My old suspicions reappeared, and a conversation we had two days afterwards helped to strengthen them.
We had gone on a visit to Schwanthaler, the sculptor11, at his tiny little castle of Schwaneck, a few miles from Munich. The artist was out for a walk, but we were invited to come in and await his return, which would be shortly; and meanwhile Bourgonef undertook to show me over the castle, interesting as a bit of modern Gothic, realizing on a diminutive12 scale a youthful dream of the sculptor's. When our survey was completed—and it did not take long—we sat at one of the windows and enjoyed a magnificent prospect13. "It is curious," said Bourgonef, "to be shut up here in this imitation of medieval masonry14, where every detail speaks of the dead past, and to think of the events now going on in Paris which must find imitators all over Europe, and which open to the mind such vistas15 of the future. What a grotesque16 anachronism is this Gothic castle, built in the same age as that which sees a reforming pope!"
"Yes; but is not the reforming pope himself an anachronism?"
"As a Catholic," here he smiled, intimating that his orthodoxy was not very stringent17, "I cannot admit that; as a Protestant, you must admit that if there must be a pope, he must in these days be a reformer, or—give up his temporal power. Not that I look on Pio Nono as more than a precursor18; he may break ground, and point the way, but he is not the man to lead Europe out of its present slough19 of despond, and under the headship of the Church found a new and lasting20 republic. We want a Hildebrand, one who will be to the nineteenth century as Gregory was to the eleventh."
"Do you believe in such a possibility? Do you think the Roman pontiff can ever again sway the destinies of Europe?"
"I can hardly say I believe it; yet I see the possibility of such an opening if the right man were to arise. But I fear he will not arise; or if he should, the Conclave21 will stifle22 him. Yet there is but one alternative: either Europe must once more join in a crusade with a pope at the head, or it must hoist23 the red flag. There is no other issue."
"Heaven preserve us from both! And I think we shall be preserved from the Pope by the rottenness of the Church; from the drapeau rouge24 by the indignation and horror of all honest men. You see how the Provisional Government has resisted the insane attempt of the fanatics25 to make the red flag accepted as the national banner?"
"Yes; and it is the one thing which dashes my pleasure in the new revolution. It is the one act of weakness which the Government has exhibited; a concession26 which will be fatal unless it be happily set aside by the energetic party of action."
"An act of weakness? say rather an act of strength. A concession? say rather the repudiation27 of anarchy28, the assertion of law and justice."
"Not a bit. It was concession to the fears of the timid, and to the vanity of the French people. The tricolor is a French flag— not the banner of humanity. It is because the tricolor has been identified with the victories of France that it appeals to the vanity of the vainest of people. They forget that it is the flag of a revolution which failed, and of an empire which was one perpetual outrage29 to humanity. Whereas the red is new; it is the symbol of an energetic, thorough-going creed30. If it carries terror with it, so much the better. The tyrants31 and the timid should be made to tremble."
"I am not bloodthirsty at all; I am only logical and consistent. There is a mass of sophistry34 current in the world which sickens me. People talk of Robespierre and St. Just, two of the most virtuous35 men that ever lived—and of Dominic and Torquemada, two of the most single-minded—as if they were cruel and bloodthirsty, whereas they were only convinced."
"Tigers, again—how those beasts are calumniated37!"
He said this with a seriousness which was irresistibly38 comic. I shouted with laughter; but he continued gravely:
"You think I am joking. But let me ask you why you consider the tiger more bloodthirsty than yourself? He springs upon his food— you buy yours from the butcher. He cannot live without animal food: it is a primal39 necessity, and he obeys the ordained40 instinct. You can live on vegetables; yet you slaughter41 beasts of the field and birds of the air (or buy them when slaughtered), and consider yourself a model of virtue42. The tiger only kills his food or his enemies; you not only kill both, but you kill one animal to make gravy43 for another! The tiger is less bloodthirsty than the Christian44!"
"I don't know how much of that tirade45 is meant to be serious; but to waive46 the question of the tiger's morality, do you really—I will not say sympathize,—but justify47 Robespierre, Dominic, St. Just, and the rest of the fanatics who have waded48 to their ends through blood."
"He who wills the END, wills the MEANS."
"But a truth. What the foolish world shrinks at as bloodthirstiness and cruelty is very often mere50 force and constancy of intellect. It is not that fanatics thirst for blood—far from it,—but they thirst for the triumph of their cause. Whatever obstacle lies on their path must be removed; if a torrent51 of blood is the only thing that will sweep it away—the torrent must sweep."
"And sweep with it all the sentiments of pity, mercy, charity, love?"
"No; these sentiments may give a sadness to the necessity; they make the deed a sacrifice, but they cannot prevent the soul from seeing the aim to which it tends."
"This is detestable doctrine52! It is the sophism53 which has destroyed families, devastated54 cities, and retarded55 the moral progress of the world more than anything else. No single act of injustice56 is ever done on this earth but it tends to perpetuate57 the reign58 of iniquity59. By the feelings it calls forth60 it keeps up the native savagery61 of the heart. It breeds injustice, partly by hardening the minds of those who assent62, and partly by exciting the passion of revenge in those who resist."
"You are wrong. The great drag-chain on the car of progress is the faltering63 inconsistency of man. Weakness is more cruel than sternness. Sentiment is more destructive than logic33."
The arrival of Schwanthaler was timely, for my indignation was rising. The sculptor received us with great cordiality, and in the pleasure of the subsequent hour I got over to some extent the irritation64 Bourgonef's talk had excited.
The next day I left Munich for the Tyrol. My parting with Bourgonef was many degrees less friendly than it would have been a week before. I had no wish to see him again, and therefore gave him no address or invitation in case he should come to England. As I rolled away in the Malleposte, my busy thoughts reviewed all the details of our acquaintance, and the farther I was carried from his presence, the more obtrusive65 became the suspicions which connected him with the murder of Lieschen Lehfeldt. How, or upon what motive2, was indeed an utter mystery. He had not mentioned the name of Lehfeldt. He had not mentioned having before been at Nuremberg. At Heidelberg the tragedy occurred—or was Heidelberg only a mask? It occurred to me that he had first ascertained66 that I had never been at Heidelberg before he placed the scene of his story there.
Thoughts such as these tormented67 me. Imagine, then, the horror with which I heard, soon after my arrival at Salzburg, that a murder had been committed at Grosshesslohe—one of the pretty environs of Munich much resorted to by holiday folk—corresponding in all essential features with the murder at Nuremberg! In both cases the victim was young and pretty. In both cases she was found quietly lying on the ground, stabbed to the heart, without any other traces of violence. In both cases she was a betrothed68 bride, and the motive of the unknown assassin a mystery.
Such a correspondence in the essential features inevitably69 suggested an appalling70 mystery of unity71 in these crimes,—either as the crimes of one man, committed under some impulse of motiveless72 malignity73 and thirst for innocent blood—or as the equally appalling effect of IMITATION acting74 contagiously75 upon a criminal imagination; of which contagion76 there have been, unfortunately, too many examples—horrible crimes prompting certain weak and feverish77 imaginations, by the very horror they inspire, first to dwell on, and finally to realize their imitations.
It was this latter hypothesis which found general acceptance. Indeed it was the only one which rested upon any ground of experience. The disastrous78 influence of imitation, especially under the fascination79 of horror, was well known. The idea of any diabolical80 malice81 moving one man to pass from city to city, and there quietly single out his victims—both of them, by the very hypothesis, unrelated to him, both of them at the epoch82 of their lives, when
"The bosom's lord sits lightly on its throne,"
when the peace of the heart is assured, and the future is radiantly beckoning83 to them,—that any man should choose such victims for such crimes was too preposterous84 an idea long to be entertained. Unless the man were mad, the idea was inconceivable; and even a monomaniac must betray himself in such a course, because he would necessarily conceive himself to be accomplishing some supreme86 act of justice.
It was thus I argued; and indeed I should much have preferred to believe that one maniac85 were involved, rather than the contagion of crime,—since one maniac must inevitably be soon detected; whereas there were no assignable limits to the contagion of imitation. And this it was which so profoundly agitated87 German society. In every family in which there happened to be a bride, vague tremors88 could not be allayed89; and the absolute powerlessness which resulted from the utter uncertainty90 as to the quarter in which this dreaded91 phantom92 might next appear, justified93 and intensified94 those tremors. Against such an apparition95 there was no conceivable safeguard. From a city stricken with the plague, from a district so stricken, flight is possible, and there are the resources of medical aid. But from a moral plague like this, what escape was possible?
So passionate96 and profound became the terror, that I began to share the opinion which I heard expressed, regretting the widespread publicity97 of the modern press, since, with many undeniable benefits, it carried also the fatal curse of distributing through households, and keeping constantly under the excitement of discussion, images of crime and horror which would tend to perpetuate and extend the excesses of individual passion. The mere dwelling98 long on such a topic as this was fraught99 with evil.
This and more I heard discussed as I hurried back to Munich. To Munich? Yes; thither100 I was posting with all speed. Not a shadow of doubt now remained in my mind. I knew the assassin, and was resolved to track and convict him. Do not suppose that THIS time I was led away by the vagrant101 activity of my constructive102 imagination. I had something like positive proof. No sooner had I learned that the murder had been committed at Grosshesslohe, than my thoughts at once carried me to a now memorable103 visit I had made there in company with Bourgonef and two young Bavarians. At the hotel where we dined, we were waited on by the niece of the landlord, a girl of remarkable104 beauty, who naturally excited the attention of four young men, and furnished them with a topic of conversation. One of the Bavarians had told us that she would one day be perhaps one of the wealthiest women in the country, for she was engaged to be married to a young farmer who had recently found himself, by a rapid succession of deaths, sole heir to a great brewer105, whose wealth was known to be enormous.
At this moment Sophie entered bringing wine, and I saw Bourgonef slowly turn his eyes upon her with a look which then was mysterious to me, but which now spoke106 too plainly its dreadful meaning.
What is there in a look, you will say? Perhaps nothing; or it may be everything. To my unsuspecting, unenlightened perception, Bourgonef's gaze was simply the melancholy107 and half-curious gaze which such a man might be supposed to cast upon a young woman who had been made the topic of an interesting discourse108. But to my mind, enlightened as to his character, and instructed as to his peculiar109 feelings arising from his own story, the gaze was charged with horror. It marked a victim. The whole succession of events rose before me in vivid distinctness; the separate details of suspicion gathered into unity.
Great as was Bourgonef's command over his features, he could not conceal110 uneasiness as well as surprise at my appearance at the table d'hote in Munich. I shook hands with him, putting on as friendly a mask as I could, and replied to his question about my sudden return by attributing it to unexpected intelligence received at Salzburg.
"Nothing serious, I hope?"
"Well, I'm afraid it will prove very serious," I said. "But we shall see. Meanwhile my visit to the Tyrol must be given up or postponed111."
"Do you remain here, then?"
"I don't know what my movements will be."
Thus I had prepared him for any reserve or strangeness in my manner; and I had concealed112 from him the course of my movements; for at whatever cost, I was resolved to follow him and bring him to justice.
But how? Evidence I had none that could satisfy any one else, however convincing it might be to my own mind. Nor did there seem any evidence forthcoming from Grosshesslohe. Sophie's body had been found in the afternoon lying as if asleep in one of the by- paths of the wood. No marks of a struggle; no traces of the murderer. Her affianced lover, who was at Augsburg, on hearing of her fate, hurried to Grosshesslohe, but could throw no light on the murder, could give no hint as to a possible motive for the deed. But this entire absence of evidence, or even ground of suspicion, only made MY case the stronger. It was the motiveless malignity of the deed which fastened it on Bourgonef; or rather, it was the absence of any known motive elsewhere which assured me that I had detected the motive in him.
Should I communicate my conviction to the police? It was possible that I might impress them with at least sufficient suspicion to warrant his examination—and in that case the truth might be elicited113; for among the many barbarities and iniquities114 of the criminal procedure in Continental115 States which often press heavily on the innocent, there is this compensating116 advantage, that the pressure on the guilty is tenfold heavier. If the innocent are often unjustly punished—imprisoned and maltreated before their innocence118 can be established—the guilty seldom escape. In England we give the criminal not only every chance of escape, but many advantages. The love of fair-play is carried to excess. It seems at times as if the whole arrangements of our procedure were established with a view to giving a criminal not only the benefit of every doubt, but of every loophole through which he can slip. Instead of this, the Continental procedure goes on the principle of closing up every loophole, and of inventing endless traps into which the accused may fall. We warn the accused not to say anything that may be prejudicial to him. They entangle119 him in contradictions and confessions120 which disclose his guilt117.
Knowing this, I thought it very likely that, however artful Bourgonef might be, a severe examination might extort121 from him sufficient confirmation122 of my suspicion to warrant further procedure. But knowing also that THIS resort was open to me when all others had failed, I resolved to wait and watch.
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1
narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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sculptor
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| n.雕刻家，雕刻家 | |
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diminutive
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| adj.小巧可爱的，小的 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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vistas
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| 长条形景色( vista的名词复数 )； 回顾； 展望； （未来可能发生的）一系列情景 | |
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grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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precursor
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| n.先驱者；前辈；前任；预兆；先兆 | |
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slough
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| v.蜕皮，脱落，抛弃 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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stifle
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| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
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hoist
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| n.升高，起重机，推动；v.升起，升高，举起 | |
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rouge
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| n.胭脂，口红唇膏；v.(在…上)擦口红 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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repudiation
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| n.拒绝；否认；断绝关系；抛弃 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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sophistry
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| n.诡辩 | |
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35
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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calumniated
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| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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irresistibly
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| adv.无法抵抗地，不能自持地；极为诱惑人地 | |
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primal
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| adj.原始的；最重要的 | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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gravy
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| n.肉汁；轻易得来的钱，外快 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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tirade
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| n.冗长的攻击性演说 | |
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waive
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| vt.放弃，不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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waded
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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sophism
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| n.诡辩 | |
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54
devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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faltering
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| 犹豫的，支吾的，蹒跚的 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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obtrusive
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| adj.显眼的；冒失的 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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betrothed
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| n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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motiveless
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| adj.无动机的，无目的的 | |
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malignity
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| n.极度的恶意，恶毒；（病的）恶性 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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contagiously
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| 传染性地，蔓延地 | |
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contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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80
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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81
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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83
beckoning
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| adj.引诱人的，令人心动的v.（用头或手的动作）示意，召唤( beckon的现在分词 ) | |
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84
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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maniac
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| n.精神癫狂的人；疯子 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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tremors
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| 震颤( tremor的名词复数 )； 战栗； 震颤声； 大地的轻微震动 | |
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allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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phantom
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| n.幻影，虚位，幽灵；adj.错觉的，幻影的，幽灵的 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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101
vagrant
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| n.流浪者，游民；adj.流浪的，漂泊不定的 | |
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constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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103
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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brewer
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| n. 啤酒制造者 | |
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106
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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111
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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112
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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113
elicited
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| 引出，探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
iniquities
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| n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 )；极不公正 | |
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115
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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116
compensating
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| 补偿，补助，修正 | |
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117
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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118
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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119
entangle
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| vt.缠住，套住；卷入，连累 | |
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120
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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121
extort
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| v.勒索，敲诈，强要 | |
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122
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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