He was originally of Dalmatia, of the little town of Dioclea, of which he took the name. If it be true that his father was a laborer8, and that he himself in his youth had been a slave to a senator named Anulinus, the fact forms his finest eulogium. He could have owed his elevation to himself alone; and it is very clear that he had conciliated the esteem9 of his army, since they forgot his birth to give him the diadem10. Lactantius, a Christian11 authority, but rather partial, pretends that Diocletian was the greatest poltroon12 of the empire. It is not very likely that the Roman soldiers would have chosen a poltroon to govern them, or that this poltroon would have passed through all the degrees of the army. The zeal13 of Lactantius against a pagan emperor is very laudable, but not judicious14.
Diocletian continued for twenty years the master of those fierce legions, who dethroned their emperors with as much facility as they created them; which is another proof, notwithstanding Lactantius, that he was as great a prince as he was a brave soldier. The empire under him soon regained15 its pristine16 splendor17. The Gauls, the Africans, Egyptians, and British, who had revolted several times, were all brought under obedience18 to the empire; even the Persians were vanquished19. So much success without; a still more happy administration within; laws as humane20 as wise, which still exist in the Justinian code; Rome, Milan, Autun, Nicomedia, Carthage, embellished21 by his munificence22; all tended to gain him the love and respect both of the East and West; so that, two hundred and forty years after his death, they continued to reckon and date from the first year of his reign1, as they had formerly23 dated from the foundation of Rome. This is what is called the era of Diocletian; it has also been called the era of martyrs24; but this is a mistake of eighteen years, for it is certain that he did not persecute25 any Christian for eighteen years. So far from it, the first thing he did, when emperor, was to give a company of pr?torian guards to a Christian named Sebastian, who is in the list of the saints.
He did not fear to give a colleague to the empire in the person of a soldier of fortune, like himself; it was Maximian Hercules, his friend. The similarity of their fortunes had caused their friendship. Maximian was also born of poor and obscure parents, and had been elevated like Diocletian, step by step, by his own courage. People have not failed to reproach this Maximian with taking the surname of Hercules, and Diocletian with accepting that of Jove. They do not condescend26 to perceive that we have clergymen every day who call themselves Hercules, and peasants denominated C?sar and Augustus.
Diocletian created two C?sars; the first was another Maximian, surnamed Galerius, who had formerly been a shepherd. It seemed that Diocletian, the proudest of men and the first introducer of kissing the imperial feet, showed his greatness in placing C?sars on the throne from men born in the most abject27 condition. A slave and two peasants were at the head of the empire, and never was it more flourishing.
The second C?sar whom he created was of distinguished28 birth. He was Constantius Chlorus, great-nephew, on his mother’s side, to the emperor Claudius II. The empire was governed by these four princes; an association which might have produced four civil wars a year, but Diocletian knew so well how to be master of his colleagues, that he obliged them always to respect him, and even to live united among themselves. These princes, with the name of C?sars were in reality no more than his subjects. It is seen that he treated them like an absolute sovereign; for when the C?sar Galerius, having been conquered by the Persians, went into Mesopotamia to give him the account of his defeat, he let him walk for the space of a mile near his chariot, and did not receive him into favor until he had repaired his fault and misfortune.
Galerius retrieved29 them the year after, in 297, in a very signal manner. He vanquished the king of Persia in person.
These kings of Persia had not been cured, by the battle of Arbela, of carrying their wives, daughters, and eunuchs along with their armies. Galerius, like Alexander, took his enemy’s wife and all his family, and treated them with the same respect. The peace was as glorious as the victory. The vanquished ceded30 five provinces to the Romans, from the sands of Palmyra to Armenia.
Diocletian and Galerius went to Rome to dazzle the inhabitants with a triumph till then unheard of. It was the first time that the Roman people had seen the wife and children of a king of Persia in chains. All the empire was in plenty and prosperity. Diocletian went through all the provinces, from Rome to Egypt, Syria, and Asia Minor31. His ordinary residence was not at Rome, but at Nicomedia, near the Euxine Sea, either to watch over the Persians and the barbarians32, or because he was attached to a retreat which he had himself embellished. It was in the midst of this prosperity that Galerius commenced the persecution33 against the Christians34. Why had he left them in repose35 until then, and why were they then ill treated? Eusebius says that a centurion36 of the Trajan legion, named Marcellus, who served in Mauritania, assisting with his troop at a feast given in honor of the victory of Galerius, threw his military sash, his arms, and his branch of vine, on the ground, and cried out loudly that he was a Christian and that he would no longer serve pagans — a desertion which was punished with death by the council of war. This was the first known example of the famous persecution of Diocletian. It is true that there were a great number of Christians in the armies of the empire, and the interest of the state demanded that such a desertion should not be allowed. The zeal of Marcellus was pious37, but not reasonable. If at the feast given in Mauritania, viands38 offered to the gods of the empire were eaten, the law did not command Marcellus to eat of them, nor did Christianity order him to set the example of sedition39. There is not a country in the world in which so rash an action would not have been punished.
However, after the adventure of Marcellus, it does not appear that the Christians were thought of until the year 303. They had, at Nicomedia, a superb church, next to the palace, which it exceeded in loftiness. Historians do not tell us the reasons why Galerius demanded of Diocletian the instant destruction of this church; but they tell us that Diocletian was a long time before he determined40 upon it, and that he resisted for almost a year. It is very strange that after this he should be called the persecutor41. At last the church was destroyed and an edict was affixed42 by which the Christians were deprived of all honors and dignities. Since they were then deprived of them, it is evident that they possessed43 them. A Christian publicly tore the imperial edict in pieces — that was not an act of religion, it was an incitement44 to revolt. It is, therefore, very likely that an indiscreet and unreasonable45 zeal drew down this fatal persecution. Some time afterwards the palace of Galerius was burned down; he accused the Christians, and they accused Galerius of having himself set fire to it, in order to get a pretext46 for calumniating47 them. The accusation48 of Galerius appeared very unjust; that which they entered against him was no less so, for the edict having been already issued, what new pretext could he want? If he really wanted a new argument to engage Diocletian to persecute, this would only form a new proof of the reluctance49 of Diocletian to abandon the Christians, whom he had always protected; it would evidently show that he wanted new additional reasons to determine him to so much severity.
It appears certain that there were many Christians tormented50 in the empire, but it is difficult to reconcile with the Roman laws the alleged51 reported tortures, the mutilations, torn-out tongues, limbs cut and broiled52, and all the insults offered against modesty53 and public decency54. It is certain that no Roman law ever ordered such punishments; the aversion of the people to the Christians might carry them to horrible excesses, but we do not anywhere find that these excesses were ordered, either by the emperors or the senate.
It is very likely that the suffering of the Christians spread itself in exaggerated complaints: the “Acta Sincera” informs us that the emperor, being at Antioch, the pr?tor condemned55 a Christian child named Romanus to be burned; that the Jews present at the punishment began to laugh, saying: “We had formerly three children, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, who did not burn in the fiery56 furnace but these do burn.” At that instant, to confound the Jews, a great rain extinguished the pile and the little boy walked out safe and sound, asking, “Where then is the fire?” The account goes on to say that the emperor commanded him to be set free, but that the judge ordered his tongue to be cut out. It is scarcely possible to believe that the judge would have the tongue of a boy cut out, whom the emperor had pardoned.
That which follows is more singular. It is pretended that an old Christian physician named Ariston, who had a knife ready, cut the child’s tongue out to pay his court to the pr?tor. The little Romanus was then carried back to prison; the jailer asked him the news. The child related at length how the old surgeon had cut out his tongue. It should be observed that before this operation the child stammered57 very much but that now he spoke58 with wonderful volubility. The jailer did not fail to relate this miracle to the emperor. They brought forward the old surgeon who swore that the operation had been performed according to the rules of his art and showed the child’s tongue which he had properly preserved in a box as a relic59. “Bring hither another person,” said he, “and I will cut his tongue out in your majesty’s presence, and you will see if he can speak.” The proposition was accepted; they took a poor man whose tongue the surgeon cut out as he had done the child’s, and the man died on the spot.
I am willing to believe that the “Acts” which relate this fact are as veracious60 as their title pretends, but they are still more simple than sincere, and it is very strange that Fleury, in his “Ecclesiastical History,” relates such a prodigious61 number of similar incidents, being much more conducive62 to scandal than edification.
You will also remark that in this year 303, in which it is pretended that Diocletian was present at this fine affair in Antioch, he was at Rome and passed all that year in Italy. It is said that it was at Rome, and in his presence, that St. Genestus, a comedian63, was converted on the stage while playing in a comedy against the Christians. This play shows clearly that the taste of Plautus and Terence no longer existed; that which is now called comedy, or Italian farce64, seems to have originated at this time. St. Genestus represented an invalid65; the physician asked him what was the matter with him. “I am too unwieldy,” said Genestus. “Would you have us exorcise you to make you lighter66?” said the physician. “No,” replied Genestus, “I will die a Christian, to be raised again of a finer stature67.” Then the actors, dressed as priests and exorcists, came to baptize him, at which moment Genestus really became a Christian, and, instead of finishing his part, began to preach to the emperor and the people. The “Acta Sincera” relate this miracle also.
It is certain that there were many true martyrs, but it is not true that the provinces were inundated68 with blood, as it is imagined. Mention is made of about two hundred martyrs towards the latter days of Diocletian in all the extent of the Roman Empire, and it is averred69, even in the letters of Constantine, that Diocletian had much less part in the persecution than Galerius.
Diocletian fell ill this year and feeling himself weakened he was the first who gave the world the example of the abdication70 of empire. It is not easy to know whether this abdication was forced or not; it is true, however, that having recovered his health he lived nine years equally honored and peaceable in his retreat of Salonica, in the country of his birth. He said that he only began to live from the day of his retirement71 and when he was pressed to remount the throne he replied that the throne was not worth the tranquillity72 of his life, and that he took more pleasure in cultivating his garden than he should have in governing the whole earth. What can be concluded from these facts but that with great faults he reigned73 like a great emperor and finished his life like a philosopher!
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1
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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poltroon
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| n.胆怯者；懦夫 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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pristine
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| adj.原来的，古时的，原始的，纯净的，无垢的 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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embellished
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| v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 )；装饰；修饰；润色 | |
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munificence
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| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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persecute
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| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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retrieved
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| v.取回( retrieve的过去式和过去分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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centurion
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| n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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viands
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| n.食品，食物 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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42
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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incitement
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| 激励； 刺激； 煽动； 激励物 | |
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45
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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calumniating
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| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的现在分词 ) | |
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48
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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50
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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51
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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52
broiled
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| a.烤过的 | |
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53
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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55
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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57
stammered
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| v.结巴地说出( stammer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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veracious
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| adj.诚实可靠的 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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comedian
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| n.喜剧演员；滑稽演员 | |
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farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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66
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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inundated
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| v.淹没( inundate的过去式和过去分词 )；（洪水般地）涌来；充满；给予或交予（太多事物）使难以应付 | |
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69
averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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