The Speaker had been harassed39 for orders. The powers and prowess of every individual member had been put to the test. The galleries were crowded. Ladies’ places had been ballotted for with desperate enthusiasm, in spite of the sarcasm40 against the House which Madame Goesler had expressed. Two royal princes and a royal duke were accommodated within the House in an irregular manner. Peers swarmed41 in the passages, and were too happy to find standing42 room. Bishops jostled against lay barons43 with no other preference than that afforded to them by their broader shoulders. Men, and especially clergymen, came to the galleries loaded with sandwiches and flasks44, prepared to hear all there was to be heard should the debate last from 4 P . M . to the same hour on the following morning. At two in the afternoon the entrances to the House were barred, and men of all ranks — deans, prebends, peers’ sons, and baronets — stood there patiently waiting till some powerful nobleman should let them through. The very ventilating chambers45 under the House were filled with courteous47 listeners, who had all pledged themselves that under no possible provocation48 would they even cough during the debate.
A few minutes after four, in a House from which hardly more than a dozen members were absent, Mr Daubeny took his seat with that air of affected49 indifference50 to things around him which is peculiar51 to him. He entered slowly, amidst cheers from his side of the House, which no doubt were loud in proportion to the dismay of the cheerers as to the matter in hand. Gentlemen lacking substantial sympathy with their leader found it to be comfortable to deceive themselves, and raise their hearts at the same time by the easy enthusiasm of noise. Mr Daubeny having sat down and covered his head just raised his hat from his brows, and then tried to look as though he were no more than any other gentleman present. But the peculiar consciousness of the man displayed itself even in his constrained52 absence of motion. You could see that he felt himself to be the beheld53 of all beholders, and that he enjoyed the position — with some slight inward trepidation54 lest the effort to be made should not equal the greatness of the occasion. Immediately after him Mr Gresham bustled55 up the centre of the House amidst a roar of good-humoured welcome. We have had many Ministers who have been personally dearer to their individual adherents56 in the House than the present leader of the Opposition57 and late Premier58, but none, perhaps, who has been more generally respected by his party for earnestness and sincerity59. On the present occasion there was a fierceness, almost a ferocity, in his very countenance60, to the fire of which friends and enemies were equally anxious to add fuel — the friends in order that so might these recreant61 Tories be more thoroughly62 annihilated63, and the enemies, that their enemy’s indiscretion might act back upon himself to his confusion. For, indeed, it never could be denied that as a Prime Minister Mr Gresham could be very indiscreet.
A certain small amount of ordinary business was done, to the disgust of expectant strangers, which was as trivial as possible in its nature — so arranged, apparently64, that the importance of what was to follow might be enhanced by the force of contrast. And, to make the dismay of the novice65 stranger more thorough, questions were asked and answers were given in so low a voice, and Mr Speaker uttered a word or two in so quick and shambling a fashion, that he, the novice stranger, began to fear that no word of the debate would reach him up there in his crowded back seat. All this, however, occupied but a few minutes, and at twenty minutes past four Mr Daubeny was on his legs. Then the novice stranger found that, though he could not see Mr Daubeny without the aid of an opera glass, he could hear every word that fell from his lips.
Mr Daubeny began by regretting the hardness of his position, in that he must, with what thoroughness he might be able to achieve, apply himself to two great subjects, whereas the right honourable66 gentleman opposite had already declared, with all the formality which could be made to attach itself to a combined meeting of peers and commoners, that he would confine himself strictly67 to one. The subject selected by the right honourable gentleman opposite on the present occasion was not the question of Church Reform. The right honourable gentleman had pledged himself with an almost sacred enthusiasm to ignore that subject altogether. No doubt it was the question before the House, and he, himself — the present speaker — must unfortunately discuss it at some length. The right honourable gentleman opposite would not, on this great occasion, trouble himself with anything of so little moment. And it might be presumed that the political followers68 of the right honourable gentleman would be equally reticent69, as they were understood to have accepted his tactics without a dissentient voice. He, Mr Daubeny, was the last man in England to deny the importance of the question which the right honourable gentleman would select for discussions in preference to that of the condition of the Church. That question was a very simple one, and might be put to the House in a very few words. Coming from the mouth of the right honourable gentleman, the proposition would probably be made in this form: “That this House does think that I ought to be Prime Minister now, and as long as I may possess a seat in this House.” It was impossible to deny the importance of that question; but perhaps he, Mr Daubeny, might be justified70 in demurring71 to the preference given to it over every other matter, let that matter be of what importance it might be to the material welfare of the country.
He made his point well; but he made it too often. And an attack of that kind, personal and savage72 in its nature, loses its effect when it is evident that the words have been prepared. A good deal may be done in dispute by calling a man an ass16 or a knave73 — but the resolve to use the words should have been made only at the moment, and they should come hot from the heart. There was much neatness and some acuteness in Mr Daubeny’s satire74, but there was no heat, and it was prolix75. It had, however, the effect of irritating Mr Gresham — as was evident from the manner in which he moved his hat and shuffled76 his feet.
A man destined77 to sit conspicuously78 on our Treasury79 Bench, or on the seat opposite to it, should ask the gods for a thick skin as a first gift. The need of this in our national assembly is greater than elsewhere, because the differences between the men opposed to each other are smaller. When two foes80 meet together in the same Chamber46, one of whom advocates the personal government of an individual ruler, and the other that form of State, which has come to be called a Red Republic, they deal, no doubt, weighty blows of oratory81 at each other, but blows which never hurt at the moment. They may cut each other’s throats if they can find an opportunity; but they do not bite each other like dogs over a bone. But when opponents are almost in accord, as is always the case with our parliamentary gladiators, they are ever striving to give maddening little wounds through the joints83 of the harness. What is there with us to create the divergence84 necessary for debate but the pride of personal skill in the encounter? Who desires among us to put down the Queen, or to repudiate85 the National Debt, or to destroy religious worship, or even to disturb the ranks of society? When some small measure of reform has thoroughly recommended itself to the country — so thoroughly that all men know that the country will have it — then the question arises whether its details shall be arranged by the political party which calls itself Liberal — or by that which is termed Conservative. The men are so near to each other in all their convictions and theories of life that nothing is left to them but personal competition for the doing of the thing that is to be done. It is the same in religion. The apostle of Christianity and the infidel can meet without a chance of a quarrel; but it is never safe to bring together two men who differ about a saint or a surplice.
Mr Daubeny, having thus attacked and wounded his enemy, rushed boldly into the question of Church Reform, taking no little pride to himself and to his party that so great a blessing86 should be bestowed87 upon the country from so unexpected a source. “See what we Conservatives can do. In fact we will conserve88 nothing when we find that you do not desire to have it conserved89 any longer. “” Quod minime reris Graia+ac pandetur ab urbe .’’{” It was exactly the reverse of the complaint which Mr Gresham was about to make. On the subject of the Church itself he was rather misty90 but very profound. He went into the question of very early Churches indeed, and spoke91 of the misappropriation of endowments in the time of Eli. The establishment of the Levites had been no doubt complete; but changes had been effected as circumstances required. He was presumed to have alluded92 to the order of Melchisedek, but he abstained93 from any mention of the name. He roamed very wide, and gave many of his hearers an idea that his erudition had carried him into regions in which it was impossible to follow him. The gist94 of his argument was to show that audacity95 in Reform was the very backbone96 of Conservatism. By a clearly pronounced disunion of Church and State the theocracy97 of Thomas à Becket would be restored, and the people of England would soon again become the faithful flocks of faithful shepherds. By taking away the endowments from the parishes, and giving them back in some complicated way to the country, the parishes would be better able than ever to support their clergymen. Bishops would be bishops indeed, when they were no longer the creatures of a Minister’s breath. As to the deans, not seeing a clear way to satisfy aspirants98 for future vacancies99 in the deaneries, he became more than usually vague, but seemed to imply that the Bill which was now with the leave of the House to be read a second time, contained no clause forbidding the appointment of deans, though the special stipend100 of the office must be matter of consideration with the new Church Synod.
The details of this part of his speech were felt to be dull by the strangers. As long as he would abuse Mr Gresham, men could listen with pleasure; and could keep their attention fixed101 while he referred to the general Conservatism of the party which he had the honour of leading. There was a raciness in the promise of so much Church destruction from the chosen leader of the Church party, which was assisted by a conviction in the minds of most men that it was impossible for unfortunate Conservatives to refuse to follow this leader, let him lead where he might. There was a gratification in feeling that the country party was bound to follow, even should he take them into the very bowels102 of a mountain, as the pied piper did the children of Hamelin — and this made listening pleasant. But when Mr Daubeny stated the effect of his different clauses, explaining what was to be taken and what left — with a fervent103 assurance that what was to be left would, under the altered circumstances, go much further than the whole had gone before — then the audience became weary, and began to think that it was time that some other gentleman should be upon his legs. But at the end of the Minister’s speech there was another touch of invective104 which went far to redeem105 him. He returned to that personal question to which his adversary106 had undertaken to confine himself, and expressed a holy horror at the political doctrine107 which was implied. He, during a prolonged Parliamentary experience, had encountered much factious108 opposition. He would even acknowledge that he had seen it exercised on both sides of the House, though he had always striven to keep himself free from its baneful109 influence. But never till now had he known a statesman proclaim his intention of depending upon faction110, and upon faction alone, for the result which he desired to achieve. Let the right honourable gentleman raise a contest on either the principles or the details of the measure, and he would be quite content to abide111 the decision of the House; but he should regard such a raid as that threatened against him and his friends by the right honourable gentleman as unconstitutional, revolutionary, and tyrannical. He felt sure that an opposition so based, and so maintained, even if it be enabled by the heated feelings of the moment to obtain an unfortunate success in the House, would not be encouraged by the sympathy and support of the country at large. By these last words he was understood to signify that should he be beaten on the second reading, not in reference to the merits of the Bill, but simply on the issue as proposed by Mr Gresham, he would again dissolve the House before he would resign. Now it was very well understood that there were Liberal members in the House who would prefer even the success of Mr Daubeny to a speedy reappearance before their constituents112.
Mr Daubeny spoke till nearly eight, and it was surmised113 at the time that he had craftily114 arranged his oratory so as to embarrass his opponent. The House had met at four, and was to sit continuously till it was adjourned115 for the night. When this is the case, gentlemen who speak about eight o’clock are too frequently obliged to address themselves to empty benches. On the present occasion it was Mr Gresham’s intention to follow his opponent at once, instead of waiting, as is usual with a leader of his party, to the close of the debate. It was understood that Mr Gresham would follow Mr Daubeny, with the object of making a distinct charge against Ministers, so that the vote on this second reading of the Church Bill might in truth be a vote of want of confidence. But to commence his speech at eight o’clock when the House was hungry and uneasy, would be a trial. Had Mr Daubeny closed an hour sooner there would, with a little stretching of the favoured hours, have been time enough. Members would not have objected to postpone116 their dinner till half-past eight, or perhaps nine, when their favourite orator82 was on his legs. But with Mr Gresham beginning a great speech at eight, dinner would altogether become doubtful, and the disaster might be serious. It was not probable that Mr Daubeny had even among his friends proclaimed any such strategy; but it was thought by the political speculators of the day that such an idea had been present to his mind.
But Mr Gresham was not to be turned from his purpose. He waited for a few moments, and then rose and addressed the Speaker. A few members left the House — gentlemen, doubtless, whose constitutions, weakened by previous service, could not endure prolonged fasting. Some who had nearly reached the door returned to their seats, mindful of Messrs Roby and Ratler. But for the bulk of those assembled the interest of the moment was greater even than the love of dinner. Some of the peers departed, and it was observed that a bishop or two left the House; but among the strangers in the gallery, hardly a foot of space was gained. He who gave up his seat then, gave it up for the night.
Mr Gresham began with a calmness of tone which seemed almost to be affected, but which arose from a struggle on his own part to repress that superabundant energy of which he was only too conscious. But the calmness soon gave place to warmth, which heated itself into violence before he had been a quarter of an hour upon his legs. He soon became even ferocious117 in his invective, and said things so bitter that he had himself no conception of their bitterness. There was this difference between the two men — that whereas Mr Daubeny hit always as hard as he knew how to hit, having premeditated each blow, and weighed its results beforehand, having calculated his power even to the effect of a blow repeated on a wound already given, Mr Gresham struck right and left and straightforward118 with a readiness engendered119 by practice, and in his fury might have murdered his antagonist120 before he was aware that he had drawn121 blood. He began by refusing absolutely to discuss the merits of the bill. The right honourable gentleman had prided himself on his generosity122 as a Greek. He would remind the right honourable gentleman that presents from Greeks had ever been considered dangerous. “It is their gifts, and only their gifts, that we fear,” he said. The political gifts of the right honourable gentleman, extracted by him from his unwilling123 colleagues and followers, had always been more bitter to the taste than Dead Sea apples. That such gifts should not be bestowed on the country by unwilling hands, that reform should not come from those who themselves felt the necessity of no reform, he believed to be the wish not only of that House, but of the country at large. Would any gentleman on that bench, excepting the right honourable gentleman himself — and he pointed124 to the crowded phalanx of the Government — get up and declare that this measure of Church Reform, this severance125 of Church and State, was brought forward in consonance with his own long-cherished political conviction? He accused that party of being so bound to the chariot wheels of the right honourable gentleman, as to be unable to abide by their own convictions. And as to the right honourable gentleman himself, he would appeal to his followers opposite to say whether the right honourable gentleman was possessed126 of any one strong political conviction.
He had been accused of being unconstitutional, revolutionary, and tyrannical. If the House would allow him he would very shortly explain his idea of constitutional government as carried on in this country. It was based and built on majorities in that House, and supported solely127 by that power. There could be no constitutional government in this country that was not so maintained. Any other government must be both revolutionary and tyrannical. Any other government was a usurpation128; and he would make bold to tell the right honourable gentleman that a Minister in this country who should recommend Her Majesty to trust herself to advisers129 not supported by a majority of the House of Commons, would plainly be guilty of usurping130 the powers of the State. He threw from him with disdain131 the charge which had been brought against himself of hankering after the sweets of office. He indulged and gloried in indulging the highest ambition of an English subject. But he gloried much more in the privileges and power of that House, within the walls of which was centred all that was salutary, all that was efficacious, all that was stable in the political constitution of his country. It had been his pride to have acted during nearly all his political life with that party which had commanded a majority, but he would defy his most bitter adversary, he would defy the right honourable gentleman himself, to point to any period of his career in which he had been unwilling to succumb132 to a majority when he himself had belonged to the minority.
He himself would regard the vote on this occasion as a vote of want of confidence. He took the line he was now taking because he desired to bring the House to a decision on that question. He himself had not that confidence in the right honourable gentleman which would justify133 him in accepting a measure on so important a subject as the union or severance of Church and State from his hands. Should the majority of the House differ from him and support the second reading of the Bill, he would at once so far succumb as to give his best attention to the clauses of the bill, and endeavour with the assistance of those gentlemen who acted with him to make it suitable to the wants of the country by omissions134 and additions as the clauses should pass through Committee. But before doing that he would ask the House to decide with all its solemnity and all its weight whether it was willing to accept from the hands of the right honourable gentleman any measure of reform on a matter so important as this now before them. It was nearly ten when he sat down; and then the stomach of the House could stand it no longer, and an adjournment135 at once took place.
On the next morning it was generally considered that Mr Daubeny had been too long and Mr Gresham too passionate136. There were some who declared that Mr Gresham had never been finer than when he described the privileges of the House of Commons; and others who thought that Mr Daubeny’s lucidity137 had been marvellous; but in this case, as in most others, the speeches of the day were generally thought to have been very inferior to the great efforts of the past.
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1 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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2 Oxford | |
n.牛津(英国城市) | |
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3 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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4 bishops | |
(基督教某些教派管辖大教区的)主教( bishop的名词复数 ); (国际象棋的)象 | |
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5 adverse | |
adj.不利的;有害的;敌对的,不友好的 | |
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6 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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7 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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8 equanimity | |
n.沉着,镇定 | |
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9 curtailed | |
v.截断,缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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10 scruples | |
n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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11 avow | |
v.承认,公开宣称 | |
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12 layman | |
n.俗人,门外汉,凡人 | |
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13 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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14 ascendancy | |
n.统治权,支配力量 | |
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15 exacting | |
adj.苛求的,要求严格的 | |
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16 ass | |
n.驴;傻瓜,蠢笨的人 | |
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17 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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18 galling | |
adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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19 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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20 pastors | |
n.(基督教的)牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
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21 linen | |
n.亚麻布,亚麻线,亚麻制品;adj.亚麻布制的,亚麻的 | |
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22 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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23 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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24 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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25 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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26 monkish | |
adj.僧侣的,修道士的,禁欲的 | |
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27 conscientious | |
adj.审慎正直的,认真的,本着良心的 | |
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28 diminution | |
n.减少;变小 | |
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29 dominant | |
adj.支配的,统治的;占优势的;显性的;n.主因,要素,主要的人(或物);显性基因 | |
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30 chaos | |
n.混乱,无秩序 | |
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31 impunity | |
n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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32 contemn | |
v.蔑视 | |
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33 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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34 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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35 genial | |
adj.亲切的,和蔼的,愉快的,脾气好的 | |
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36 hospitable | |
adj.好客的;宽容的;有利的,适宜的 | |
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37 disturbances | |
n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 );打扰;困扰;障碍 | |
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38 brute | |
n.野兽,兽性 | |
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39 harassed | |
adj. 疲倦的,厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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40 sarcasm | |
n.讥讽,讽刺,嘲弄,反话 (adj.sarcastic) | |
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41 swarmed | |
密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 ); 云集; 成群地移动; 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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42 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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43 barons | |
男爵( baron的名词复数 ); 巨头; 大王; 大亨 | |
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44 flasks | |
n.瓶,长颈瓶, 烧瓶( flask的名词复数 ) | |
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45 chambers | |
n.房间( chamber的名词复数 );(议会的)议院;卧室;会议厅 | |
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46 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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47 courteous | |
adj.彬彬有礼的,客气的 | |
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48 provocation | |
n.激怒,刺激,挑拨,挑衅的事物,激怒的原因 | |
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49 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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50 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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51 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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52 constrained | |
adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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53 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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54 trepidation | |
n.惊恐,惶恐 | |
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55 bustled | |
闹哄哄地忙乱,奔忙( bustle的过去式和过去分词 ); 催促 | |
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56 adherents | |
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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57 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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58 premier | |
adj.首要的;n.总理,首相 | |
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59 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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60 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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61 recreant | |
n.懦夫;adj.胆怯的 | |
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62 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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63 annihilated | |
v.(彻底)消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 );使无效;废止;彻底击溃 | |
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64 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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65 novice | |
adj.新手的,生手的 | |
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66 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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67 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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68 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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69 reticent | |
adj.沉默寡言的;言不如意的 | |
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70 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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71 demurring | |
v.表示异议,反对( demur的现在分词 ) | |
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72 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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73 knave | |
n.流氓;(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
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74 satire | |
n.讽刺,讽刺文学,讽刺作品 | |
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75 prolix | |
adj.罗嗦的;冗长的 | |
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76 shuffled | |
v.洗(纸牌)( shuffle的过去式和过去分词 );拖着脚步走;粗心地做;摆脱尘世的烦恼 | |
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77 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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78 conspicuously | |
ad.明显地,惹人注目地 | |
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79 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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80 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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81 oratory | |
n.演讲术;词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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82 orator | |
n.演说者,演讲者,雄辩家 | |
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83 joints | |
接头( joint的名词复数 ); 关节; 公共场所(尤指价格低廉的饮食和娱乐场所) (非正式); 一块烤肉 (英式英语) | |
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84 divergence | |
n.分歧,岔开 | |
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85 repudiate | |
v.拒绝,拒付,拒绝履行 | |
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86 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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87 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88 conserve | |
vt.保存,保护,节约,节省,守恒,不灭 | |
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89 conserved | |
v.保护,保藏,保存( conserve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90 misty | |
adj.雾蒙蒙的,有雾的 | |
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91 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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92 alluded | |
提及,暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93 abstained | |
v.戒(尤指酒),戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 );弃权(不投票) | |
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94 gist | |
n.要旨;梗概 | |
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95 audacity | |
n.大胆,卤莽,无礼 | |
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96 backbone | |
n.脊骨,脊柱,骨干;刚毅,骨气 | |
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97 theocracy | |
n.神权政治;僧侣政治 | |
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98 aspirants | |
n.有志向或渴望获得…的人( aspirant的名词复数 )v.渴望的,有抱负的,追求名誉或地位的( aspirant的第三人称单数 );有志向或渴望获得…的人 | |
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99 vacancies | |
n.空房间( vacancy的名词复数 );空虚;空白;空缺 | |
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100 stipend | |
n.薪贴;奖学金;养老金 | |
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101 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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102 bowels | |
n.肠,内脏,内部;肠( bowel的名词复数 );内部,最深处 | |
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103 fervent | |
adj.热的,热烈的,热情的 | |
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104 invective | |
n.痛骂,恶意抨击 | |
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105 redeem | |
v.买回,赎回,挽回,恢复,履行(诺言等) | |
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106 adversary | |
adj.敌手,对手 | |
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107 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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108 factious | |
adj.好搞宗派活动的,派系的,好争论的 | |
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109 baneful | |
adj.有害的 | |
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110 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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111 abide | |
vi.遵守;坚持;vt.忍受 | |
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112 constituents | |
n.选民( constituent的名词复数 );成分;构成部分;要素 | |
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113 surmised | |
v.臆测,推断( surmise的过去式和过去分词 );揣测;猜想 | |
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114 craftily | |
狡猾地,狡诈地 | |
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115 adjourned | |
(使)休会, (使)休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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117 ferocious | |
adj.凶猛的,残暴的,极度的,十分强烈的 | |
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118 straightforward | |
adj.正直的,坦率的;易懂的,简单的 | |
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119 engendered | |
v.产生(某形势或状况),造成,引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120 antagonist | |
n.敌人,对抗者,对手 | |
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121 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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122 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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123 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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124 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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125 severance | |
n.离职金;切断 | |
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126 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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127 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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128 usurpation | |
n.篡位;霸占 | |
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129 advisers | |
顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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130 usurping | |
篡夺,霸占( usurp的现在分词 ); 盗用; 篡夺,篡权 | |
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131 disdain | |
n.鄙视,轻视;v.轻视,鄙视,不屑 | |
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132 succumb | |
v.屈服,屈从;死 | |
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133 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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134 omissions | |
n.省略( omission的名词复数 );删节;遗漏;略去或漏掉的事(或人) | |
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135 adjournment | |
休会; 延期; 休会期; 休庭期 | |
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136 passionate | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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137 lucidity | |
n.明朗,清晰,透明 | |
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