Ja’afar Bey, — he has since been deposed4, — then occupied the position of judge, officer commanding, collector of customs, and magistrate5 of Suez. He was a Mir-liwa, or brigadier-general, and had some reputation as a soldier, together with a slight tincture of European science and language. The large old Turk received me most superciliously7, disdained8 all return of salam, and, fixing upon me two little eyes like gimlets, demanded my business. I stated that one Shaykh Nur, my Hindi servant, had played me false; therefore I required permission to break into the room supposed to contain my effects. He asked my profession. I replied the medical. This led him to inquire if I had any medicine for the eyes, and being answered in the affirmative, he sent a messenger with me to enforce obedience9 on the part of the porter. The obnoxious10 measure was, however, unnecessary. As we entered the Caravanserai, there appeared at the door the black face of Shaykh Nur, looking, though accompanied by sundry12 fellow-countrymen, uncommonly13 as if he merited and expected the bamboo. He had, by his own account, been seduced14 into the festivities of a coal-hulk, manned by Lascars, and the vehemence15 of his self-accusation saved him from the chastisement16 which I had determined17 to administer.
I must now briefly18 describe the party of Meccah and Madinah men into which fate threw me: their names will so frequently appear in the following pages, that a few words about their natures will not be misplaced.
First of all comes Omar Effendi, — so called in honour, — a Daghistani or East-Circassian, the grandson of a Hanafi Mufti at Al-Madinah, and the son of a Shaykh Rakb, an officer whose duty it is to lead dromedary-caravans. He sits upon his cot, a small, short, plump body, of yellow complexion19 and bilious20 temperament21, grey-eyed, soft-featured, and utterly22 beardless, — which affects his feelings, — he looks fifteen, and he owns to twenty-eight. His manners are those of a student; he dresses respectably, prays regularly, hates the fair sex, like an Arab, whose affections and aversions are always in extremes; is “serious,” has a mild demeanour, an humble23 gait, and a soft, slow voice. When roused he becomes furious as a Bengal tiger. His parents have urged him to marry, and he, like Kamar al-Zaman, has informed his father that he is “a person of great age, but little sense.” Urged moreover by a melancholy24 turn of mind, and the want of leisure for study at Al-Madinah, he fled the paternal25 domicile, and entered himself a pauper26 Talib ’ilm (student) in the Azhar Mosque27. His disconsolate28 friends and afflicted29 relations sent a confidential30 man to fetch him home, by force should it be necessary; he has yielded, and is now awaiting the first opportunity of travelling gratis31, if possible, to Al-Madinah.
That confidential man is a negro-servant, called Sa’ad, notorious in his native city as Al-Jinni, the Demon32. Born and bred a slave in Omar Effendi’s family, he obtained manumission, became a soldier in Al-Hijaz, was dissatisfied with pay perpetually in arrears33, turned merchant, and wandered far and wide, to Russia, to Gibraltar, and to Baghdad. He is the pure African, noisily merry at one moment, at another silently sulky; affectionate and abusive, brave and boastful, reckless and crafty34, exceedingly quarrelsome, and unscrupulous to the last degree. The bright side of his character is his love and respect for the young master, Omar Effendi; yet even him he will scold in a paroxysm of fury, and steal from him whatever he can lay his hands on. He is generous with his goods, but is ever borrowing and never paying money; he dresses like a beggar, with the dirtiest Tarbush upon his tufty poll, and only a cotton shirt over his sooty skin; whilst his two boxes are full of handsome apparel for himself and the three ladies, his wives, at Al-Madinah. He knows no fear but for those boxes. Frequently during our search for a vessel35 he forced himself into Ja’afar Bey’s presence, and there he demeaned himself so impudently36, that we expected to see him lamed37 by the bastinado; his forwardness, however, only amused the dignitary. He wanders all day about the bazar, talking about freight and passage, for he has resolved, cost what it will, to travel free, and, with doggedness like his, he must succeed.
Shaykh Hamid al-Samman derives38 his cognomen39, the “Clarified-Butter-Seller,” from a celebrated40 saint and Sufi of the Kadiriyah order, who left a long line of holy descendants at Al-Madinah. This Shaykh squats41 upon a box full of presents for the “daughter of his paternal uncle” (his wife), a perfect specimen42 of the town Arab. His poll is crowned with a rough Shushah or tuft of hair1; his face is of a dirty brown, his little goatee straggles untrimmed; his feet are bare, and his only garment is an exceedingly unclean ochre-coloured blouse, tucked into a leathern girdle beneath it. He will not pray, because he is unwilling43 to take pure clothes out of his box; but he smokes when he can get other people’s tobacco, and groans44 between the whiffs, conjugating45 the verb all day, for he is of active mind. He can pick out his letters, and he keeps in his bosom46 a little dog’s-eared MS. full of serious romances and silly prayers, old and exceedingly ill written; this he will draw forth47 at times, peep into for a moment, devoutly48 kiss, and restore to its proper place with the veneration49 of the vulgar for a book. He can sing all manner of songs, slaughter50 a sheep with dexterity51, deliver a grand call to prayer, shave, cook, fight; and he excels in the science of vituperation: like Sa’ad, he never performs his devotions, except when necessary to “keep up appearances,” and though he has sworn to perish before he forgets his vow52 to the “daughter of his uncle,” I shrewdly suspect he is no better than he should be. His brow crumples53 at the word wine, but there is quite another expression about the region of the mouth; Stambul, where he has lived some months, without learning ten words of Turkish, is a notable place for displacing prejudice. And finally, he has not more than a piastre or two in his pocket, for he has squandered54 the large presents given to him at Cairo and Constantinople by noble ladies, to whom he acted as master of the ceremonies at the tomb of the Apostle.
Stretched on a carpet, smoking a Persian Kaliun all day, lies Salih Shakkar, a Turk on the father’s, and an Arab on the mother’s side, born at Al-Madinah. This lanky55 youth may be sixteen years old, but he has the ideas of forty-six; he is thoroughly56 greedy, selfish, and ungenerous; coldly supercilious6 as a Turk, and energetically avaricious57 as an Arab. He prays more often, and dresses more respectably, than the descendant of the Clarified-Butter-Seller; he affects the Constantinople style of toilette, and his light yellow complexion makes people consider him a “superior person.” We were intimate enough on the road, when he borrowed from me a little money. But at Al-Madinah he cut me pitilessly, as a “town man” does a continental58 acquaintance accidentally met in Hyde Park; and of course he tried, though in vain, to evade59 repaying his debt. He had a tincture of letters, and appeared to have studied critically the subject of “largesse.” “The Generous is Allah’s friend, aye, though he be a Sinner, and the Miser60 is Allah’s Foe61, aye, though he be a Saint,” was a venerable saying always in his mouth. He also informed me that Pharaoh, although the quintessence of impiety62, is mentioned by name in the Koran, by reason of his liberality; whereas Nimrod, another monster of iniquity63, is only alluded64 to, because he was a stingy tyrant65. It is almost needless to declare that Salih Shakkar was, as the East-Indians say, a very “fly-sucker.2” There were two other men of Al-Madinah in the Wakalah Jirgis; but I omit description, as we left them, they being penniless, at Suez. One of them, Mohammed Shiklibha, I afterwards met at Meccah, and seldom have I seen a more honest and warm-hearted fellow. When we were embarking67 at Suez, he fell upon Hamid’s bosom, and both of them wept bitterly, at the prospect68 of parting even for a few days.
All the individuals above mentioned lost no time in opening the question of a loan. It was a lesson in Oriental metaphysics to see their condition. They had a twelve days’ voyage, and a four days’ journey before them; boxes to carry, custom-houses to face, and stomachs to fill; yet the whole party could scarcely, I believe, muster69 two dollars of ready money. Their boxes were full of valuables, arms, clothes, pipes, slippers70, sweetmeats, and other “notions”; but nothing short of starvation would have induced them to pledge the smallest article.
Foreseeing that their company would be an advantage, I hearkened favourably71 to the honeyed request for a few crowns. The boy Mohammed obtained six dollars; Hamid about five pounds, as I intended to make his house at Al-Madinah my home; Omar Effendi three dollars; Sa’ad the Demon two — I gave the money to him at Yambu’, — and Salih Shakkar fifty piastres. But since in these lands, as a rule, no one ever lends coins, or, borrowing, ever returns them, I took care to exact service from the first, to take two rich coats from the second, a handsome pipe from the third, a “bala” or yataghan from the fourth, and from the fifth an imitation Cashmere shawl. After which, we sat down and drew out the agreement. It was favourable72 to me: I lent them Egyptian money, and bargained for repayment73 in the currency of Al-Hijaz, thereby74 gaining the exchange, which is sometimes sixteen per cent. This was done, not so much for the sake of profit, as with the view of becoming a Hatim,3 by a “never mind” on settling day. My companions having received these small sums, became affectionate and eloquent75 in my praise: they asked me to make one of their number at meals for the future, overwhelmed me with questions, insisted upon a present of sweetmeats, detected in me a great man under a cloud, — perhaps my claims to being a Darwaysh assisted them to this discovery, — and declared that I should perforce be their guest at Meccah and Al-Madinah. On all occasions precedence was forced upon me; my opinion was the first consulted, and no project was settled without my concurrence76: briefly, Abdullah the Darwaysh suddenly found himself a person of consequence. This elevation77 led me into an imprudence which might have cost me dear; aroused the only suspicion about me ever expressed during the summer’s tour. My friends had looked at my clothes, overhauled78 my medicine chest, and criticised my pistols; they sneered79 at my copper-cased watch,4 and remembered having seen a compass at Constantinople. Therefore I imagined they would think little about a sextant. This was a mistake. The boy Mohammed, I afterwards learned,5 waited only my leaving the room to declare that the would-be Haji was one of the Infidels from India, and a council sat to discuss the case. Fortunately for me, Omar Effendi had looked over a letter which I had written to Haji Wali that morning, and he had at various times received categorical replies to certain questions in high theology. He felt himself justified80 in declaring, ex cathedra, the boy Mohammed’s position perfectly81 untenable. And Shaykh Hamid, who looked forward to being my host, guide, and debtor82 in general, and probably cared scantily83 for catechism or creed84, swore that the light of Al-Islam was upon my countenance85, and, consequently, that the boy Mohammed was a pauper, a “fakir,” an owl86, a cut-off one,6 a stranger, and a Wahhabi (heretic), for daring to impugn87 the faith of a brother believer.7 The scene ended with a general abuse of the acute youth, who was told on all sides that he had no shame, and was directed to “fear Allah.” I was struck with the expression of my friends’ countenances88 when they saw the sextant, and, determining with a sigh to leave it behind, I prayed five times a day for nearly a week.
We all agreed not to lose an hour in securing places on board some vessel bound for Yambu’; and my companions, hearing that my passport as a British Indian was scarcely en regle, earnestly advised me to have it signed by the governor without delay, whilst they occupied themselves about the harbour. They warned me that if I displayed the Turkish Tazkirah given me at the citadel89 of Cairo, I should infallibly be ordered to await the caravan11, and lose their society and friendship. Pilgrims arriving at Alexandria, be it known to the reader, are divided into bodies, and distributed by means of passports to the three great roads, namely, Suez, Kusayr (Cosseir), and the Hajj route by land round the Gulf90 of al-’Akabah. After the division has once been made, government turns a deaf ear to the representations of individuals. The Bey of Suez has an order to obstruct91 pilgrims as much as possible till the end of the season, when they are hurried down that way, lest they should arrive at Meccah too late.8 As most of the Egyptian high officials have boats, which sail up the Nile laden92 with pilgrims and return freighted with corn, the government naturally does its utmost to force the delays and discomforts93 of this line upon strangers.9 And as those who travel by the Hajj route must spend money in the Egyptian territories at least fifteen days longer than they would if allowed to embark66 at once from Suez, the Bey very properly assists them in the former and obstructs94 them in the latter case. Knowing these facts, I felt that a difficulty was at hand. The first thing was to take Shaykh Nur’s passport, which was en regle, and my own, which was not, to the Bey for signature. He turned the papers over and over, as if unable to read them, and raised false hopes high by referring me to his clerk. The under-official at once saw the irregularity of the document, asked me why it had not been vise at Cairo, swore that under such circumstances nothing would induce the Bey to let me proceed; and, when I tried persuasion95, waxed insolent96. I feared that it would be necessary to travel via Cosseir, for which there was scarcely time, or to transfer myself on camel-back to the harbour of Tur, and there to await the chance of finding a place in some half-filled vessel to Al-Hijaz, — which would have been relying upon an accident. My last hope at Suez was to obtain assistance from Mr. West, then H.B.M.‘s Vice-Consul1, and since made Consul. I therefore took the boy Mohammed with me, choosing him on purpose, and excusing the step to my companions by concocting97 an artful fable98 about my having been, in Afghanistan, a benefactor99 to the British nation. We proceeded to the Consulate100. Mr. West, who had been told by imprudent Augustus Bernal to expect me, saw through the disguise, despite jargon101 assumed to satisfy official scruples102, and nothing could be kinder than the part he took. His clerk was directed to place himself in communication with the Bey’s factotum103; and, when objections to signing the Alexandrian Tazkirah were offered, the Vice-Consul said that he would, at his own risk, give me a fresh passport as a British subject from Suez to Arabia. His firmness prevailed: on the second day, the documents were returned to me in a satisfactory state. I take a pleasure in owning this obligation to Mr. West: in the course of my wanderings, I have often received from him open-hearted hospitality and the most friendly attentions.
Whilst these passport difficulties were being solved, the rest of the party was as busy in settling about passage and passage-money. The peculiar104 rules of the port of Suez require a few words of explanation.10 “About thirty-five years ago” (i.e. about 1818 A.D.), “the ship-owners proposed to the then government, with the view of keeping up freight, a Farzah, or system of rotation105. It might be supposed that the Pasha, whose object notoriously was to retain all monoplies in his own hands, would have refused his sanction to such a measure. But it so happened in those days that all the court had ships at Suez: Ibrahim Pasha alone owned four or five. Consequently, they expected to share profits with the merchants, and thus to be compensated106 for the want of port-dues. From that time forward all the vessels107 in the harbour were registered, and ordered to sail in rotation. This arrangement benefits the owner of the craft ‘en depart,’ giving him in his turn a temporary monopoly, with the advantage of a full market; and freight is so high that a single trip often clears off the expense of building and the risk of losing the ship — a sensible succedaneum for insurance companies. On the contrary, the public must always be a loser by the ‘Farzah.’ Two of a trade do not agree elsewhere; but at Suez even the Christian108 and the Moslem2 shipowner are bound by a fraternal tie, in the shape of this rotation system. It injures the general merchant and the Red Sea trader, not only by perpetuating109 high freight,11 but also by causing at one period of the year a break in the routine of sales and in the supplies of goods for the great Jeddah market.12 At this moment (Nov. 1853), the vessel to which the turn belongs happens to be a large one; there is a deficiency of export to Al-Hijaz, — her owner will of course wait any length of time for a full cargo110; consequently no vessel with merchandise has left Suez for the last seventy-two days. Those who have bought goods for the Jeddah market at three months’ credit will therefore have to meet their acceptances for merchandise still warehoused at the Egyptian port. This strange contrast to free-trade principle is another proof that protection benefits only one party, the protected, while it is detrimental111 to the interests of the other party, the public.” To these remarks of Mr. Levick’s, I have only to add that the government supports the Farzah with all the energy of protectionists. A letter from Mr. (now Sir) John Drummond Hay was insufficient112 to induce the Bey of Suez to break through the rule of rotation in favour of certain princes from Morocco. The recommendations of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe met with no better fate; and all Mr. West’s good will could not procure113 me a vessel out of her turn.13 We were forced to rely upon our own exertions114, and the activity of Sa’ad the Demon. This worthy115, after sundry delays and differences, mostly caused by his own determination to travel gratis, and to make us pay too much, finally closed with the owner of the “Golden Thread.14” He took places for us upon the poop, — the most eligible116 part of the vessel at this season of the year; he premised that we should not be very comfortable, as we were to be crowded with Maghrabi pilgrims, but that “Allah makes all things easy!” Though not penetrated117 with the conviction that this would happen in our case, I paid for two deck passages eighteen Riyals15 (dollars), and my companions seven each, whilst Sa’ad secretly entered himself as an able seaman118. Mohammed Shiklibha we were obliged to leave behind, as he could not, or might not afford the expense, and none of us might afford it for him. Had I known him to be the honest, true-hearted fellow he was — his kindness at Meccah quite won my heart — I should not have grudged119 the small charity.
Nothing more comfortless than our days and nights in the “George” Inn. The ragged120 walls of our rooms were clammy with dirt, the smoky rafters foul121 with cobwebs, and the floor, bestrewed with kit122, in terrible confusion, was black with hosts of cockroaches123, ants, and flies. Pigeons nestled on the shelf, cooing amatory ditties the live-long day, and cats like tigers crawled through a hole in the door, making night hideous124 with their caterwaulings. Now a curious goat, then an inquisitive125 jackass, would walk stealthily into the room, remark that it was tenanted, and retreat with dignified126 demeanour, and the mosquitos sang Io Paeans127 over our prostrate128 forms throughout the twenty-four hours. I spare the reader the enumeration129 of the other Egyptian plagues that infested130 the place. After the first day’s trial, we determined to spend the hours of light in the passages, lying upon our boxes or rugs, smoking, wrangling131, and inspecting one another’s chests. The latter occupation was a fertile source of disputes, for nothing was more common than for a friend to seize an article belonging to another, and to swear by the Apostle’s beard that he admired it, and, therefore, would not return it. The boy Mohammed and Shaykh Nur, who had been intimates the first day, differed in opinion on the second, and on the third came to pushing each other against the wall. Sometimes we went into the Bazar, a shady street flanked with poor little shops, or we sat in the coffee-house,16 drinking hot saltish water tinged132 with burnt bean, or we prayed in one of three tumble-down old Mosques133, or we squatted134 upon the pier135, lamenting136 the want of Hammams, and bathing in the tepid137 sea.17 I presently came to the conclusion that Suez as a “watering-place” is duller even than Dover. The only society we found, excepting an occasional visitor, was that of a party of Egyptian women, who with their husbands and families occupied some rooms adjoining ours. At first they were fierce, and used bad language, when the boy Mohammed and I, — whilst Omar Effendi was engaged in prayer, and the rest were wandering about the town, — ventured to linger in the cool passage, where they congregated138, or to address a facetious139 phrase to them. But hearing that I was a Hakim-bashi — for fame had promoted me to the rank of a “Physician General” at Suez — all discovered some ailments140. They began prudently141 with requesting me to display the effects of my drugs by dosing myself, but they ended submissively by swallowing the nauseous compounds. To this succeeded a primitive142 form of flirtation143, which mainly consisted of the demand direct. The most charming of the party was one Fattumah18, a plump-personed dame144, fast verging145 upon her thirtieth year, fond of a little flattery, and possessing, like all her people, a most voluble tongue. The refrain of every conversation was “Marry me, O Fattumah! O daughter! O female pilgrim!” In vain the lady would reply, with a coquettish movement of the sides, a toss of the head, and a flirting146 manipulation of her head-veil, “I am mated, O young man!” — it was agreed that she, being a person of polyandrous propensities147, could support the weight of at least three matrimonial engagements. Sometimes the entrance of the male Fellahs19 interrupted these little discussions, but people of our respectability and nation were not to be imposed upon by such husbands. In their presence we only varied148 the style of conversation — inquiring the amount of “Mahr,” or marriage settlement, deriding149 the cheapness of womanhood in Egypt, and requiring to be furnished on the spot with brides at the rate of ten shillings a head.20 More often the amiable150 Fattumah — the fair sex in this country, though passing frail151, have the best tempers in the world — would laugh at our impertinences. Sometimes vexed152 by our imitating her Egyptian accent, mimicking153 her gestures, and depreciating154 her country-women,21 she would wax wroth, and order us to be gone, and stretch out her forefinger155 — a sign that she wished to put out our eyes, or adjure156 Allah to cut the hearts out of our bosoms157. Then the “Marry me, O Fattumah, O daughter, O female pilgrim!” would give way to Y’al Ago-o-oz! (O old woman and decrepit158!) “O daughter of sixty sires, and fit only to carry wood to market!” — whereupon would burst a storm of wrath159, at the tail of which all of us, like children, starting upon our feet, rushed out of one another’s way. But — “qui se dispute, s’adore” — when we again met all would be forgotten, and the old tale be told over de novo. This was the amusement of the day. At night we men, assembling upon the little terrace, drank tea, recited stories, read books, talked of our travels, and indulged in various pleasantries. The great joke was the boy Mohammed’s abusing all his companions to their faces in Hindustani, which none but Shaykh Nur and I could understand; the others, however, guessed his intention, and revenged themselves by retorts of the style uncourteous in the purest Hijazi.
I proceed to offer a few more extracts from Mr. Levick’s letter about Suez and the Suezians. “It appears that the number of pilgrims who pass through Suez to Meccah has of late been steadily160 on the decrease. When I first came here (in 1838) the pilgrims who annually161 embarked162 at this port amounted to between 10,000 and 12,000, the shipping163 was more numerous, and the merchants were more affluent164.22 I have ascertained165 from a special register kept in the government archives that in the Moslem year 1268 (A.D. 1851-52) the exact number that passed through was 4893.”
“In 1269 A.H. (A.D. 1852-53) it had shrunk to 3136. The natives assign the falling off to various causes, which I attribute chiefly to the indirect effect of European civilisation166 upon the Moslem powers immediately in contact with it. The heterogeneous167 mass of pilgrims is composed of people of all classes, colours, and costumes. One sees among them, not only the natives of countries contiguous to Egypt, but also a large proportion of Central Asians from Bokhara, Persia, Circassia, Turkey, and the Crimea, who prefer this route by way of Constantinople to the difficult, expensive and dangerous caravan-line through the Desert from Damascus and Baghdad. The West sends us Moors168, Algerines, and Tunisians, and Inner Africa a mass of sable169 Takrouri,23 and others from Bornou, the Sudan,24 Ghadamah near the Niger, and Jabarti from the Habash.25”
“The Suez ship-builders are an influential170 body of men, originally Candiots and Alexandrians. When Mohammed Ali fitted out his fleet for the Hijaz war, he transported a number of Greeks to Suez, and the children now exercise their fathers’ craft. There are at present three great builders at this place. Their principal difficulty is the want of material. Teak comes from India26 via Jeddah, and Venetian boards, owing to the expense of camel-transport, are a hundred per cent. dearer here than at Alexandria. Trieste and Turkey supply spars, and Jeddah canvas: the sail-makers are Suez men, and the crews a mongrel mixture of Arabs and Egyptians; the Rais, or captain, being almost invariably, if the vessel be a large one, a Yambu’ man. There are two kinds of craft, distinguished171 from each other by tonnage, not by build. The Baghlah27 (buggalow), is a vessel above fifty tons burden, the Sambuk (a classical term) from fifteen to fifty. The shipowner bribes172 the Amir al-Bahr, or port-captain, and the Nazir al-Safayn, or the captain commanding the government vessels, to rate his ship as high as possible; if he pay the price, he will be allowed nine ardebs to the ton.28 The number of ships belonging to the port of Suez amounts to 92; they vary from 25 to 250 tons. The departures in A.H. 1269 (1852 and 1853) were 38, so that each vessel, after returning from a trip, is laid up for about two years. Throughout the passage of the pilgrims, — that is to say, during four months, — the departures average twice a week; during the remainder of the year from six to ten vessels may leave the port. The homeward trade is carried on principally in Jeddah bottoms, which are allowed to convey goods to Suez, but not to take in return cargo there: they must not interfere173 with, nor may they partake in any way of the benefits of the rotation system.29”
“During the present year the imports were contained in 41,395 packages, the exports in 15,988. Specie makes up in some manner for this preponderance of imports: a sum of from L30,000 to L40,000, in crown, or Maria Theresa, dollars annually leaves Egypt for Arabia, Abyssinia, and other parts of Africa. I value the imports at about L350,000; the export trade to Jeddah at L300,000 per annum. The former consists principally of coffee and gum-arabic; of these there were respectively 17,460 and 15,132 bales, the aggregate174 value of each article being from L75,000 to L80,000, and the total amount L160,000. In the previous year the imports were contained in 36,840 packages, the exports in 13,498: of the staple175 articles — coffee and gum-arabic — they were respectively 15,499 and 14,129 bales, each bale being valued at about L5. Next in importance comes wax from Al-Yaman and the Hijaz, mother-of-pearl30 from the Red Sea, sent to England in rough, pepper from Malabar, cloves176 brought by Moslem pilgrims from Java, Borneo, and Singapore,31 cherry pipe-sticks from Persia and Bussora, and Persian or Surat ‘Timbak’ (tobacco). These I value at L20,000 per annum. There were also (A.D. 1853) of cloves 708 packages, and of Malabar pepper 948: the cost of these two might be L7,000. Minor177 articles of exportation are, — general spiceries (ginger, cardamons, &c.); Eastern perfumes, such as aloes-wood, attar of rose, attar of pink and others; tamarinds from India and Al-Yaman, Banca tin, hides supplied by the nomade Badawin, senna leaves from Al-Yaman and the Hijaz, and blue chequered cotton Malayahs (women’s mantillas), manufactured in southern Arabia. The total value of these smaller imports may be L20,000 per annum.”
“The exports chiefly consist of English and native ‘grey domestics,’ bleached178 Madipilams, Paisley lappets, and muslins for turbands; the remainder being Manchester prints, antimony, Syrian soap, iron in bars, and common ironmongery, Venetian or Trieste beads179, used as ornaments181 in Arabia and Abyssinia, writing paper, Tarbushes, Papushes (slippers), and other minor articles of dress and ornament180.”
“The average annual temperature of the year at Suez is 67° Fahrenheit182. The extremes of heat and cold are found in January and August; during the former month the thermometer ranges from a minimum of 38° to a maximum of 68°; during the latter the variation extends from 68° to 102°, or even to 104°, when the heat becomes oppressive. Departures from these extremes are rare. I never remember to have seen the thermometer rise above 108° during the severest Khamsin, or to have sunk below 34° in the rawest wintry wind. Violent storms come up from the south in March. Rain is very variable32: sometimes three years have passed without a shower, whereas in 1841 torrents183 poured for nine successive days, deluging185 the town, and causing many buildings to fall.”
“The population of Suez now numbers about 4,800. As usual in Mohammedan countries no census186 is taken here. Some therefore estimate the population at 6,000. Sixteen years ago it was supposed to be under 3,000. After that time it rapidly increased till 1850, when a fatal attack of cholera187 reduced it to about half its previous number. The average mortality is about twelve a month.33 The endemic diseases are fevers of typhoid and intermittent188 types in spring, when strong northerly winds cause the waters of the bay to recede,34 and leave a miasma-breeding swamp exposed to the rays of the sun. In the months of October and November febrile attacks are violent; ophthalmia more so. The eye-disease is not so general here as at Cairo, but the symptoms are more acute; in some years it becomes a virulent189 epidemic190, which ends either in total blindness or in a partial opacity191 of the cornea, inducing dimness of vision, and a permanent weakness of the eyes. In one month three of my acquaintances lost their sight. Dysenteries are also common, and so are bad boils, or rather ulcers192. The cold season is not unwholesome, and at this period the pure air of the Desert restores and invigorates the heat-wasted frame.”
“The walls, gates, and defences of Suez are in a ruinous state, being no longer wanted to keep out the Sinaitic Badawin. The houses are about 500 in number, but many of the natives prefer occupying the upper stories of the Wakalahs, the rooms on the ground floor serving for stores to certain merchandise, wood, dates, cotton, &c. The Suezians live well, and their bazar is abundantly stocked with meat and clarified butter brought from Sinai, and fowls193, corn, and vegetables from the Sharkiyah province; fruit is supplied by Cairo as well as by the Sharkiyah, and wheat conveyed down the Nile in flood to the capital is carried on camel-back across the Desert. At sunrise they eat the Fatur, or breakfast, which in summer consists of a ‘fatirah,’ a kind of muffin, or of bread and treacle194. In winter it is more substantial, being generally a mixture of lentils and rice,35 with clarified butter poured over it, and a ‘kitchen’ of pickled lime or stewed195 onions. At this season they greatly enjoy the ‘ful mudammas’ (boiled horse-beans),36 eaten with an abundance of linseed oil, into which they steep bits of bread. The beans form, with carbon-generating matter, a highly nutritive diet, which, if the stomach can digest it, — the pulse is never shelled, — gives great strength. About the middle of the day comes ‘Al-Ghada,’ a light dinner of wheaten bread, with dates, onions or cheese: in the hot season melons and cooling fruits are preferred, especially by those who have to face the sun. ‘Al-Asha,’ or supper, is served about half an hour after sunset; at this meal all but the poorest classes eat meat. Their favourite flesh, as usual in this part of the world, is mutton; beef and goat are little prized.37”
The people of Suez are a finer and fairer race than the Cairenes. The former have more the appearance of Arabs: their dress is more picturesque196, their eyes are carefully darkened with Kohl, and they wear sandals, not slippers. They are, according to all accounts, a turbulent and somewhat fanatic197 set, fond of quarrels, and slightly addicted198 to “pronunciamentos.” The general programme of one of these latter diversions is said to be as follows. The boys will first be sent by their fathers about the town in a disorderly mob, and ordered to cry out “Long live the Sultan!” with its usual sequel, “Death to the Infidels!” The Infidels, Christians199 or others, must hear and may happen to resent this; or possibly the governor, foreseeing a disturbance200, orders an ingenuous201 youth or two to be imprisoned202, or to be caned203 by the police. Whereupon some person, rendered influential by wealth or religious reputation, publicly complains that the Christians are all in all, and that in these evil days Al-Islam is going to destruction. On this occasion the speaker conducts himself with such insolence204, that the governor perforce consigns205 him to confinement206, which exasperates207 the populace still more. Secret meetings are now convened208, and in them the chiefs of corporations assume a prominent position. If the disturbance be intended by its main-spring to subside209 quietly, the conspirators210 are allowed to take their own way; they will drink copiously211, become lions about midnight, and recover their hare-hearts before noon next day. But if mischief212 be intended, a case of bloodshed is brought about, and then nothing can arrest the torrent184 of popular rage.38 The Egyptian, with all his good humour, merriment, and nonchalance213, is notorious for doggedness, when, as the popular phrase is, his “blood is up.” And this, indeed, is his chief merit as a soldier. He has a certain mechanical dexterity in the use of arms, and an Egyptian regiment214 will fire a volley as correctly as a battalion215 at Chobham. But when the head, and not the hands, is required, he notably216 fails. The reason of his superiority in the field is his peculiar stubborness, and this, together with his powers of digestion217 and of enduring hardship on the line of march, is the quality that makes him terrible to his old conqueror218, the Turk.
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1
consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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supercilious
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| adj.目中无人的，高傲的；adv.高傲地；n.高傲 | |
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superciliously
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| adv.高傲地；傲慢地 | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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caravan
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| n.大蓬车；活动房屋 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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uncommonly
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| adv. 稀罕(极，非常) | |
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seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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bilious
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| adj.胆汁过多的；易怒的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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disconsolate
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| adj.忧郁的，不快的 | |
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afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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gratis
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| adj.免费的 | |
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32
demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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33
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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impudently
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lamed
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| 希伯莱语第十二个字母 | |
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38
derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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cognomen
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| n.姓；绰号 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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squats
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| n.蹲坐，蹲姿( squat的名词复数 )；被擅自占用的建筑物v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的第三人称单数 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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42
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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43
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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44
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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45
conjugating
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| vt.使结合（conjugate的现在分词形式） | |
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46
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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47
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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50
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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51
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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52
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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crumples
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| 压皱，弄皱( crumple的第三人称单数 )； 变皱 | |
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54
squandered
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
lanky
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| adj.瘦长的 | |
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56
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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57
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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58
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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59
evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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60
miser
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| n.守财奴，吝啬鬼 (adj.miserly) | |
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61
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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62
impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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63
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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64
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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66
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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69
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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70
slippers
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| n. 拖鞋 | |
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71
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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73
repayment
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| n.偿还，偿还款；报酬 | |
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74
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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75
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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77
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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overhauled
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| v.彻底检查( overhaul的过去式和过去分词 )；大修；赶上；超越 | |
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sneered
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| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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81
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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debtor
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| n.借方，债务人 | |
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83
scantily
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| adv.缺乏地；不充足地；吝啬地；狭窄地 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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85
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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owl
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| n.猫头鹰，枭 | |
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impugn
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| v.指责，对…表示怀疑 | |
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countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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discomforts
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| n.不舒适( discomfort的名词复数 )；不愉快，苦恼 | |
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obstructs
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| 阻塞( obstruct的第三人称单数 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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95
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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concocting
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的现在分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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consulate
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| n.领事馆 | |
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jargon
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| n.术语，行话 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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factotum
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| n.杂役；听差 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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rotation
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| n.旋转；循环，轮流 | |
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compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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perpetuating
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| perpetuate的现在进行式 | |
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cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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detrimental
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| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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112
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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113
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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114
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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115
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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116
eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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117
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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118
seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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119
grudged
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| 怀恨（grudge的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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120
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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121
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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122
kit
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| n.用具包，成套工具；随身携带物 | |
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123
cockroaches
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| n.蟑螂( cockroach的名词复数 ) | |
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124
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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125
inquisitive
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| adj.求知欲强的，好奇的，好寻根究底的 | |
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126
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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127
paeans
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| n.赞歌，凯歌( paean的名词复数 ) | |
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128
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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129
enumeration
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| n.计数，列举；细目；详表；点查 | |
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130
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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131
wrangling
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
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132
tinged
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| v.（使）发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
mosques
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| 清真寺； 伊斯兰教寺院，清真寺； 清真寺，伊斯兰教寺院( mosque的名词复数 ) | |
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134
squatted
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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135
pier
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| n.码头；桥墩，桥柱；[建]窗间壁，支柱 | |
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136
lamenting
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| adj.悲伤的，悲哀的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的现在分词 ) | |
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137
tepid
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| adj.微温的，温热的，不太热心的 | |
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138
congregated
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| （使）集合，聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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139
facetious
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| adj.轻浮的，好开玩笑的 | |
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140
ailments
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| 疾病（尤指慢性病），不适( ailment的名词复数 ) | |
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141
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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142
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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143
flirtation
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| n.调情，调戏，挑逗 | |
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144
dame
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| n.女士 | |
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145
verging
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| 接近，逼近（verge的现在分词形式） | |
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146
flirting
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| v.调情，打情骂俏( flirt的现在分词 ) | |
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147
propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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148
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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149
deriding
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的现在分词 ) | |
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150
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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151
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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152
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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153
mimicking
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| v.（尤指为了逗乐而）模仿( mimic的现在分词 )；酷似 | |
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154
depreciating
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| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的现在分词 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
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155
forefinger
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| n.食指 | |
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156
adjure
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| v.郑重敦促(恳请) | |
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157
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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158
decrepit
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| adj.衰老的，破旧的 | |
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159
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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160
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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161
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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162
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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163
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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164
affluent
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| adj.富裕的，富有的，丰富的，富饶的 | |
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165
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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166
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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167
heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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168
moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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169
sable
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| n.黑貂；adj.黑色的 | |
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170
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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171
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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172
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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173
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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174
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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175
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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176
cloves
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| n.丁香（热带树木的干花，形似小钉子，用作调味品，尤用作甜食的香料）( clove的名词复数 )；蒜瓣(a garlic ~|a ~of garlic) | |
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177
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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178
bleached
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| 漂白的，晒白的，颜色变浅的 | |
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179
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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180
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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181
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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182
Fahrenheit
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| n./adj.华氏温度；华氏温度计(的) | |
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183
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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184
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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185
deluging
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| v.使淹没( deluge的现在分词 )；淹没；被洪水般涌来的事物所淹没；穷于应付 | |
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186
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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187
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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188
intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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189
virulent
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| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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190
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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191
opacity
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| n.不透明；难懂 | |
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192
ulcers
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| n.溃疡( ulcer的名词复数 )；腐烂物；道德败坏；腐败 | |
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193
fowls
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| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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194
treacle
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| n.糖蜜 | |
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195
stewed
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| adj.焦虑不安的，烂醉的v.炖( stew的过去式和过去分词 )；煨；思考；担忧 | |
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196
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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197
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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198
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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199
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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200
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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201
ingenuous
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| adj.纯朴的，单纯的；天真的；坦率的 | |
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202
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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203
caned
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| vt.用苔杖打（cane的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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204
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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205
consigns
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的第三人称单数 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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206
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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207
exasperates
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| n.激怒，触怒( exasperate的名词复数 )v.激怒，触怒( exasperate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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208
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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209
subside
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| vi.平静，平息；下沉，塌陷，沉降 | |
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210
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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211
copiously
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| adv.丰富地，充裕地 | |
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212
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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213
nonchalance
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| n.冷淡，漠不关心 | |
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214
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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215
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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216
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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217
digestion
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| n.消化，吸收 | |
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218
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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