It may be needful, too, to point out once again another weak point in all reasoning about savage6 religion, namely that we cannot always tell what may have been borrowed from Europeans. Thus, the Fuegians, in 1830–1840, were far out of the way, but one tribe, near Magellan’s Straits, worshipped an image called Cristo. Fitzroy attributes this obvious trace of Catholicism to a Captain Pelippa, who visited the district some time before his own expedition. It is less probable that Spaniards established a belief in a moral Deity7 in regions where they left no material traces of their faith. The Fuegians are not easily proselytised. ‘When discovered by strangers, the instant impulse of a Fuegian family is to run off into the woods.’ Occasionally they will emerge to barter8, but ‘sometimes nothing will induce a single individual of the family to appear.’ Fitzroy thought they had no idea of a future state, because, among other reasons not given, ‘the evil spirit torments9 them in this world, if they do wrong, by storms, hail, snow, &c.’ Why the evil spirit should punish evil deeds is not evident. ‘A great black man is supposed to be always wandering about the woods and mountains, who is certain of knowing every word and every action, who cannot be escaped and who influences the weather according to men’s conduct.’1
There are no traces of propitiation by food, or sacrifice, or anything but conduct. To regard the Deity as ‘a magnified non-natural man’ is not peculiar10 to Fuegian theologians, and does not imply Animism, but the reverse. But the point is that this ethical11 judge of perhaps the lowest savages12 ‘makes for righteousness’ and searches the heart. His morality is so much above the ordinary savage standard that he regards the slaying13 of a stranger and an enemy, caught redhanded in robbery, as a sin. York’s brother (York was a Fuegian brought to England by Fitzroy) killed a ‘wild man’ who was stealing his birds. ‘Rain come down, snow come down, hail come down, wind blow, blow, very much blow. Very bad to kill man. Big man in woods no like it, he very angry.’ Here be ethics14 in savage religion. The Sixth Commandment is in force. The Being also prohibits the slaying of flappers before they can fly. ‘Very bad to shoot little duck, come wind, come rain, blow, very much blow.’2
Now this big man is not a deified chief, for the Fuegians ‘have no superiority of one over another . . . but the doctor-wizard of each party has much influence.’ Mr. Spencer disposes of this moral ‘big man’ of the Fuegians as ‘evidently a deceased weather-doctor.’3 But, first, there is no evidence that the being is regarded as ever having died. Again, it is not shown that Fuegians are ancestor-worshippers. Next, Fitzroy did not think that the Fuegians believed in a future life. Lastly, when were medicine-men such notable moralists? The worst spirits among the neighbouring Patagonians are those of dead medicine-men. As a rule everywhere the ghost of a ‘doctor-wizard,’ shaman, or whatever he may be called, is the worst and wickedest of all ghosts. How, then, the Fuegians, who are not proved to be ancestor-worshippers, evolved out of the malignant15 ghost of an ancestor a being whose strong point is morality, one does not easily conceive. The adjacent Chonos ‘have great faith in a good spirit, whom they call Yerri Yuppon, and consider to be the author of all good; him they invoke16 in distress17 or danger.’ However starved they do not touch food till a short prayer has been muttered over each portion, ‘the praying man looking upward.’4 They have magicians, but no details are given as to spirits or ghosts. If Fuegian and Chono religion is on this level, and if this be the earliest, then the theology of many other higher savages (as of the Zulus) is decidedly degenerate18. ‘The Bantu gives one accustomed to the negro the impression that he once had the same set of ideas, but has forgotten half of them,’ says Miss Kingsley.5
Of all races now extant, the Australians are probably lowest in culture, and, like the fauna20 of the continent, are nearest to the primitive21 model. They have neither metals, bows, pottery22, agriculture, nor fixed23 habitations; and no traces of higher culture have anywhere been found above or in the soil of the continent. This is important, for in some respects their religious conceptions are so lofty that it would be natural to explain them as the result either of European influence, or as relics24 of a higher civilisation25 in the past. The former notion is discredited26 by the fact that their best religious ideas are imparted in connection with their ancient and secret mysteries, while for the second idea, that they are degenerate from a loftier civilisation, there is absolutely no evidence.
It has been suggested, indeed, by Mr. Spencer that the singularly complex marriage customs of the Australian blacks point to a more polite condition in their past history. Of this stage, as we said, no material traces have ever been discovered, nor can degeneration be recent. Our earliest account of the Australians is that of Dampier, who visited New Holland in the unhappy year 1688. He found the natives ‘the miserablest people in the world. The Hodmadods, of Mononamatapa, though a nasty people, yet for wealth are gentlemen to these: who have no houses, sheep, poultry27, and fruits of the earth. . . . They have no houses, but lie in the open air.’ Curiously28 enough, Dampier attests29 their unselfishness: the main ethical feature in their religious teaching. ‘Be it little or be it much they get, every one has his part, as well the young and tender as the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad, as the strong and lusty.’ Dampier saw no metals used, nor any bows, merely boomerangs (‘wooden cutlasses’), and lances with points hardened in the fire. ‘Their place of dwelling31 was only a fire with a few boughs32 before it’ (the gunyeh).
This description remains33 accurate for most of the unsophisticated Australian tribes, but Dampier appears only to have seen ichthyophagous coast blacks.
There is one more important point. In the Bora, or Australian mysteries, at which knowledge of ‘The Maker34’ and of his commandments is imparted, the front teeth of the initiated36 are still knocked out. Now, Dampier observed ‘the two fore-teeth of their upper jaw37 are wanting in all of them, men and women, old and young.’ If this is to be taken quite literally38, the Bora rite39, in 1688, must have included the women, at least locally. Dampier was on the north-west coast in latitude40 16 degrees, longitude41 122–1/4 degrees east (Dampier Land, West Australia). The natives had neither boats, canoes, nor bark logs; but it seems that they had their religious mysteries and their unselfishness, two hundred years ago.6
The Australians have been very carefully studied by many observers, and the results entirely42 overthrow43 Mr. Huxley’s bold statement that ‘in its simplest condition, such as may be met with among the Australian savages, theology is a mere30 belief in the existence, powers, and dispositions44 (usually malignant) of ghost-like entities45 who may be propitiated46 or scared away; but no cult19 can properly be said to exist. And in this stage theology is wholly independent of ethics.’
Remarks more crudely in defiance47 of known facts could not be made. The Australians, assuredly, believe in ‘spirits,’ often malicious48, and probably in most cases regarded as ghosts of men. These aid the wizard, and occasionally inspire him. That these ghosts are worshipped does not appear, and is denied by Waitz. Again, in the matter of cult, ‘there is none’ in the way of sacrifice to higher gods, as there should be if these gods were hungry ghosts. The cult among the Australians is the keeping of certain ‘laws,’ expressed in moral teaching, supposed to be in conformity49 with the institutes of their God. Worship takes the form, as at Eleusis, of tribal50 mysteries, originally instituted, as at Eleusis, by the God. The young men are initiated with many ceremonies, some of which are cruel and farcical, but the initiation51 includes ethical instruction, in conformity with the supposed commands of a God who watches over conduct. As among ourselves, the ethical ideal, with its theological sanction, is probably rather above the moral standard of ordinary practice. What conclusion we should draw from these facts is uncertain, but the facts, at least, cannot be disputed, and precisely52 contradict the statement of Mr. Huxley. He was wholly in the wrong when he said: ‘The moral code, such as is implied by public opinion, derives53 no sanction from theological dogmas,’7 It reposes54, for its origin and sanction, on such dogmas.
The evidence as to Australian religion is abundant, and is being added to yearly. I shall here content myself with Mr. Howitt’s accounts.8
As regards the possible evolution of the Australian God from ancestor-worship, it must be noted55 that Mr. Howitt credits the groups with possessing ‘headmen,’ a kind of chiefs, whereas some inquirers, in Brough Smyth’s collection, disbelieve in regular chiefs. Mr. Howitt writes:—
‘The Supreme Spirit, who is believed in by all the tribes I refer to here [in South–Eastern Australia], either as a benevolent57, or more frequently as a malevolent58 being, it seems to me represents the defunct59 headman.’
Now, the traces of ‘headmanship’ among the tribes are extremely faint; no such headman rules large areas of country, none is known to be worshipped after death, and the malevolence60 of the Supreme Spirit is not illustrated61 by the details of Mr. Howitt’s own statement, but the reverse. Indeed, he goes on at once to remark that ‘Darumulun was not, it seems to me, everywhere thought a malevolent being, but he was dreaded62 as one who could severely63 punish the trespasses64 committed against these tribal ordinances65 and customs whose first institution is ascribed to him.’
To punish transgressions66 of his law is not the essence of a malevolent being. Darumulun ‘watched the youths from the sky, prompt to punish, by disease or death, the breach67 of his ordinances,’ moral or ritual. His name is too sacred to be spoken except in whispers, and the anthropologist68 will observe that the names of the human dead are also often tabooed. But the divine name is not thus tabooed and sacred when the mere folklore69 about him is narrated70. The informants of Mr. Howitt instinctively71 distinguished72 between the mythology73 and the religion of Darumulun.9 This distinction — the secrecy74 about the religion, the candour about the mythology — is essential, and accounts for our ignorance about the inner religious beliefs of early races. Mr. Howitt himself knew little till he was initiated. The grandfather of Mr. Howitt’s friend, before the white men came to Melbourne, took him out at night, and, pointing to a star, said: ‘You will soon be a man; you see Bunjil [Supreme Being of certain tribes] up there, and he can see you, and all you do down here.’ Mr. Palmer, speaking of the Mysteries of Northern Australians (mysteries under divine sanction), mentions the nature of the moral instruction. Each lad is given, ‘by one of the elders, advice so kindly75, fatherly, and impressive, as often to soften76 the heart, and draw tears from the youth.’ He is to avoid adultery, not to take advantage of a woman if he finds her alone, he is not to be quarrelsome.10
At the Mysteries Darumulun’s real name may be uttered, at other times he is ‘Master’ (Biamban) or ‘Father’ (Papang), exactly as we say ‘Lord’ and ‘Father.’
It is known that all these things are not due to missionaries77, whose instructions would certainly not be conveyed in the Bora, or tribal mysteries, which, again, are partly described by Collins as early as 1798, and must have been practised in 1688. Mr. Howitt mentions, among moral lessons divinely sanctioned, respect for old age, abstinence from lawless love, and avoidance of the sins so popular, poetic78, and sanctioned by the example of Gods, in classical Greece.11 A representation is made of the Master, Biamban; and to make such idols80, except at the Mysteries, is forbidden ‘under pain of death.’ Those which are made are destroyed as soon as the rites56 are ended.12 The future life (apparently) is then illustrated by the burial of a living elder, who rises from a grave. This may, however, symbolise the ‘new life’ of the Mystae, ‘Worse have I fled; better have I found,’ as was sung in an Athenian rite. The whole result is, by what Mr. Howitt calls ‘a quasi-religious element,’ to ‘impress upon the mind of the youth, in an indelible manner, those rules of conduct which form the moral law of the tribe.’13
Many other authorities could be adduced for the religious sanction of morals in Australia. A watchful being observes and rewards the conduct or men; he is named with reverence81, if named at all; his abode82 is the heavens; he is the Master and Lord of things; his lessons ‘soften the heart,’14
‘What wants this Knave83
That a God should have?’
I shall now demonstrate that the religion patronised by the Australian Supreme Being, and inculcated in his Mysteries, is actually used to counteract84 the immoral85 character which natives acquire by associating with Anglo–Saxon Christians86.15
Mr. Howitt16 gives an account of the Jeraeil, or Mysteries of the Kurnai. The old men deemed that through intercourse88 with whites ‘the lads had become selfish and no longer inclined to share that which they obtained by their own exertions89, or had given them, with their friends.’ One need not say that selflessness is the very essence of goodness, and the central moral doctrine90 of Christianity. So it is in the religious Mysteries of the African Yao; a selfish man, we shall see, is spoken of as ‘uninitiated.’ So it is with the Australian Kurnai, whose mysteries and ethical teaching are under the sanction of their Supreme Being. So much for the anthropological dogma that early theology has no ethics.
The Kurnai began by kneading the stomachs of the lads about to be initiated (that is, if they have been associating with Christians), to expel selfishness and greed. The chief rite, later, is to blindfold91 every lad, with a blanket closely drawn92 over his head, to make whirring sounds with the tundun, or Greek rhombos, then to pluck off the blankets, and bid the initiate35 raise their faces to the sky. The initiator points to it, calling out, ‘Look there, look there, look there!’ They have seen in this solemn way the home of the Supreme Being, ‘Our Father,’ Mungan-ngaur (Mungan = ‘Father,’ ngaur = ‘our’), whose doctrine is then unfolded by the old initiator (‘headman’) ‘in an impressive manner.’17 ‘Long ago there was a great Being, Mungan-ngaur, who lived on the earth.’ His son Tundun is direct ancestor of the Kurnai. Mungan initiated the rites, and destroyed earth by water when they were impiously revealed. ‘Mungan left the earth, and ascended93 to the sky, where he still remains.’
Here Mungan-ngaur, a Being not defined as spirit, but immortal94, and dwelling in heaven, is Father, or rather grandfather, not maker, of the Kurnai. This may be interpreted as ancestor-worship, but the opposite myth, of making or creating, is of frequent occurrence in many widely-severed Australian districts, and co-exists with evolutionary95 myths. Mungan-ngaur’s precepts96 are:
1. To listen to and obey the old men.
2. To share everything they have with their friends.
3. To live peaceably with their friends.
4. Not to interfere97 with girls or married women.
5. To obey the food restrictions98 until they are released from them by the old men.
Mr. Howitt concludes: ‘I venture to assert that it can no longer be maintained that the Australians have no belief which can be called religious, that is, in the sense of beliefs which govern tribal and individual morality under a supernatural sanction.’ On this topic Mr. Hewitt’s opinion became more affirmative the more deeply he was initiated.18
The Australians are the lowest, most primitive savages, yet no propitiation by food is made to their moral Ruler, in heaven, as if he were a ghost.
The laws of these Australian divine beings apply to ritual as well as to ethics, as might naturally be expected. But the moral element is conspicuous99, the reverence is conspicuous: we have here no mere ghost, propitiated by food or sacrifice, or by purely100 magical rites. His very image (modelled on a large scale in earth) is no vulgar idol79: to make such a thing, except on the rare sacred occasions, is a capital offence. Meanwhile the mythology of the God has often, in or out of the rites, nothing rational about it.
On the whole it is evident that Mr. Herbert Spencer, for example, underrates the nature of Australian religion. He cites a case of addressing the ghost of a man recently dead, which is asked not to bring sickness, ‘or make loud noises in the night,’ and says: ‘Here we may recognise the essential elements of a cult.’ But Mr. Spencer does not allude101 to the much more essentially102 religious elements which he might have found in the very authority whom he cites, Mr. Brough Smyth.19 This appears, as far as my scrutiny103 goes, to be Mr. Spencer’s solitary104 reference to Australia in the work on ‘Ecclesiastical Institutions.’ Yet the facts which he and Mr. Huxley ignore throw a light very different from theirs on what they consider ‘the simplest condition of theology.’
Among the causes of confusion in thought upon religion, Mr. Tylor mentions ‘the partial and one-sided application of the historical method of inquiry105 into theological doctrines106.’20 Here, perhaps, we have examples. In its highest aspect that ‘simplest theology’ of Australia is free from the faults of popular theology in Greece. The God discourages sin, though, in myth, he is far from impeccable. He is almost too revered107 to be named (except in mythology) and is not to be represented by idols. He is not moved by sacrifice; he has not the chance; like Death in Greece, ‘he only, of all Gods, loves not gifts.’ Thus the status of theology does not correspond to what we look for in very low culture. It would scarcely be a paradox108 to say that the popular Zeus, or Ares, is degenerate from Mungan-ngaur, or the Fuegian being who forbids the slaying of an enemy, and almost literally ‘marks the sparrow’s fall.’
If we knew all the mythology of Darumulun, we should probably find it (like much of the myth of Pundjel or Bunjil) on a very different level from the theology. There are two currents, the religious and the mythical109, flowing together through religion. The former current, religious, even among very low savages, is pure from the magical ghost-propitiating habit. The latter current, mythological110, is full of magic, mummery, and scandalous legend. Sometimes the latter stream quite pollutes the former, sometimes they flow side by side, perfectly111 distinguishable, as in Aztec ethical piety112, compared with the bloody113 Aztec ritualism. Anthropology114 has mainly kept her eyes fixed on the impure115 stream, the lusts116, mummeries, conjurings, and frauds of priesthoods, while relatively117, or altogether, neglecting (as we have shown) what is honest and of good report.
The worse side of religion is the less sacred, and therefore the more conspicuous. Both elements are found co-existing, in almost all races, and nobody, in our total lack of historical information about the beginnings, can say which, if either, element is the earlier, or which, if either, is derived118 from the other. To suppose that propitiation of corpses120 and then of ghosts came first is agreeable, and seems logical, to some writers who are not without a bias against all religion as an unscientific superstition121. But we know so little! The first missionaries in Greenland supposed that there was not, there, a trace of belief in a Divine Being. ‘But when they came to understand their language better, they found quite the reverse to be true . . . and not only so, but they could plainly gather from a free dialogue they had with some perfectly wild Greenlanders (at that time avoiding any direct application to their hearts) that their ancestors must have believed in a Supreme Being, and did render him some service, which their posterity122 neglected little by little . . . ’21 Mr. Tylor does not refer to this as a trace of Christian87 Scandinavian influence on the Eskimo.22
That line, of course, may be taken. But an Eskimo said to a missionary, ‘Thou must not imagine that no Greenlander thinks about these things’ (theology). He then stated the argument from design. ‘Certainly there must be some Being who made all these things. He must be very good too . . . Ah, did I but know him, how I would love and honour him.’ As St. Paul writes: ‘That which may be known of God is manifest in them, for God hath showed it unto them . . . being understood by the things which are made . . . but they became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened.’23 In fact, mythology submerged religion. St. Paul’s theory of the origin of religion is not that of an ‘innate idea,’ nor of a direct revelation. People, he says, reached the belief in a God from the Argument for Design. Science conceives herself to have annihilated123 teleological124 ideas. But they are among the probable origins of religion, and would lead to the belief in a Creator, whom the Greenlander thought beneficent, and after whom he yearned125. This is a very different initial step in religious development, if initial it was, from the feeding of a corpse119, or a ghost.
From all this evidence it does not appear how non-polytheistic, non-monarchical, non-Manes-worshipping savages evolved the idea of a relatively supreme, moral, and benevolent Creator, unborn, undying, watching men’s lives. ‘He can go everywhere, and do everything.’
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1 missionary | |
adj.教会的,传教(士)的;n.传教士 | |
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2 anthropological | |
adj.人类学的 | |
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3 bias | |
n.偏见,偏心,偏袒;vt.使有偏见 | |
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4 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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5 watchful | |
adj.注意的,警惕的 | |
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6 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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7 deity | |
n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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8 barter | |
n.物物交换,以货易货,实物交易 | |
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9 torments | |
(肉体或精神上的)折磨,痛苦( torment的名词复数 ); 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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10 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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11 ethical | |
adj.伦理的,道德的,合乎道德的 | |
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12 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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13 slaying | |
杀戮。 | |
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14 ethics | |
n.伦理学;伦理观,道德标准 | |
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15 malignant | |
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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16 invoke | |
v.求助于(神、法律);恳求,乞求 | |
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17 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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18 degenerate | |
v.退步,堕落;adj.退步的,堕落的;n.堕落者 | |
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19 cult | |
n.异教,邪教;时尚,狂热的崇拜 | |
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20 fauna | |
n.(一个地区或时代的)所有动物,动物区系 | |
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21 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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22 pottery | |
n.陶器,陶器场 | |
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23 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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24 relics | |
[pl.]n.遗物,遗迹,遗产;遗体,尸骸 | |
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25 civilisation | |
n.文明,文化,开化,教化 | |
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26 discredited | |
不足信的,不名誉的 | |
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27 poultry | |
n.家禽,禽肉 | |
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28 curiously | |
adv.有求知欲地;好问地;奇特地 | |
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29 attests | |
v.证明( attest的第三人称单数 );证实;声称…属实;使宣誓 | |
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30 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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31 dwelling | |
n.住宅,住所,寓所 | |
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32 boughs | |
大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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33 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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34 maker | |
n.制造者,制造商 | |
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35 initiate | |
vt.开始,创始,发动;启蒙,使入门;引入 | |
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36 initiated | |
n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始,创始,启蒙,介绍加入 | |
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37 jaw | |
n.颚,颌,说教,流言蜚语;v.喋喋不休,教训 | |
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38 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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39 rite | |
n.典礼,惯例,习俗 | |
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40 latitude | |
n.纬度,行动或言论的自由(范围),(pl.)地区 | |
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41 longitude | |
n.经线,经度 | |
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42 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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43 overthrow | |
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44 dispositions | |
安排( disposition的名词复数 ); 倾向; (财产、金钱的)处置; 气质 | |
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45 entities | |
实体对像; 实体,独立存在体,实际存在物( entity的名词复数 ) | |
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46 propitiated | |
v.劝解,抚慰,使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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48 malicious | |
adj.有恶意的,心怀恶意的 | |
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49 conformity | |
n.一致,遵从,顺从 | |
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50 tribal | |
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51 initiation | |
n.开始 | |
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52 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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53 derives | |
v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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54 reposes | |
v.将(手臂等)靠在某人(某物)上( repose的第三人称单数 ) | |
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55 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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56 rites | |
仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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57 benevolent | |
adj.仁慈的,乐善好施的 | |
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58 malevolent | |
adj.有恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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59 defunct | |
adj.死亡的;已倒闭的 | |
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60 malevolence | |
n.恶意,狠毒 | |
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61 illustrated | |
adj. 有插图的,列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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62 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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63 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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64 trespasses | |
罪过( trespass的名词复数 ); 非法进入 | |
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65 ordinances | |
n.条例,法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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66 transgressions | |
n.违反,违法,罪过( transgression的名词复数 ) | |
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67 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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68 anthropologist | |
n.人类学家,人类学者 | |
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69 folklore | |
n.民间信仰,民间传说,民俗 | |
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70 narrated | |
v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71 instinctively | |
adv.本能地 | |
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72 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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73 mythology | |
n.神话,神话学,神话集 | |
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74 secrecy | |
n.秘密,保密,隐蔽 | |
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75 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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76 soften | |
v.(使)变柔软;(使)变柔和 | |
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77 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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78 poetic | |
adj.富有诗意的,有诗人气质的,善于抒情的 | |
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79 idol | |
n.偶像,红人,宠儿 | |
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80 idols | |
偶像( idol的名词复数 ); 受崇拜的人或物; 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物; 神像 | |
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81 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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82 abode | |
n.住处,住所 | |
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83 knave | |
n.流氓;(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
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84 counteract | |
vt.对…起反作用,对抗,抵消 | |
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85 immoral | |
adj.不道德的,淫荡的,荒淫的,有伤风化的 | |
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86 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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87 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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88 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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89 exertions | |
n.努力( exertion的名词复数 );费力;(能力、权力等的)运用;行使 | |
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90 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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91 blindfold | |
vt.蒙住…的眼睛;adj.盲目的;adv.盲目地;n.蒙眼的绷带[布等]; 障眼物,蒙蔽人的事物 | |
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92 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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93 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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95 evolutionary | |
adj.进化的;演化的,演变的;[生]进化论的 | |
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96 precepts | |
n.规诫,戒律,箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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97 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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98 restrictions | |
约束( restriction的名词复数 ); 管制; 制约因素; 带限制性的条件(或规则) | |
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99 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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100 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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101 allude | |
v.提及,暗指 | |
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102 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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103 scrutiny | |
n.详细检查,仔细观察 | |
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104 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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105 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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106 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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107 revered | |
v.崇敬,尊崇,敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108 paradox | |
n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法;自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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109 mythical | |
adj.神话的;虚构的;想像的 | |
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110 mythological | |
adj.神话的 | |
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111 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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112 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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113 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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114 anthropology | |
n.人类学 | |
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115 impure | |
adj.不纯净的,不洁的;不道德的,下流的 | |
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116 lusts | |
贪求(lust的第三人称单数形式) | |
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117 relatively | |
adv.比较...地,相对地 | |
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118 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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119 corpse | |
n.尸体,死尸 | |
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120 corpses | |
n.死尸,尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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121 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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122 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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123 annihilated | |
v.(彻底)消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 );使无效;废止;彻底击溃 | |
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124 teleological | |
adj.目的论的 | |
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125 yearned | |
渴望,切盼,向往( yearn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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