.37
The Christian Church, once a rebel against Roman law and now its ally, worked in the same direction. The attempt at constituting the theocratic199 Empire of Europe having proved a failure, the more intelligent and ambitious bishops200 now yielded support to those whom they reckoned upon for reconstituting the power of the Kings of Israel or of the Emperors of Constantinople. The Church bestowed upon the rising rulers her sanctity, she crowned them as God’s representatives on earth, she brought to their service the learning and the statesmanship of her ministers, her blessings201 and maledictions, her riches, and the sympathies she had retained among the poor. The peasants, whom the cities had failed or refused to free, on seeing the burghers impotent to put an end to the interminable wars between the knights — which wars they had so dearly to pay for — now set their hopes upon the King, the Emperor, or the Great Prince; and while aiding them to crush down the mighty feudal owners, they aided them to constitute the centralized State. And finally, the invasions of the Mongols and the Turks, the holy war against the Maures in Spain, as well as the terrible wars which soon broke out between the growing centres of sovereignty — Ile de France and Burgundy, Scotland and England, England and France, Lithuania and Poland, Moscow and Tver, and so on — contributed to the same end. Mighty States made their appearance; and the cities had now to resist not only loose federations of lords, but strongly-organized centres, which had armies of serfs at their disposal.
The worst was, that the growing autocracies202 found support in the divisions which had grown within the cities themselves. The fundamental idea of the medieval city was grand, but it was not wide enough. Mutual aid and support cannot be limited to a small association; they must spread to its surroundings, or else the surroundings will absorb the association. And in this respect the medieval citizen had committed a formidable mistake at the outset. Instead of looking upon the peasants and artisans who gathered under the protection of his walls as upon so many aids who would contribute their part to the making of the city — as they really did — a sharp division was traced between the “families” of old burghers and the newcomers. For the former, all benefits from communal trade and communal lands were reserved, and nothing was left for the latter but the right of freely using the skill of their own hands. The city thus became divided into “the burghers” or “the commonalty,” and “the inhabitants.”38 The trade, which was formerly communal, now became the privilege of the merchant and artisan “families,” and the next step — that of becoming individual, or the privilege of oppressive trusts — was unavoidable.
The same division took place between the city proper and the surrounding villages. The commune had well tried to free the peasants, but her wars against the lords became, as already mentioned, wars for freeing the city itself from the lords, rather than for freeing the peasants. She left to the lord his rights over the villeins, on condition that he would molest203 the city no more and would become coburgher. But the nobles “adopted” by the city, and now residing within its walls, simply carried on the old war within the very precincts of the city. They disliked to submit to a tribunal of simple artisans and merchants, and fought their old feuds in the streets. Each city had now its Colonnas and Orsinis, its Overstolzes and Wises. Drawing large incomes from the estates they had still retained, they surrounded themselves with numerous clients and feudalized the customs and habits of the city itself. And when discontent began to be felt in the artisan classes of the town, they offered their sword and their followers204 to settle the differences by a free fight, instead of letting the discontent find out the channels which it did not fail to secure itself in olden times.
The greatest and the most fatal error of most cities was to base their wealth upon commerce and industry, to the neglect of agriculture. They thus repeated the error which had once been committed by the cities of antique Greece, and they fell through it into the same crimes.39 The estrangement205 of so many cities from the land necessarily drew them into a policy hostile to the land, which became more and more evident in the times of Edward the Third,40 the French Jacqueries, the Hussite wars, and the Peasant War in Germany. On the other hand, a commercial policy involved them in distant enterprises. Colonies were founded by the Italians in the south-east, by German cities in the east, by Slavonian cities in the far northeast. Mercenary armies began to be kept for colonial wars, and soon for local defence as well. Loans were contacted to such an extent as to totally demoralize the citizens; and internal contests grew worse and worse at each election, during which the colonial politics in the interest of a few families was at stake. The division into rich and poor grew deeper, and in the sixteenth century, in each city, the royal authority found ready allies and support among the poor.
And there is yet another cause of the decay of communal institutions, which stands higher and lies deeper than all the above. The history of the medieval cities offers one of the most striking illustrations of the power of ideas and principles upon the destinies of mankind, and of the quite opposed results which are obtained when a deep modification of leading ideas has taken place. Self-reliance and federalism, the sovereignty of each group, and the construction of the political body from the simple to the composite, were the leading ideas in the eleventh century. But since that time the conceptions had entirely206 changed. The students of Roman law and the prelates of the Church, closely bound together since the time of Innocent the Third, had succeeded in paralyzing the idea — the antique Greek idea — which presided at the foundation of the cities. For two or three hundred years they taught from the pulpit, the University chair, and the judges’ bench, that salvation207 must be sought for in a strongly-centralized State, placed under a semi-divine authority;41 that one man can and must be the saviour208 of society, and that in the name of public salvation he can commit any violence: burn men and women at the stake, make them perish under indescribable tortures, plunge85 whole provinces into the most abject misery. Nor did they fail to give object lessons to this effect on a grand scale, and with an unheard-of cruelty, wherever the king’s sword and the Church’s fire, or both at once, could reach. By these teachings and examples, continually repeated and enforced upon public attention, the very minds of the citizens had been shaped into a new mould. They began to find no authority too extensive, no killing209 by degrees too cruel, once it was “for public safety.” And, with this new direction of mind and this new belief in one man’s power, the old federalist principle faded away, and the very creative genius of the masses died out. The Roman idea was victorious, and in such circumstances the centralized State had in the cities a ready prey.
Florence in the fifteenth century is typical of this change. Formerly a popular revolution was the signal of a new departure. Now, when the people, brought to despair, insurged, it had constructive210 ideas no more; no fresh idea came out of the movement. A thousand representatives were put into the Communal Council instead of 400; 100 men entered the signoria instead of 80. But a revolution of figures could be of no avail. The people’s discontent was growing up, and new revolts followed. A saviour — the “tyran”— was appealed to; he massacred the rebels, but the disintegration211 of the communal body continued worse than ever. And when, after a new revolt, the people of Florence appealed to their most popular man, Gieronimo Savonarola, for advice, the monk’s answer was:—“Oh, people mine, thou knowest that I cannot go into State affairs . . . purify thy soul, and if in such a disposition212 of mind thou reformest thy city, then, people of Florence, thou shalt have inaugurated the reform in all Italy!” Carnival213 masks and vicious books were burned, a law of charity and another against usurers were passed — and the democracy of Florence remained where it was. The old spirit had gone. By too much trusting to government, they had ceased to trust to themselves; they were unable to open new issues. The State had only to step in and to crush down their last liberties.
And yet, the current of mutual aid and support did not die out in the masses, it continued to flow even after that defeat. It rose up again with a formidable force, in answer to the communist appeals of the first propagandists of the reform, and it continued to exist even after the masses, having failed to realize the life which they hoped to inaugurate under the inspiration of a reformed religion, fell under the dominions214 of an autocratic power. It flows still even now, and it seeks its way to find out a new expression which would not be the State, nor the medieval city, nor the village community of the barbarians, nor the savage215 clan216, but would proceed from all of them, and yet be superior to them in its wider and more deeply humane217 conceptions.
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1
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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guild
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| n.行会，同业公会，协会 | |
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guilds
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| 行会，同业公会，协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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animates
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| v.使有生气( animate的第三人称单数 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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federations
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| n.联邦( federation的名词复数 )；同盟；联盟；联合会 | |
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federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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kin
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| n.家族，亲属，血缘关系；adj.亲属关系的，同类的 | |
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footpath
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| n.小路，人行道 | |
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prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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radius
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| n.半径，半径范围；有效航程，范围，界限 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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oligarchic
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| adj.寡头政治的，主张寡头政治的 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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apprentice
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| n.学徒，徒弟 | |
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apprenticeship
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| n.学徒身份；学徒期 | |
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apprentices
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| 学徒，徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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weavers
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| 织工，编织者( weaver的名词复数 ) | |
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archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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bakers
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| n.面包师( baker的名词复数 )；面包店；面包店店主；十三 | |
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craftsmen
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| n. 技工 | |
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bloc
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| n.集团；联盟 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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pageants
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| n.盛装的游行( pageant的名词复数 )；穿古代服装的游行；再现历史场景的娱乐活动；盛会 | |
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radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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confiscating
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| 没收（confiscate的现在分词形式） | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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66
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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67
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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68
hamper
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| vt.妨碍，束缚，限制；n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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69
divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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70
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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71
vegetating
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| v.过单调呆板的生活( vegetate的现在分词 )；植物似地生长；（瘤、疣等）长大 | |
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72
modification
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| n.修改，改进，缓和，减轻 | |
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73
wrest
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| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
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74
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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75
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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76
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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77
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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78
renaissance
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| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
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79
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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80
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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81
favourable
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|
| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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82
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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83
oasis
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| n.（沙漠中的）绿洲，宜人的地方 | |
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84
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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85
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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86
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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87
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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88
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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89
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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91
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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92
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
hatred
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|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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94
barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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95
anterior
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| adj.较早的；在前的 | |
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96
bridling
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|
| 给…套龙头( bridle的现在分词 )； 控制； 昂首表示轻蔑（或怨忿等）； 动怒，生气 | |
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97
ransom
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|
| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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98
mare
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| n.母马，母驴 | |
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99
enumerate
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| v.列举，计算，枚举，数 | |
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100
mischiefs
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| 损害( mischief的名词复数 )； 危害； 胡闹； 调皮捣蛋的人 | |
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101
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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102
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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103
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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104
prodigies
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|
| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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105
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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106
tenaciousness
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| 固执 | |
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107
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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108
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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109
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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110
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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111
emancipating
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| v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的现在分词 ) | |
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112
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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113
impulsive
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|
| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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114
exhausted
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|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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115
dismantled
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|
| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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116
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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117
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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118
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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119
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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120
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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121
imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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122
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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123
lasting
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|
| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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124
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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125
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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126
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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127
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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128
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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129
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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130
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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131
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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132
arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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133
precursors
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| n.先驱( precursor的名词复数 )；先行者；先兆；初期形式 | |
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134
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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135
permeated
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|
| 弥漫( permeate的过去式和过去分词 )； 遍布； 渗入； 渗透 | |
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136
maritime
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|
| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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137
territorial
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|
| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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138
manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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139
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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140
jealousy
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|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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141
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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142
prosecution
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|
| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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143
succumb
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| v.屈服，屈从；死 | |
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144
succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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145
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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146
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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147
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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148
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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149
embellished
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| v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 )；装饰；修饰；润色 | |
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150
profusely
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| ad.abundantly | |
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151
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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152
furrowed
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| v.犁田，开沟( furrow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
Mediterranean
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|
| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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154
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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155
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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156
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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157
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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158
spires
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| n.（教堂的） 塔尖，尖顶( spire的名词复数 ) | |
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159
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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160
communal
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|
| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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161
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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162
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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163
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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164
mortar
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| n.灰浆，灰泥；迫击炮；v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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165
symbolized
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| v.象征，作为…的象征( symbolize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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166
symbolize
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| vt.作为...的象征，用符号代表 | |
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167
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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168
throbbing
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| a. 跳动的,悸动的 | |
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169
sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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170
glorify
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| vt.颂扬，赞美，使增光，美化 | |
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171
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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172
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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173
outlay
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| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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174
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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175
decorative
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| adj.装饰的，可作装饰的 | |
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176
glorifying
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| 赞美( glorify的现在分词 )； 颂扬； 美化； 使光荣 | |
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177
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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178
agglomerations
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| n.成团，结块（agglomeration的复数形式） | |
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179
chiselling
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| n.錾v.凿，雕，镌( chisel的现在分词 ) | |
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180
attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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181
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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182
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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183
engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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184
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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185
notation
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| n.记号法，表示法，注释；[计算机]记法 | |
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186
algebra
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| n.代数学 | |
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187
disparagingly
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|
| adv.以贬抑的口吻，以轻视的态度 | |
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188
stationary
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|
| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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189
illustrated
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|
| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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190
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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191
induction
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| n.感应，感应现象 | |
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192
theocracies
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|
| n.神权政治（国家）( theocracy的名词复数 ) | |
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193
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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194
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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195
hoarding
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| n.贮藏；积蓄；临时围墙；囤积v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的现在分词 ) | |
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196
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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197
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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198
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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199
theocratic
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| adj.神权的，神权政治的 | |
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200
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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201
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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202
autocracies
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| n.独裁( autocracy的名词复数 )；独裁统治；独裁政体；独裁政府 | |
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203
molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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204
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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205
estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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206
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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207
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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208
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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209
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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210
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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211
disintegration
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| n.分散，解体 | |
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212
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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213
carnival
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| n.嘉年华会，狂欢，狂欢节，巡回表演 | |
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214
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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215
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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216
clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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217
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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