The mutual-aid tendency in man has so remote an origin, and is so deeply interwoven with all the past evolution of the human race, that it has been maintained by mankind up to the present time, notwithstanding all vicissitudes5 of history. It was chiefly evolved during periods of peace and prosperity; but when even the greatest calamities6 befell men — when whole countries were laid waste by wars, and whole populations were decimated by misery7, or groaned8 under the yoke9 of tyranny — the same tendency continued to live in the villages and among the poorer classes in the towns; it still kept them together, and in the long run it reacted even upon those ruling, fighting, and devastating10 minorities which dismissed it as sentimental11 nonsense. And whenever mankind had to work out a new social organization, adapted to a new phasis of development, its constructive12 genius always drew the elements and the inspiration for the new departure from that same ever-living tendency. New economical and social institutions, in so far as they were a creation of the masses, new ethical13 systems, and new religions, all have originated from the same source, and the ethical progress of our race, viewed in its broad lines, appears as a gradual extension of the mutual-aid principles from the tribe to always larger and larger agglomerations14, so as to finally embrace one day the whole of mankind, without respect to its divers15 creeds17, languages, and races.
After having passed through the savage18 tribe, and next through the village community, the Europeans came to work out in medieval times a new form of organization, which had the advantage of allowing great latitude19 for individual initiative, while it largely responded at the same time to man’s need of mutual support. A federation20 of village communities, covered by a network of guilds22 and fraternities, was called into existence in the medieval cities. The immense results achieved under this new form of union — in well-being23 for all, in industries, art, science, and commerce — were discussed at some length in two preceding chapters, and an attempt was also made to show why, towards the end of the fifteenth century, the medieval republics — surrounded by domains24 of hostile feudal26 lords, unable to free the peasants from servitude, and gradually corrupted27 by ideas of Roman Caesarism — were doomed28 to become a prey29 to the growing military States.
However, before submitting for three centuries to come, to the all-absorbing authority of the State, the masses of the people made a formidable attempt at reconstructing society on the old basis of mutual aid and support. It is well known by this time that the great movement of the reform was not a mere30 revolt against the abuses of the Catholic Church. It had its constructive ideal as well, and that ideal was life in free, brotherly communities. Those of the early writings and sermons of the period which found most response with the masses were imbued31 with ideas of the economical and social brotherhood32 of mankind. The “Twelve Articles” and similar professions of faith, which were circulated among the German and Swiss peasants and artisans, maintained not only every one’s right to interpret the Bible according to his own understanding, but also included the demand of communal33 lands being restored to the village communities and feudal servitudes being abolished, and they always alluded34 to the “true” faith — a faith of brotherhood. At the same time scores of thousands of men and women joined the communist fraternities of Moravia, giving them all their fortune and living in numerous and prosperous settlements constructed upon the principles of communism.1 Only wholesale35 massacres36 by the thousand could put a stop to this widely-spread popular movement, and it was by the sword, the fire, and the rack that the young States secured their first and decisive victory over the masses of the people.2
For the next three centuries the States, both on the Continent and in these islands, systematically37 weeded out all institutions in which the mutual-aid tendency had formerly39 found its expression. The village communities were bereft40 of their folkmotes, their courts and independent administration; their lands were confiscated41. The guilds were spoliated of their possessions and liberties, and placed under the control, the fancy, and the bribery43 of the State’s official. The cities were divested44 of their sovereignty, and the very springs of their inner life — the folkmote, the elected justices and administration, the sovereign parish and the sovereign guild21 — were annihilated45; the State’s functionary46 took possession of every link of what formerly was an organic whole. Under that fatal policy and the wars it engendered47, whole regions, once populous48 and wealthy, were laid bare; rich cities became insignificant49 boroughs50; the very roads which connected them with other cities became impracticable. Industry, art, and knowledge fell into decay. Political education, science, and law were rendered subservient51 to the idea of State centralization. It was taught in the Universities and from the pulpit that the institutions in which men formerly used to embody52 their needs of mutual support could not be tolerated in a properly organized State; that the State alone could represent the bonds of union between its subjects; that federalism and “particularism” were the enemies of progress, and the State was the only proper initiator of further development. By the end of the last century the kings on the Continent, the Parliament in these isles53, and the revolutionary Convention in France, although they were at war with each other, agreed in asserting that no separate unions between citizens must exist within the State; that hard labour and death were the only suitable punishments to workers who dared to enter into “coalitions.” “No state within the State!” The State alone, and the State’s Church, must take care of matters of general interest, while the subjects must represent loose aggregations54 of individuals, connected by no particular bonds, bound to appeal to the Government each time that they feel a common need. Up to the middle of this century this was the theory and practice in Europe. Even commercial and industrial societies were looked at with suspicion. As to the workers, their unions were treated as unlawful almost within our own lifetime in this country and within the last twenty years on the Continent. The whole system of our State education was such that up to the present time, even in this country, a notable portion of society would treat as a revolutionary measure the concession55 of such rights as every one, freeman or serf, exercised five hundred years ago in the village folkmote, the guild, the parish, and the city.
The absorption of all social functions by the State necessarily favoured the development of an unbridled, narrow-minded individualism. In proportion as the obligations towards the State grew in numbers the citizens were evidently relieved from their obligations towards each other. In the guild — and in medieval times every man belonged to some guild or fraternity two “brothers” were bound to watch in turns a brother who had fallen ill; it would be sufficient now to give one’s neighbour the address of the next paupers’ hospital. In barbarian57 society, to assist at a fight between two men, arisen from a quarrel, and not to prevent it from taking a fatal issue, meant to be oneself treated as a murderer; but under the theory of the all-protecting State the bystander need not intrude58: it is the policeman’s business to interfere59, or not. And while in a savage land, among the Hottentots, it would be scandalous to eat without having loudly called out thrice whether there is not somebody wanting to share the food, all that a respectable citizen has to do now is to pay the poor tax and to let the starving starve. The result is, that the theory which maintains that men can, and must, seek their own happiness in a disregard of other people’s wants is now triumphant60 all round in law, in science, in religion. It is the religion of the day, and to doubt of its efficacy is to be a dangerous Utopian. Science loudly proclaims that the struggle of each against all is the leading principle of nature, and of human societies as well. To that struggle Biology ascribes the progressive evolution of the animal world. History takes the same line of argument; and political economists61, in their naive62 ignorance, trace all progress of modern industry and machinery63 to the “wonderful” effects of the same principle. The very religion of the pulpit is a religion of individualism, slightly mitigated64 by more or less charitable relations to one’s neighbours, chiefly on Sundays. “Practical” men and theorists, men of science and religious preachers, lawyers and politicians, all agree upon one thing — that individualism may be more or less softened65 in its harshest effects by charity, but that it is the only secure basis for the maintenance of society and its ulterior progress.
It seems, therefore, hopeless to look for mutual-aid institutions and practices in modern society. What could remain of them? And yet, as soon as we try to ascertain66 how the millions of human beings live, and begin to study their everyday relations, we are struck with the immense part which the mutual-aid and mutual-support principles play even now-a-days in human life. Although the destruction of mutual-aid institutions has been going on in practice and theory, for full three or four hundred years, hundreds of millions of men continue to live under such institutions; they piously67 maintain them and endeavour to reconstitute them where they have ceased to exist. In our mutual relations every one of us has his moments of revolt against the fashionable individualistic creed16 of the day, and actions in which men are guided by their mutual aid inclinations68 constitute so great a part of our daily intercourse69 that if a stop to such actions could be put all further ethical progress would be stopped at once. Human society itself could not be maintained for even so much as the lifetime of one single generation. These facts, mostly neglected by sociologists and yet of the first importance for the life and further elevation70 of mankind, we are now going to analyze71, beginning with the standing4 institutions of mutual support, and passing next to those acts of mutual aid which have their origin in personal or social sympathies.
When we cast a broad glance on the present constitution of European society we are struck at once with the fact that, although so much has been done to get rid of the village community, this form of union continues to exist to the extent we shall presently see, and that many attempts are now made either to reconstitute it in some shape or another or to find some substitute for it. The current theory as regards the village community is, that in Western Europe it has died out by a natural death, because the communal possession of the soil was found inconsistent with the modern requirements of agriculture. But the truth is that nowhere did the village community disappear of its own accord; everywhere, on the contrary, it took the ruling classes several centuries of persistent72 but not always successful efforts to abolish it and to confiscate42 the communal lands.
In France, the village communities began to be deprived of their independence, and their lands began to be plundered74, as early as the sixteenth century. However, it was only in the next century, when the mass of the peasants was brought, by exactions and wars, to the state of subjection and misery which is vividly75 depicted76 by all historians, that the plundering78 of their lands became easy and attained79 scandalous proportions. “Every one has taken of them according to his powers . . . imaginary debts have been claimed, in order to seize upon their lands; “so we read in an edict promulgated80 by Louis the Fourteenth in 1667.3 Of course the State’s remedy for such evils was to render the communes still more subservient to the State, and to plunder73 them itself. in fact, two years later all money revenue of the communes was confiscated by the King. As to the appropriation81 of communal lands, it grew worse and worse, and in the next century the nobles and the clergy82 had already taken possession of immense tracts83 of land — one-half of the cultivated area, according to certain estimates — mostly to let it go out of culture.4 But the peasants still maintained their communal institutions, and until the year 1787 the village folkmotes, composed of all householders, used to come together in the shadow of the bell-tower or a tree, to allot84 and re-allot what they had retained of their fields, to assess the taxes, and to elect their executive, just as the Russian mir does at the present time. This is what Babeau’s researches have proved to demonstration85.5
The Government found, however, the folkmotes “too noisy,” too disobedient, and in 1787, elected councils, composed of a mayor and three to six syndics, chosen from among the wealthier peasants, were introduced instead. Two years later the Revolutionary Assemblee Constituante, which was on this point at one with the old regime, fully86 confirmed this law (on the 14th of December, 1789), and the bourgeois87 du village had now their turn for the plunder of communal lands, which continued all through the Revolutionary period. Only on the 16th of August, 1792, the Convention, under the pressure of the peasants’ insurrections, decided88 to return the enclosed lands to the communes;6 but it ordered at the same time that they should be divided in equal parts among the wealthier peasants only — a measure which provoked new insurrections and was abrogated89 next year, in 1793, when the order came to divide the communal lands among. all commoners, rich and poor alike, “active” and “inactive.”
These two laws, however, ran so much against the conceptions of the peasants that they were not obeyed, and wherever the peasants had retaken possession of part of their lands they kept them undivided. But then came the long years of wars, and the communal lands were simply confiscated by the State (in 1794) as a mortgage for State loans, put up for sale, and plundered as such; then returned again to the communes and confiscated again (in 1813); and only in 1816 what remained of them, i.e. about 15,000,000 acres of the least productive land, was restored to the village communities.7 Still this was not yet the end of the troubles of the communes. Every new regime saw in the communal lands a means for gratifying its supporters, and three laws (the first in 1837 and the last under Napoleon the Third) were passed to induce the village communities to divide their estates. Three times these laws had to be repealed90, in consequence of the opposition91 they met with in the villages; but something was snapped up each time, and Napoleon the Third, under the pretext92 of encouraging perfected methods of agriculture, granted large estates out of the communal lands to some of his favourites.
As to the autonomy of the village communities, what could be retained of it after so many blows? The mayor and the syndics were simply looked upon as unpaid93 functionaries94 of the State machinery. Even now, under the Third Republic, very little can be done in a village community without the huge State machinery, up to the prefet and the ministries95, being set in motion. It is hardly credible96, and yet it is true, that when, for instance, a peasant intends to pay in money his share in the repair of a communal road, instead of himself breaking the necessary amount of stones, no fewer than twelve different functionaries of the State must give their approval, and an aggregate97 of fifty-two different acts must be performed by them, and exchanged between them, before the peasant is permitted to pay that money to the communal council. All the remainder bears the same character.8
What took place in France took place everywhere in Western and Middle Europe. Even the chief dates of the great assaults upon the peasant lands are the same. For England the only difference is that the spoliation was accomplished98 by separate acts rather than by general sweeping99 measures — with less haste but more thoroughly100 than in France. The seizure101 of the communal lands by the lords also began in the fifteenth century, after the defeat of the peasant insurrection of 1380 — as seen from Rossus’s Historia and from a statute102 of Henry the Seventh, in which these seizures103 are spoken of under the heading of “enormitees and myschefes as be hurtfull . . . to the common wele.”9 Later on the Great Inquest, under Henry the Eighth, was begun, as is known, in order to put a stop to the enclosure of communal lands, but it ended in a sanction of what had been done.10 The communal lands continued to be preyed104 upon, and the peasants were driven from the land. But it was especially since the middle of the eighteenth century that, in England as everywhere else, it became part of a systematic38 policy to simply weed out all traces of communal ownership; and the wonder is not that it has disappeared, but that it could be maintained, even in England, so as to be “generally prevalent so late as the grandfathers of this generation.”11 The very object of the Enclosure Acts, as shown by Mr. Seebohm, was to remove this system,12 and it was so well removed by the nearly four thousand Acts passed between 1760 and 1844 that only faint traces of it remain now. The land of the village communities was taken by the lords, and the appropriation was sanctioned by Parliament in each separate case.
In Germany, in Austria, in Belgium the village community was also destroyed by the State. Instances of commoners themselves dividing their lands were rare,13 while everywhere the States coerced105 them to enforce the division, or simply favoured the private appropriation of their lands. The last blow to communal ownership in Middle Europe also dates from the middle of the eighteenth century. In Austria sheer force was used by the Government, in 1768, to compel the communes to divide their lands — a special commission being nominated two years later for that purpose. In Prussia Frederick the Second, in several of his ordinances106 (in 1752, 1763, 1765, and 1769), recommended to the Justizcollegien to enforce the division. In Silesia a special resolution was issued to serve that aim in 1771. The same took place in Belgium, and, as the communes did not obey, a law was issued in 1847 empowering the Government to buy communal meadows in order to sell them in retail107, and to make a forced sale of the communal land when there was a would-be buyer for it.14
In short, to speak of the natural death of the village communities in virtue108 of economical laws is as grim a joke as to speak of the natural death of soldiers slaughtered109 on a battlefield. The fact was simply this: The village communities had lived for over a thousand years; and where and when the peasants were not ruined by wars and exactions they steadily110 improved their methods of culture. But as the value of land was increasing, in consequence of the growth of industries, and the nobility had acquired, under the State organization, a power which it never had had under the feudal system, it took possession of the best parts of the communal lands, and did its best to destroy the communal institutions.
However, the village-community institutions so well respond to the needs and conceptions of the tillers of the soil that, in spite of all, Europe is up to this date covered with living survivals of the village communities, and European country life is permeated111 with customs and habits dating from the community period. Even in England, notwithstanding all the drastic measures taken against the old order of things, it prevailed as late as the beginning of the nineteenth century. Mr. Gomme — one of the very few English scholars who have paid attention to the subject — shows in his work that many traces of the communal possession of the soil are found in Scotland, “runrig” tenancy having been maintained in Forfarshire up to 1813, while in certain villages of Inverness the custom was, up to 1801, to plough the land for the whole community, without leaving any boundaries, and to allot it after the ploughing was done. In Kilmorie the allotment and re-allotment of the fields was in full vigour112 “till the last twenty-five years,” and the Crofters’ Commission found it still in vigour in certain islands.15 In Ireland the system prevailed up to the great famine; and as to England, Marshall’s works, which passed unnoticed until Nasse and Sir Henry Maine drew attention to them, leave no doubt as to the village-community system having been widely spread, in nearly all English counties, at the beginning of the nineteenth century.16 No more than twenty years ago Sir Henry Maine was “greatly surprised at the number of instances of abnormal property rights, necessarily implying the former existence of collective ownership and joint113 cultivation,” which a comparatively brief inquiry114 brought under his notice.17 And, communal institutions having persisted so late as that, a great number of mutual-aid habits and customs would undoubtedly115 be discovered in English villages if the writers of this country only paid attention to village life.18
As to the Continent, we find the communal institutions fully alive in many parts of France, Switzerland, Germany, Italy, the Scandinavian lands, and Spain, to say nothing of Eastern Europe; the village life in these countries is permeated with communal habits and customs; and almost every year the Continental116 literature is enriched by serious works dealing117 with this and connected subjects. I must, therefore, limit my illustrations to the most typical instances. Switzerland is undoubtedly one of them. Not only the five republics of Uri, Schwytz, Appenzell, Glarus, and Unterwalden hold their lands as undivided estates, and are governed by their popular folkmotes, but in all other cantons too the village communities remain in possession of a wide self-government, and own large parts of the Federal territory.19 Two-thirds of all the Alpine118 meadows and two-thirds of all the forests of Switzerland are until now communal land; and a considerable number of fields, orchards119, vineyards, peat bogs120, quarries121, and so on, are owned in common. In the Vaud, where all the householders continue to take part in the deliberations of their elected communal councils, the communal spirit is especially alive. Towards the end of the winter all the young men of each village go to stay a few days in the woods, to fell timber and to bring it down the steep slopes tobogganing way, the timber and the fuel wood being divided among all households or sold for their benefit. These excursions are real fetes of manly122 labour. On the banks of Lake Leman part of the work required to keep up the terraces of the vineyards is still done in common; and in the spring, when the thermometer threatens to fall below zero before sunrise, the watchman wakes up all householders, who light fires of straw and dung and protect their vine-trees from the frost by an artificial cloud. In nearly all cantons the village communities possess so-called. Burgernutzen — that is, they hold in common a number of cows, in order to supply each family with butter; or they keep communal fields or vineyards, of which the produce is divided between the burghers, or they rent their land for the benefit of the community.20
It may be taken as a rule that where the communes have retained a wide sphere of functions, so as to be living parts of the national organism, and where they have not been reduced to sheer misery, they never fail to take good care of their lands. Accordingly the communal estates in Switzerland strikingly contrast with the miserable123 state of “commons” in this country. The communal forests in the Vaud and the Valais are admirably managed, in conformity125 with the rules of modern forestry126. Elsewhere the “strips” of communal fields, which change owners under the system of re-allotment, are very well manured, especially as there is no lack of meadows and cattle. The high level meadows are well kept as a rule, and the rural roads are excellent.21 And when we admire the Swiss chalet, the mountain road, the peasants’ cattle, the terraces of vineyards, or the school-house in Switzer land, we must keep in mind that without the timber for the chalet being taken from the communal woods and the stone from the communal quarries, without the cows being kept on the communal meadows, and the roads being made and the school-houses built by communal work, there would be little to admire.
It hardly need be said that a great number of mutual-aid habits and customs continue to persist in the Swiss villages. The evening gatherings128 for shelling walnuts129, which take place in turns in each household; the evening parties for sewing the dowry of the girl who is going to marry; the calling of “aids” for building the houses and taking in the crops, as well as for all sorts of work which may be required by one of the commoners; the custom of exchanging children from one canton to the other, in order to make them learn two languages, French and German; and so on — all these are quite habitual130;22 while, on the other side, divers modern requirements are met in the same spirit. Thus in Glarus most of the Alpine meadows have been sold during a time of calamity131; but the communes still continue to buy field land, and after the newly-bought fields have been left in the possession of separate commoners for ten, twenty, or thirty years, as the case might be, they return to the common stock, which is re-allotted132 according to the needs of all. A great number of small associations are formed to produce some of the necessaries for life — bread, cheese, and wine — by common work, be it only on a limited scale; and agricultural cooperation altogether spreads in Switzerland with the greatest ease. Associations formed between ten to thirty peasants, who buy meadows and fields in common, and cultivate them as coowners, are of common occurrence; while dairy associations for the sale of milk, butter, and cheese are organized everywhere. In fact, Switzerland was the birthplace of that form of cooperation. It offers, moreover, an immense field for the study of all sorts of small and large societies, formed for the satisfaction of all sorts of modern wants. In certain parts of Switzerland one finds in almost every village a number of associations — for protection from fire, for boating, for maintaining the quays133 on the shores of a lake, for the supply of water, and so on; and the country is covered with societies of archers134, sharpshooters, topographers, footpath135 explorers, and the like, originated from modern militarism.
Switzerland is, however, by no means an exception in Europe, because the same institutions and habits are found in the villages of France, of Italy, of Germany, of Denmark, and so on. We have just seen what has been done by the rulers of France in order to destroy the village community and to get hold of its lands; but notwithstanding all that one-tenth part of the whole territory available for culture, i.e. 13,500,000 acres, including one-half of all the natural meadows and nearly a fifth part of all the forests of the country, remain in communal possession. The woods supply the communers with fuel, and the timber wood is cut, mostly by communal work, with all desirable regularity136; the grazing lands are free for the commoners’ cattle; and what remains137 of communal fields is allotted and re-allotted in certain parts Ardennes — in the usual of France — namely, in the way.23
These additional sources of supply, which aid the poorer peasants to pass through a year of bad crops without parting with their small plots of land and without running into irredeemable debts, have certainly their importance for both the agricultural labourers and the nearly three millions of small peasant proprietors138. It is even doubtful whether small peasant proprietorship139 could be maintained without these additional resources. But the ethical importance of the communal possessions, small as they are, is still greater than their economical value. They maintain in village life a nucleus140 of customs and habits of mutual aid which undoubtedly acts as a mighty141 check upon the development of reckless individualism and greediness, which small land-ownership is only too prone142 to develop. Mutual aid in all possible circumstances of village life is part of the routine life in all parts of the country. Everywhere we meet, under different names, with the charroi, i.e. the free aid of the neighbours for taking in a crop, for vintage, or for building a house; everywhere we find the same evening gatherings as have just been mentioned in Switzerland; and everywhere the commoners associate for all sorts of work. Such habits are mentioned by nearly all those who have written upon French village life. But it will perhaps be better to give in this place some abstracts from letters which I have just received from a friend of mine whom I have asked to communicate to me his observations on this subject. They come from an aged124 man who for years has been the mayor of his commune in South France (in Ariege); the facts he mentions are known to him from long years of personal observation, and they have the advantage of coming from one neighbourhood instead of being skimmed from a large area. Some of them may seem trifling143, but as a whole they depict77 quite a little world of village life.
“In several communes in our neighbourhood,” my friend writes, “the old custom of l’emprount is in vigour. When many hands are required in a metairie for rapidly making some work — dig out potatoes or mow144 the grass — the youth of the neighbourhood is convoked145; young men and girls come in numbers, make it gaily146 and for nothing. and in the evening, after a gay meal, they dance.
“In the same communes, when a girl is going to marry, the girls of the neighbourhood come to aid in sewing the dowry. In several communes the women still continue to spin a good deal. When the winding147 off has to be done in a family it is done in one evening — all friends being convoked for that work. In many communes of the Ariege and other parts of the south-west the shelling of the Indian corn-sheaves is also done by all the neighbours. They are treated with chestnuts148 and wine, and the young people dance after the work has been done. The same custom is practised for making nut oil and crushing hemp150. In the commune of L. the same is done for bringing in the corn crops. These days of hard work become fete days, as the owner stakes his honour on serving a good meal. No remuneration is given; all do it for each other.24
“In the commune of S. the common grazing-land is every year increased, so that nearly the whole of the land of the commune is now kept in common. The shepherds are elected by all owners of the cattle, including women. The bulls are communal.
“In the commune of M. the forty to fifty small sheep flocks of the commoners are brought together and divided into three or four flocks before being sent to the higher meadows. Each owner goes for a week to serve as shepherd.
“In the hamlet of C. a threshing machine has been bought in common by several households; the fifteen to twenty persons required to serve the machine being supplied by all the families. Three other threshing machines have been bought and are rented out by their owners, but the work is performed by outside helpers, invited in the usual way.
“In our commune of R. we had to raise the wall of the cemetery151. Half of the money which was required for buying lime and for the wages of the skilled workers was supplied by the county council, and the other half by subscription152. As to the work of carrying sand and water, making mortar153, and serving the masons, it was done entirely154 by volunteers [just as in the Kabyle djemmaa]. The rural roads were repaired in the same way, by volunteer days of work given by the commoners. Other communes have built in the same way their fountains. The wine-press and other smaller appliances are frequently kept by the commune.”
Two residents of the same neighbourhood, questioned by my friend, add the following:—
“At O. a few years ago there was no mill. The commune has built one, levying155 a tax upon the commoners. As to the miller156, they decided, in order to avoid frauds and partiality, that he should be paid two francs for each bread-eater, and the corn be ground free.
“At St. G. few peasants are insured against fire. When a conflagration157 has taken place — so it was lately — all give something to the family which has suffered from it — a chaldron, a bed-cloth, a chair, and so on — and a modest household is thus reconstituted. All the neighbours aid to build the house, and in the meantime the family is lodged158 free by the neighbours.”
Such habits of mutual support — of which many more examples could be given — undoubtedly account for the easiness with which the French peasants associate for using, in turn, the plough with its team of horses, the wine-press, and the threshing machine, when they are kept in the village by one of them only, as well as for the performance of all sorts of rural work in common. Canals were maintained, forests were cleared, trees were planted, and marshes159 were drained by the village communities from time immemorial; and the same continues still. Quite lately, in La Borne of Lozere barren hills were turned into rich gardens by communal work. “The soil was brought on men’s backs; terraces were made and planted with chestnut149 trees, peach trees, and orchards, and water was brought for irrigation in canals two or three miles long.” Just now they have dug a new canal, eleven miles in length.25
To the same spirit is also due the remarkable160 success lately obtained by the syndicats agricoles, or peasants’ and farmers’ associations. It was not until 1884 that associations of more than nineteen persons were permitted in France, and I need not say that when this “dangerous experiment” was ventured upon — so it was styled in the Chambers161 — all due “precautions” which functionaries can invent were taken. Notwithstanding all that, France begins to be covered with syndicates. At the outset they were only formed for buying manures and seeds, falsification having attained colossal162 proportions in these two branches;26 but gradually they extended their functions in various directions, including the sale of agricultural produce and permanent improvements of the land. In South France the ravages163 of the phylloxera have called into existence a great number of wine-growers’ associations. Ten to thirty growers form a syndicate, buy a steam-engine for pumping water, and make the necessary arrangements for inundating164 their vineyards in turn.27 New associations for protecting the land from inundations, for irrigation purposes, and for maintaining canals are continually formed, and the unanimity165 of all peasants of a neighbourhood, which is required by law, is no obstacle. Elsewhere we have the fruitieres, or dairy associations, in some of which all butter and cheese is divided in equal parts, irrespective of the yield of each cow. In the Ariege we find an association of eight separate communes for the common culture of their lands, which they have put together; syndicates for free medical aid have been formed in 172 communes out of 337 in the same department; associations of consumers arise in connection with the syndicates; and so on.28 “Quite a revolution is going on in our villages,” Alfred Baudrillart writes, “through these associations, which take in each region their own special characters.”
Very much the same must be said of Germany. Wherever the peasants could resist the plunder of their lands, they have retained them in communal ownership, which largely prevails in Wurttemberg, Baden, Hohenzollern, and in the Hessian province of Starkenberg.29 The communal forests are kept, as a rule, in an excellent state, and in thousands of communes timber and fuel wood are divided every year among all inhabitants; even the old custom of the Lesholztag is widely spread: at the ringing of the village bell all go to the forest to take as much fuel wood as they can carry.30 In Westphalia one finds communes in which all the land is cultivated as one common estate, in accordance with all requirements of modern agronomy166. As to the old communal customs and habits, they are in vigour in most parts of Germany. The calling in of aids, which are real fetes of labour, is known to be quite habitual in Westphalia, Hesse, and Nassau. In well-timbered regions the timber for a new house is usually taken from the communal forest, and all the neighbours join in building the house. Even in the suburbs of Frankfort it is a regular custom among the gardeners that in case of one of them being ill all come on Sunday to cultivate his garden.31
In Germany, as in France, as soon as the rulers of the people repealed their laws against the peasant associations — that was only in 1884–1888 — these unions began to develop with a wonderful rapidity, notwithstanding all legal obstacles which were put in their way32 “It is a fact,” Buchenberger says, “that in thousands of village communities, in which no sort of chemical manure127 or rational fodder167 was ever known, both have become of everyday use, to a quite unforeseen extent, owing to these associations” (vol. ii. p. 507). All sorts of labour-saving implements168 and agricultural machinery, and better breeds of cattle, are bought through the associations, and various arrangements for improving the quality of the produce begin to be introduced. unions for the sale of agricultural produce are also formed, as well as for permanent improvements of the land.33
From the point of view of social economics all these efforts of the peasants certainly are of little importance. They cannot substantially, and still less permanently169, alleviate170 the misery to which the tillers of the soil are doomed all over Europe. But from the ethical point of view, which we are now considering, their importance cannot be overrated. They prove that even under the system of reckless individualism which now prevails the agricultural masses piously maintain their mutual-support inheritance; and as soon as the States relax the iron laws by means of which they have broken all bonds between men, these bonds are at once reconstituted, notwithstanding the difficulties, political, economical, and social, which are many, and in such forms as best answer to the modern requirements of production. They indicate in which direction and in which form further progress must be expected.
I might easily multiply such illustrations, taking them from Italy, Spain, Denmark, and so on, and pointing out some interesting features which are proper to each of these countries. The Slavonian populations of Austria and the Balkan peninsula, among whom the “compound family,” or “undivided household,” is found in existence, ought also to be mentioned.34 But I hasten to pass on to Russia, where the same mutual-support tendency takes certain new and unforeseen forms. Moreover, in dealing with the village community in Russia we have the advantage: of possessing an immense mass of materials, collected during the colossal house-to-house inquest which was lately made by several zemstvos (county councils), and which embraces a population of nearly 20,000,000 peasants in different parts of the country.35
Two important conclusions may be drawn171 from the bulk of evidence collected by the Russian inquests. In Middle Russia, where fully one-third of the peasants have been brought to utter ruin (by heavy taxation172, small allotments of unproductive land, rack rents, and very severe tax-collecting after total failures of crops), there was, during the first five-and-twenty years after the emancipation173 of the serfs, a decided tendency towards the constitution of individual property in land within the village communities. Many impoverished174 “horseless” peasants abandoned their allotments, and this land often became the property of those richer peasants, who borrow additional incomes from trade, or of outside traders, who buy land chiefly for exacting175 rack rents from the peasants. It must also be added that a flaw in the land redemption law of 1861 offered great facilities for buying peasants’ lands at a very small expense,36 and that the State officials mostly used their weighty influence in favour of individual as against communal ownership. However, for the last twenty years a strong wind of opposition to the individual appropriation of the land blows again through the Middle Russian villages, and strenuous176 efforts are being made by the bulk of those peasants who stand between the rich and the very poor to uphold the village community. As to the fertile steppes of the South, which are now the most populous and the richest part of European Russia, they were mostly colonized177, during the present century, under the system of individual ownership or occupation, sanctioned in that form by the State. But since improved methods of agriculture with the aid of machinery have been introduced in the region, the peasant owners have gradually begun themselves to transform their individual ownership into communal possession, and one finds now, in that granary of Russia, a very great number of spontaneously formed village communities of recent origin.37
The Crimea and the part of the mainland which lies to the north of it (the province of Taurida), for which we have detailed178 data, offer an excellent illustration of that movement. This territory began to be colonized, after its annexation179 in 1783, by Great, Little, and White Russians — Cossacks, freemen, and runaway180 serfs — who came individually or in small groups from all corners of Russia. They took first to cattle-breeding, and when they began later on to till the soil, each one tilled as much as he could afford to. But when — immigration continuing, and perfected ploughs being introduced — land stood in great demand, bitter disputes arose among the settlers. They lasted for years, until these men, previously181 tied by no mutual bonds, gradually came to the idea that an end must be put to disputes by introducing village-community ownership. They passed decisions to the effect that the land which they owned individually should henceforward be their common property, and they began to allot and to re-allot it in accordance with the usual village-community rules. The movement gradually took a great extension, and on a small territory, the Taurida statisticians found 161 villages in which communal ownership had been introduced by the peasant proprietors themselves, chiefly in the years 1855–1885, in lieu of individual ownership. Quite a variety of village-community types has been freely worked out in this way by the settlers.38 What adds to the interest of this transformation182 is that it took place, not only among the Great Russians, who are used to village-community life, but also among Little Russians, who have long since forgotten it under Polish rule, among Greeks and Bulgarians, and even among Germans, who have long since worked out in their prosperous and half-industrial Volga colonies their own type of village community.39 It is evident that the Mussulman Tartars of Taurida hold their land under the Mussulman customary law, which is limited personal occupation; but even with them the European village community has been introduced in a few cases. As to other nationalities in Taurida, individual ownership has been abolished in six Esthonian, two Greek, two Bulgarian, one Czech, and one German village. This movement is characteristic for the whole of the fertile steppe region of the south. But separate instances of it are also found in Little Russia. Thus in a number of villages of the province of Chernigov the peasants were formerly individual owners of their plots; they had separate legal documents for their plots and used to rent and to sell their land at will. But in the fifties of the nineteenth century a movement began among them in favour of communal possession, the chief argument being the growing number of pauper56 families. The initiative of the reform was taken in one village, and the others followed suit, the last case on record dating from 1882. Of course there were struggles between the poor, who usually claim for communal possession, and the rich, who usually prefer individual ownership; and the struggles often lasted for years. In certain places the unanimity required then by the law being impossible to obtain, the village divided into two villages, one under individual ownership and the other under communal possession; and so they remained until the two coalesced183 into one community, or else they remained divided still As to Middle Russia, its a fact that in many villages which were drifting towards individual ownership there began since 1880 a mass movement in favour of re-establishing the village community. Even peasant proprietors who had lived for years under the individualist system returned en masse to the communal institutions. Thus, there is a considerable number of exserfs who have received one-fourth part only of the regulation allotments, but they have received them free of redemption and in individual ownership. There was in 1890 a wide-spread movement among them (in Kursk, Ryazan, Tambov, Orel, etc.) towards putting their allotments together and introducing the village community. The “free agriculturists” (volnyie khlebopashtsy), who were liberated184 from serfdom under the law of 1803, and had bought their allotments — each family separately — are now nearly all under the village-community system, which they have introduced themselves. All these movements are of recent origin, and non-Russians too join them. Thus the Bulgares in the district of Tiraspol, after having remained for sixty years under the personal-property system, introduced the village community in the years 1876–1882. The German Mennonites of Berdyansk fought in 1890 for introducing the village community, and the small peasant proprietors (Kleinwirthschaftliche) among the German Baptists were agitating185 in their villages in the same direction. One instance more: In the province of Samara the Russian government created in the forties, by way of experiment, 1O3 villages on the system of individual ownership. Each household received a splendid property of 105 acres. In 1890, out of the 103 villages the peasants in 72 had already notified the desire of introducing the village community. I take all these facts from the excellent work of V.V., who simply gives, in a classified form, the facts recorded in the above-mentioned house-to-house inquest.
This movement in favour of communal possession runs badly against the current economical theories, according to which intensive culture is incompatible186 with the village community. But the most charitable thing that can be said of these theories is that they have never been submitted to the test of experiment: they belong to the domain25 of political metaphysics. The facts which we have before us show, on the contrary, that wherever the Russian peasants, owing to a concurrence187 of favourable188 circumstances, are less miserable than they are on the average, and wherever they find men of knowledge and initiative among their neighbours, the village community becomes the very means for introducing various improvements in agriculture and village life altogether. Here, as elsewhere, mutual aid is a better leader to progress than the war of each against all, as may be seen from the following facts.
Under Nicholas the First’s rule many Crown officials and serf-owners used to compel the peasants to introduce the communal culture of small plots of the village lands, in order to refill the communal storehouses after loans of grain had been granted to the poorest commoners. Such cultures, connected in the peasants’ minds with the worst reminiscences of serfdom, were abandoned as soon as serfdom was abolished but now the peasants begin to reintroduce them on their own account. In one district (Ostrogozhsk, in Kursk) the initiative of one person was sufficient to call them to life in four-fifths of all the villages. The same is met with in several other localities. On a given day the commoners come out, the richer ones with a plough or a cart and the poorer ones single-handed, and no attempt is made to discriminate189 one’s share in the work. The crop is afterwards used for loans to the poorer commoners, mostly free grants, or for the orphans190 and widows, or for the village church, or for the school, or for repaying a communal debt.40
That all sorts of work which enters, so to say, in the routine of village life (repair of roads and bridges, dams, drainage, supply of water for irrigation, cutting of wood, planting of trees, etc.) are made by whole communes, and that land is rented and meadows are mown by whole communes — the work being accomplished by old and young, men and women, in the way described by Tolstoi — is only what one may expect from people living under the village-community system.41 They are of everyday occurrence all over the country. But the village community is also by no means averse191 to modern agricultural improvements, when it can stand the expense, and when knowledge, hitherto kept for the rich only, finds its way into the peasant’s house.
It has just been said that perfected ploughs rapidly spread in South Russia, and in many cases the village communities were instrumental in spreading their use. A plough was bought by the community, experimented upon on a portion of the communal land, and the necessary improvements were indicated to the makers192, whom the communes often aided in starting the manufacture of cheap ploughs as a village industry. In the district of Moscow, where 1,560 ploughs were lately bought by the peasants during five years, the impulse came from those communes which rented lands as a body for the special purpose of improved culture.
In the north-east (Vyatka) small associations of peasants, who travel with their winnowing193 machines (manufactured as a village industry in one of the iron districts), have spread the use of such machines in the neighbouring governments. The very wide spread of threshing machines in Samara, Saratov, and Kherson is due to the peasant associations, which can afford to buy a costly194 engine, while the individual peasant cannot. And while we read in nearly all economical treatises195 that the village community was doomed to disappear when the three-fields system had to be substituted by the rotation196 of crops system, we see in Russia many village communities taking the initiative of introducing the rotation of crops. Before accepting it the peasants usually set apart a portion of the communal fields for an experiment in artificial meadows, and the commune buys the seeds.42 If the experiment proves successful they find no difficulty whatever in re-dividing their fields, so as to suit the five or six fields system.
This system is now in use in hundreds of villages of Moscow, Tver, Smolensk, Vyatka, and Pskov.43 And where land can be spared the communities give also a portion of their domain to allotments for fruit-growing. Finally, the sudden extension lately taken in Russia by the little model farms, orchards, kitchen gardens, and silkworm-culture grounds — which are started at the village school-houses, under the conduct of the school-master, or of a village volunteer — is also due to the support they found with the village communities.
Moreover, such permanent improvements as drainage and irrigation are of frequent occurrence. For instance, in three districts of the province of Moscow — industrial to a great extent — drainage works have been accomplished within the last ten years on a large scale in no less than 180 to 200 different villages — the commoners working themselves with the spade. At another extremity197 of Russia, in the dry Steppes of Novouzen, over a thousand dams for ponds were built and several hundreds of deep wells were sunk by the communes; while in a wealthy German colony of the south-east the commoners worked, men and women alike, for five weeks in succession, to erect198 a dam, two miles long, for irrigation purposes. What could isolated199 men do in that struggle against the dry climate? What could they obtain through individual effort when South Russia was struck with the marmot plague, and all people living on the land, rich and poor, commoners and individualists, had to work with their hands in order to conjure200 the plague? To call in the policeman would have been of no use; to associate was the only possible remedy.
And now, after having said so much about mutual aid and support which are practised by the tillers of the soil in “civilized201” countries, I see that I might fill an octavo volume with illustrations taken from the life of the hundreds of millions of men who also live under the tutorship of more or less centralized States, but are out of touch with modern civilization and modern ideas. I might describe the inner life of a Turkish village and its network of admirable mutual-aid customs and habits. On turning over my leaflets covered with illustrations from peasant life in Caucasia, I come across touching202 facts of mutual support. I trace the same customs in the Arab djemmaa and the Afghan purra, in the villages of Persia, India, and Java, in the undivided family of the Chinese, in the encampments of the semi-nomads203 of Central Asia and the nomads of the far North. On consulting notes taken at random204 in the literature of Africa, I find them replete205 with similar facts — of aids convoked to take in the crops, of houses built by all inhabitants of the village — sometimes to repair the havoc206 done by civilized filibusters207 — of people aiding each other in case of accident, protecting the traveller, and so on. And when I peruse208 such works as Post’s compendium209 of African customary law I understand why, notwithstanding all tyranny, oppression, robberies and raids, tribal210 wars, glutton211 kings, deceiving witches and priests, slave-hunters, and the like, these populations have not gone astray in the woods; why they have maintained a certain civilization, and have remained men, instead of dropping to the level of straggling families of decaying orang-outans. The fact is, that the slave-hunters, the ivory robbers, the fighting kings, the Matabele and the Madagascar “heroes” pass away, leaving their traces marked with blood and fire; but the nucleus of mutual-aid institutions, habits, and customs, grown up in the tribe and the village community, remains; and it keeps men united in societies, open to the progress of civilization, and ready to receive it when the day comes that they shall receive civilization instead of bullets.
The same applies to our civilized world. The natural and social calamities pass away. Whole populations are periodically reduced to misery or starvation; the very springs of life are crushed out of millions of men, reduced to city pauperism212; the understanding and the feelings of the millions are vitiated by teachings worked out in the interest of the few. All this is certainly a part of our existence. But the nucleus of mutual-support institutions, habits, and customs remains alive with the millions; it keeps them together; and they prefer to cling to their customs, beliefs, and traditions rather than to accept the teachings of a war of each against all, which are offered to them under the title of science, but are no science at all.
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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agglomerations
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| n.成团，结块（agglomeration的复数形式） | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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guild
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| n.行会，同业公会，协会 | |
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guilds
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| 行会，同业公会，协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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boroughs
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| （尤指大伦敦的）行政区( borough的名词复数 )； 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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embody
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| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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aggregations
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| n.聚集( aggregation的名词复数 )；集成；集结；聚集体 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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56
pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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57
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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58
intrude
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| vi.闯入；侵入；打扰，侵扰 | |
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59
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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60
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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61
economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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62
naive
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| adj.幼稚的，轻信的；天真的 | |
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63
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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64
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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66
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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67
piously
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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68
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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69
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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70
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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71
analyze
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| vt.分析，解析 (=analyse) | |
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72
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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73
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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74
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
vividly
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| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
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76
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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77
depict
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| vt.描画，描绘；描写，描述 | |
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78
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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79
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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80
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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81
appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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82
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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83
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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84
allot
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| v.分配；拨给；n.部分；小块菜地 | |
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85
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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86
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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87
bourgeois
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| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
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88
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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89
abrogated
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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90
repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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92
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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93
unpaid
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|
| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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94
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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95
ministries
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| （政府的）部( ministry的名词复数 )； 神职； 牧师职位； 神职任期 | |
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96
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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97
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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98
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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99
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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100
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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101
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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102
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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103
seizures
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| n.起获( seizure的名词复数 )；没收；充公；起获的赃物 | |
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104
preyed
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|
| v.掠食( prey的过去式和过去分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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105
coerced
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|
| v.迫使做( coerce的过去式和过去分词 )；强迫；（以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段）控制；支配 | |
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106
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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107
retail
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|
| v./n.零售；adv.以零售价格 | |
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108
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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109
slaughtered
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|
| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
steadily
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|
| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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111
permeated
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| 弥漫( permeate的过去式和过去分词 )； 遍布； 渗入； 渗透 | |
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112
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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113
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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114
inquiry
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|
| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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115
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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116
continental
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|
| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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117
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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118
alpine
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|
| adj.高山的；n.高山植物 | |
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119
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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120
bogs
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| n.沼泽，泥塘( bog的名词复数 )；厕所v.（使）陷入泥沼， （使）陷入困境( bog的第三人称单数 )；妨碍，阻碍 | |
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121
quarries
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| n.（采）石场( quarry的名词复数 )；猎物（指鸟，兽等）；方形石；（格窗等的）方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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122
manly
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|
| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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123
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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124
aged
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|
| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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125
conformity
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|
| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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126
forestry
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| n.森林学；林业 | |
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127
manure
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| n.粪，肥，肥粒；vt.施肥 | |
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128
gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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129
walnuts
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| 胡桃（树）( walnut的名词复数 )； 胡桃木 | |
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130
habitual
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|
| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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131
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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132
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
quays
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| 码头( quay的名词复数 ) | |
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134
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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135
footpath
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| n.小路，人行道 | |
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136
regularity
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|
| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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137
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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138
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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139
proprietorship
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| n.所有（权）；所有权 | |
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140
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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141
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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142
prone
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|
| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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143
trifling
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|
| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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144
mow
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| v.割（草、麦等），扫射，皱眉；n.草堆，谷物堆 | |
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145
convoked
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
gaily
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| adv.欢乐地，高兴地 | |
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147
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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148
chestnuts
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| n.栗子( chestnut的名词复数 )；栗色；栗树；栗色马 | |
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149
chestnut
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| n.栗树，栗子 | |
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150
hemp
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| n.大麻；纤维 | |
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151
cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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152
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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153
mortar
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| n.灰浆，灰泥；迫击炮；v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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154
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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155
levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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156
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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157
conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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158
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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159
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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160
remarkable
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|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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161
chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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162
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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163
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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164
inundating
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|
| v.淹没( inundate的现在分词 )；（洪水般地）涌来；充满；给予或交予（太多事物）使难以应付 | |
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165
unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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166
agronomy
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| n.农业经济学 | |
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167
fodder
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| n.草料；炮灰 | |
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168
implements
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|
| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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169
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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170
alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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171
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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172
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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173
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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174
impoverished
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|
| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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175
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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176
strenuous
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|
| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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177
colonized
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| 开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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178
detailed
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|
| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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179
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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180
runaway
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|
| n.逃走的人，逃亡，亡命者；adj.逃亡的，逃走的 | |
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181
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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183
coalesced
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| v.联合，合并( coalesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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185
agitating
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| 搅动( agitate的现在分词 )； 激怒； 使焦虑不安； （尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而）激烈争论 | |
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186
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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187
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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188
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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discriminate
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| v.区别，辨别，区分；有区别地对待 | |
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orphans
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| 孤儿( orphan的名词复数 ) | |
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191
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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193
winnowing
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| v.扬( winnow的现在分词 )；辨别；选择；除去 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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195
treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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196
rotation
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| n.旋转；循环，轮流 | |
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197
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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200
conjure
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| v.恳求，祈求；变魔术，变戏法 | |
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201
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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202
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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203
nomads
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| n.游牧部落的一员( nomad的名词复数 )；流浪者；游牧生活；流浪生活 | |
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random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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replete
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| adj.饱满的，塞满的；n.贮蜜蚁 | |
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206
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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207
filibusters
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| n.掠夺兵( filibuster的名词复数 )；暴兵；（用冗长的发言）阻挠议事的议员；会议妨碍行为v.阻碍或延宕国会或其他立法机构通过提案( filibuster的第三人称单数 )；掠夺 | |
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208
peruse
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| v.细读，精读 | |
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209
compendium
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| n.简要，概略 | |
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210
tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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211
glutton
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| n.贪食者，好食者 | |
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pauperism
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| n.有被救济的资格，贫困 | |
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