This might be a very salutary ceremony; it might also become very detrimental6; for such is the case with all human institutions. We know the answer of the Spartan7 whom a hierophant would have persuaded to confess himself: “To whom should I acknowledge my faults? to God, or to thee?” “To God,” said the priest. “Retire, then, O man.”
It is hard to determine at what time this practice was established among the Jews, who borrowed a great many of their rites8 from their neighbors. The Mishna, which is the collection of the Jewish laws, says that often, in confessing, they placed their hand upon a calf10 belonging to the priest; and this was called “the confession of calves11.”
It is said, in the same Mishna, that every culprit under sentence of death, went and confessed himself before witnesses, in some retired12 spot, a short time before his execution. If he felt himself guilty he said, “May my death atone13 for all my sins!” If innocent, he said, “May my death atone for all my sins, excepting that of which I am now accused.”
On the day of the feast which was called by the Jews the solemn atonement, the devout14 among them confessed to one another, specifying15 their sins. The confessor repeated three times thirteen words of the seventy-seventh Psalm16, at the same time giving the confessed thirty-nine stripes, which the latter returned, and they went away quits. It is said that this ceremony is still in use.
St. John’s reputation for sanctity brought crowds to confess to him, as they came to be baptized by him with the baptism of justice; but we are not informed that St. John gave his penitents17 thirty-nine stripes. Confession was not then a sacrament; for this there are several reasons. The first is, that the word “sacrament” was at that time unknown, which reason is of itself sufficient. The Christians19 took their confession from the Jewish rites, and not from the mysteries of Isis and Ceres. The Jews confessed to their associates, and the Christians did also. It afterwards appeared more convenient that this should be the privilege of the priests. No rite9, no ceremony, can be established but in process of time. It was hardly possible that some trace should not remain of the ancient usage of the laity20 of confessing to one another.
In Constantine’s reign21, it was at first the practice publicly to confess public offences. In the fifth century, after the schism22 of Novatus and Novatian, penitentiaries23 were instituted for the absolution of such as had fallen into idolatry. This confession to penitentiary24 priests was abolished under the Emperor Theodosius. A woman having accused herself aloud, to the penitentiary of Constantinople, of lying with the deacon, caused so much scandal and disturbance25 throughout the city that Nectarius permitted all the faithful to approach the holy table without confession, and to communicate in obedience26 to their consciences alone. Hence these words of St. John Chrysostom, who succeeded Nectarius: “Confess yourselves continually to God; I do not bring you forward on a stage to discover your faults to your fellow-servants; show your wounds to God, and ask of Him their cure; acknowledge your sins to Him who will not reproach you before men; it were vain to strive to hide them from Him who knows all things,” etc.
It is said that the practice of auricular confession did not begin in the west until about the seventh century, when it was instituted by the abbots, who required their monks28 to come and acknowledge their offences to them twice a year. These abbots it was who invented the formula: “I absolve29 thee to the utmost of my power and thy need.” It would surely have been more respectful towards the Supreme30 Being, as well as more just, to say: “May He forgive both thy faults and mine!”
The good which confession has done is that it has sometimes procured31 restitution32 from petty thieves. The ill is, that, in the internal troubles of states, it has sometimes forced the penitents to be conscientiously33 rebellious34 and blood-thirsty. The Guelph priests refused absolution to the Ghibellines, and the Ghibellines to the Guelphs.
The counsellor of state, Lénet, relates, in his “Memoirs,” that all he could do in Burgundy to make the people rise in favor of the Prince Condé, detained at Vincennes by Cardinal35 Mazarin, was “to let loose the priests in the confessionals”— speaking of them as bloodhounds, who were to fan the flame of civil war in the privacy of the confessional.
At the siege of Barcelona, the monks refused absolution to all who remained faithful to Philip V. In the last revolution of Genoa, it was intimated to all consciences that there was no salvation36 for whosoever should not take up arms against the Austrians. This salutary remedy has, in every age, been converted into a poison. Whether a Sforza, a Medici, a Prince of Orange, or a King of France was to be assassinated38, the parricide39 always prepared himself by the sacrament of confession. Louis XI., and the Marchioness de Brinvilliers always confessed as soon as they had committed any great crime; and they confessed often, as gluttons40 take medicines to increase their appetite.
The Disclosure of Confessions41.
Jaurigini and Balthazar Gérard, the assassins of William I., Prince of Orange, the dominican Jacques Clément, Jean Chatel, the Feuillant Ravaillac, and all the other parricides of that day, confessed themselves before committing their crimes. Fanaticism42, in those deplorable ages, had arrived at such a pitch that confession was but an additional pledge for the consummation of villainy. It became sacred for this reason — that confession is a sacrament.
Strada himself says: “Jaurigni non ante facinus aggredi sustinuit, quam expiatam noxis animam apud Dominicanum sacerdotem c?lesti pane43 firmaverit.” “Jaurigini did not venture upon this act until he had purged44 his soul by confession at the feet of a Dominican, and fortified45 it by the celestial46 bread.”
We find, in the interrogatory of Ravaillac, that the wretched man, quitting the Feuillans, and wishing to be received among the Jesuits, applied47 to the Jesuit d’Aubigny and, after speaking of several apparitions48 that he had seen, showed him a knife, on the blade of which was engraved49 a heart and a cross, and said, “This heart indicates that the king’s heart must be brought to make war on the Huguenots.”
Perhaps, if this d’Aubigny had been zealous50 and prudent51 enough to have informed the king of these words, and given him a faithful picture of the man who had uttered them, the best of kings would not have been assassinated.
On August 20, 1610, three months after the death of Henry IV., whose wounds yet bleed in the heart of every Frenchman, the Advocate-General Sirvin, still of illustrious memory, required that the Jesuits should be made to sign the four following rules:
1. That the council is above the pope. 2. That the pope cannot deprive the king of any of his rights by excommunication. 3. That ecclesiastics52, like other persons, are entirely53 subject to the king. 4. That a priest who is made acquainted, by confession, with a conspiracy54 against the king and the state, must disclose it to the magistrates55.
On the 22nd, the parliament passed a decree, by which it forbade the Jesuits to instruct youth before they had signed these four articles; but the court of Rome was then so powerful, and that of France so feeble, that this decree was of no effect. A fact worthy56 of attention is, that this same court of Rome, which did not choose that confession should be disclosed when the lives of sovereigns were endangered, obliged its confessors to denounce to the inquisitors those whom their female penitents accused in confession of having seduced57 and abused them. Paul IV., Pius IV., Clement58 VIII., and Gregory XV., ordered these disclosures to be made.
This was a very embarrassing snare59 for confessors and female penitents; it was making the sacrament a register of informations, and even of sacrileges. For, by the ancient canons, and especially by the Lateran Council under Innocent III., every priest that disclosed a confession, of whatever nature, was to be interdicted60 and condemned61 to perpetual imprisonment62.
But this is not the worst; here are four popes, of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, ordering the disclosure of a sin of impurity63, but not permitting that of a parricide. A woman, in the sacrament, declares, or pretends, before a carmelite, that a cordelier has seduced her; and the carmelite must denounce the cordelier. A fanatical assassin, thinking that he serves God by killing64 his prince, comes and consults a confessor on this case of conscience; and the confessor commits a sacrilege if he saves his sovereign’s life.
This absurd and horrible contradiction is one unfortunate consequence of the constant opposition65 existing for so many centuries between the civil and ecclesiastical laws. The citizen finds himself, on fifty occasions, placed without alternative between sacrilege and high treason; the rules of good and evil being not yet drawn66 from beneath the chaos67 under which they have so long been buried. The Jesuit Coton’s reply to Henry IV. will endure longer than his order. Would you reveal the confession of a man who had resolved to assassinate37 me?” “No; but I would throw myself between him and you.”
Father Coton’s maxim68 has not always been followed. In some countries there are state mysteries unknown to the public, of which revealed confessions form no inconsiderable part. By means of suborned confessors the secrets of prisoners are learned. Some confessors, to reconcile their conscience with their interest, make use of a singular artifice69. They give an account, not precisely70 of what the prisoner has told them, but of what he has not told them. If, for example, they are employed to find out whether an accused person has for his accomplice71 a Frenchman or an Italian, they say to the man who employs them, “the prisoner has sworn to me that no Italian was informed of his designs;” whence it is concluded that the suspected Frenchman is guilty.
Bodin thus expresses himself, in his book, “De la République”: “Nor must it be concealed72, if the culprit is discovered to have conspired73 against the life of the sovereign, or even to have willed it only; as in the case of a gentleman of Normandy, who confessed to a monk27 that he had a mind to kill Francis I. The monk apprised74 the king, who sent the gentleman to the court of parliament, where he was condemned to death, as I learned from M. Canage, an advocate in parliament.”
The writer of this article was himself almost witness to a disclosure still more important and singular. It is known how the Jesuit Daubenton betrayed Philip V., king of Spain, to whom he was confessor. He thought, from a very mistaken policy, that he should report the secrets of his penitent18 to the duke of Orleans, regent of the kingdom, and had the imprudence to write to him what he should not, even verbally, communicate to any one. The duke of Orleans sent his letter to the king of Spain. The Jesuit was discarded, and died a short time after. This is an authenticated75 fact.
It is still a grave and perplexing question, in what cases confessions should be disclosed. For, if we decide that it should be in cases of human high treason, this treason may be made to include any direct offence against majesty76, even the smuggling77 of salt or muslins. Much more should high treasons against the Divine Majesty be disclosed; and these may be extended to the smallest faults, as having missed evening service.
It would, then, be very important to come to a perfect understanding about what confessions should be disclosed, and what should be kept secret. Yet would such a decision be very dangerous; for how many things are there which must not be investigated!
Pontas, who, in three folio volumes, decides on all the possible cases of conscience in France, and is unknown to the rest of the world, says that on no occasion should confession be disclosed. The parliaments have decided78 the contrary. Which are we to believe? Pontas, or the guardians79 of the laws of the realm, who watch over the lives of princes and the safety of the state?
Whether Laymen80 and Women Have Been Confessors?
As, in the old law, the laity confessed to one another; so, in the new law, they long had the same privilege by custom. In proof of this, let it suffice to cite the celebrated81 Joinville, who expressly says that “the constable82 of Cyprus confessed himself to him, and he gave him absolution, according to the right which he had so to do.” St. Thomas, in his dream, expresses himself thus: “Confessio ex defectu sacerdotis laico facta, sacramentalis est quodam modo.” “Confession made to a layman83, in default of a priest, is in some sort sacramental.”
We find in the life of St. Burgundosarius, and in the rule of an unknown saint, that the nuns84 confessed their very grossest sins to their abbess. The rule of St. Donatus ordains85 that the nuns shall discover their faults to their superior three times a day. The capitulars of our kings say that abbesses must be forbidden the exercise of the right which they have arrogated86 against the custom of the holy church, of giving benediction87 and imposing88 hands, which seems to signify the pronouncing of absolution, and supposes the confession of sins. Marcus, patriarch of Alexandria, asks Balzamon, a celebrated canonist of his time, whether permission should be granted to abbesses to hear confessions, to which Balzamon answers in the negative. We have, in the canon law, a decree of Pope Innocent III., enjoining89 the bishops90 of Valencia and Burgos, in Spain, to prevent certain abbesses from blessing91 their nuns, from confessing, and from public preaching: “Although,” says he, “the blessed Virgin92 Mary was superior to all the apostles in dignity and in merit, yet it is not to her, but to the apostles, that the Lord has confided93 the keys of the kingdom of heaven.”
So ancient was this right, that we find it established in the rules of St. Basil. He permits abbesses to confess their nuns, conjointly with a priest. Father Martène, in his “Rights of the Church,” says that, for a long time, abbesses confessed their nuns; but, adds he, they were so curious, that it was found necessary to deprive them of this privilege.
The ex-Jesuit Nonnotte should confess himself and do penance94; not for having been one of the most ignorant of daubers on paper, for that is no crime; not for having given the name of errors to truths which he did not understand; but for having, with the most insolent95 stupidity, calumniated96 the author of this article, and called his brother raca (a fool), while he denied these facts and many others, about which he knew not one word. He has put himself in danger of hell fire; let us hope that he will ask pardon of God for his enormous folly97. We desire not the death of a sinner, but that he turn from his wickedness and live.
It has long been debated why men, very famous in this part of the world where confession is in use, have died without this sacrament. Such are Leo X., Pélisson, and Cardinal Dubois. The cardinal had his perineum opened by La Peyronie’s bistoury; but he might have confessed and communicated before the operation. Pélisson, who was a Protestant until he was forty years old, became a convert that he might be made master of requests and have benefices. As for Pope Leo X., when surprised by death, he was so much occupied with temporal concerns, that he had no time to think of spiritual ones.
Confession Tickets.
In Protestant countries confession is made to God; in Catholic ones, to man. The Protestants say you can hide nothing from God, whereas man knows only what you choose to tell him. As we shall never meddle98 with controversy99, we shall not enter here into this old dispute. Our literary society is composed of Catholics and Protestants, united by the love of letters; we must not suffer ecclesiastical quarrels to sow dissension among us. We will content ourselves with once more repeating the fine answer of the Greek already mentioned, to the priest who would have had him confess in the mysteries of Ceres: “Is it to God, or to thee, that I am to address myself?” “To God.” “Depart then, O man.”
In Italy, and in all the countries of obedience, every one, without distinction, must confess and communicate. If you have a stock of enormous sins on hand, you have also grand penitentiaries to absolve you. If your confession is worth nothing, so much the worse for you. At a very reasonable rate, you get a printed receipt, which admits you to communion; and all the receipts are thrown into a pix; such is the rule.
These bearers’ tickets were unknown at Paris until about the year 1750, when an archbishop of Paris bethought himself of introducing a sort of spiritual bank, to extirpate100 Jansenism and insure the triumph of the bull Unigenitus. It was his pleasure that extreme unction and the viaticum should be refused to every sick person who did not produce a ticket of confession, signed by a constitutionary priest.
This was refusing the sacrament to nine-tenths of Paris. In vain was he told: “Think what you are doing; either these sacraments are necessary, to escape damnation, or salvation may be obtained without them by faith, hope, charity, good works, and the merits of our Saviour101. If salvation be attainable102 without this viaticum, your tickets are useless; if the sacraments be absolutely necessary, you damn all whom you deprive of them; you consign103 to eternal fire seven hundred thousand souls, supposing you live long enough to bury them; this is violent; calm yourself, and let each one die as well as he can.”
In this dilemma104 he gave no answer, but persisted. It is horrible to convert religion, which should be man’s consolation105, into his torment106. The parliament, in whose hands is the high police, finding that society was disturbed, opposed — according to custom — decrees to mandaments. But ecclesiastical discipline would not yield to legal authority. The magistracy was under the necessity of using force, and to send archers107 to obtain for the Parisians confession, communion, and interment.
By this excess of absurdity108, men’s minds were soured and cabals109 were formed at court, as if there had been a farmer-general to be appointed, or a minister to be disgraced. In the discussion of a question there are always incidents mixed up that have no radical110 connection with it; and in this case so much so, that all the members of the parliament were exiled, as was also the archbishop in his turn.
These confession tickets would, in the times preceding, have caused a civil war, but happily, in our days, they produced only civil cavils111. The spirit of philosophy, which is no other than reason, has become, with all honest men, the only antidote112 against these epidemic113 disorders114.
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1
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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deigned
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| v.屈尊，俯就( deign的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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detrimental
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| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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calf
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| n.小牛，犊，幼仔，小牛皮 | |
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calves
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| n.(calf的复数)笨拙的男子，腓；腿肚子( calf的名词复数 )；牛犊；腓；小腿肚v.生小牛( calve的第三人称单数 )；（冰川）崩解；生（小牛等），产（犊）；使（冰川）崩解 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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specifying
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| v.指定( specify的现在分词 )；详述；提出…的条件；使具有特性 | |
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psalm
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| n.赞美诗，圣诗 | |
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penitents
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| n.后悔者( penitent的名词复数 )；忏悔者 | |
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penitent
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| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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penitentiaries
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| n.监狱( penitentiary的名词复数 ) | |
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penitentiary
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| n.感化院；监狱 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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parricide
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| n.杀父母；杀亲罪 | |
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gluttons
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| 贪食者( glutton的名词复数 )； 贪图者； 酷爱…的人； 狼獾 | |
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confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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pane
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| n.窗格玻璃，长方块 | |
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purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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apparitions
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| n.特异景象( apparition的名词复数 )；幽灵；鬼；（特异景象等的）出现 | |
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engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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59
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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60
interdicted
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| v.禁止（行动）( interdict的过去式和过去分词 )；禁用；限制 | |
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61
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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63
impurity
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| n.不洁，不纯，杂质 | |
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64
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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69
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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71
accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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74
apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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authenticated
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| v.证明是真实的、可靠的或有效的( authenticate的过去式和过去分词 )；鉴定，使生效 | |
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76
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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smuggling
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| n.走私 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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82
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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83
layman
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| n.俗人，门外汉，凡人 | |
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84
nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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85
ordains
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的第三人称单数 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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arrogated
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| v.冒称，妄取( arrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；没来由地把…归属（于） | |
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benediction
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| n.祝福；恩赐 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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enjoining
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| v.命令( enjoin的现在分词 ) | |
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90
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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91
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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calumniated
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| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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98
meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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99
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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100
extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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101
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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102
attainable
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| a.可达到的，可获得的 | |
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103
consign
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| vt.寄售（货品），托运，交托，委托 | |
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dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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105
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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106
torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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107
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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108
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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109
cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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110
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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111
cavils
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| v.挑剔，吹毛求疵( cavil的第三人称单数 ) | |
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112
antidote
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| n.解毒药，解毒剂 | |
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113
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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114
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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