The advantage, however, of small properties in land, is one of the most disputed questions in the range of political economy. On the Continent, though there are some dissentients from the prevailing4 opinion, the benefit of having a numerous proprietary5 population exists in the minds of most people in the form of an axiom. But English authorities are either unaware6 of the judgment7 of Continental8 agriculturists, or are content to put it aside, on the plea of their having no experience of large properties in favourable9 circumstances: the advantage of large properties being only felt where there are also large farms; and as this, in arable10 districts, implies a greater accumulation of capital than usually exists on the Continent, the great Continental estates, except in the case of grazing farms, are mostly let out for cultivation11 in small portions. There is some truth in this; but the argument admits of being retorted; for if the Continent knows little, by experience, of cultivation on a large scale and by large capital, the generality of English writers are no better acquainted practically with peasant proprietors13, and have almost always the most erroneous ideas of their social condition and mode of life. Yet the old traditions even of England are on the same side with the general opinion of the Continent. The “yeomanry” who were vaunted as the glory of England while they existed, and have been so much mourned over since they disappeared, were either small proprietors or small farmers, and if they were mostly the last, the character they bore for sturdy independence is the more noticeable. There is a part of England, unfortunately a very small part, where peasant proprietors are still common; for such are the “statesmen” of Cumberland and Westmoreland, though they pay, I believe, generally if not universally, certain customary dues, which, being fixed15, no more affect their character of proprietor12, than the land-tax does. There is but one voice, among those acquainted with the country, on the admirable effects of this tenure16 of land in those counties. No other agricultural population in England could have furnished the originals of Wordsworth’s peasantry.1
The general system, however, of English cultivation, affording no experience to render the nature and operation of peasant properties familiar, and Englishmen being in general profoundly ignorant of the agricultural economy of other countries, the very idea of peasant proprietors is strange to the English mind, and does not easily find access to it. Even the forms of language stand in the way: the familiar designation for owners of land being “landlords”, a term to which “tenants18” is always understood as a correlative. When at the time of the famine, the suggestion of peasant properties as a means of Irish improvement found its way into parliamentary and newspaper discussions, there were writers of pretension20 to whom the word “proprietor” was so far from conveying any distinct idea, that they mistook the small holdings of Irish cottier tenants for peasant properties. The subject being so little understood, I think it important, before entering into the theory of it, to do something towards showing how the case stands as to matter of fact; by exhibiting, at greater length than would otherwise be admissible, some of the testimony21 which exists respecting the state of cultivation, and the comfort and happiness of the cultivators, in those countries and parts of countries, in which the greater part of the land other than the labourer who tills the soil.
§2. I lay no stress on the condition of North America, where, as is well known, the land, except in the former Slave States, is almost universally owned by the same person who holds the plough. A country combining the natural fertility of America with the knowledge and arts of modern Europe, is so peculiarly circumstanced, that scarcely anything, except insecurity of property or a tyrannical government, could materially impair22 the prosperity of the industrious23 classes. I might, with Sismondi, insist more strongly on the case of ancient Italy, especially Latium, that Campagna which then swarmed24 with inhabitants in the very regions which under a contrary régime have become uninhabitable from malaria25. But I prefer taking the evidence of the same writer on things known to him by personal observation.
“C’est surtout la Suisse,” says M. de Sismondi, “qu’il faut parcourir, qu’il faut étudier, pour juger du bonheur des paysans propriétaires. C’est la Suisse qu’il faut apprendre à conna?tre pour se convaincre que l’agriculture pratiquée par14 ceux-là même qui en recueillent les fruits suffit pour procurer une grande aisance à une population très nombreuse; une grande indépendance de caractère, fruit de l’indépendance des situations; un grand commerce de consommation, conséquence du hien-être de tous les habitans, même dans un pays dont le climat est rude, dont le sol est médiocrement fertile, et où les gelées tardives et l’inconstance des saisons détruisent souvent l’espoir du laboureur. On ne saurait voir sans admiration27 ces maisons de bois du moindre paysan, si vastes, si bien closes, si bien construites, si couvertes de sculpture. Dans l’intérieur, de grands corridors dégagent chaque chambre de la nombreuse famille; chaque chambre n’a qu’un lit, et il est abondamment pourvu de rideaux, de couvertures, et du linge le plus blanc; des meubles soignés l’entourent; les armoires sont remplies de linge, la laiterie est vaste, aérée, et d’une netteté exquise; sous le même toit on trouve de grands approvisionnemens de blé, de viande salée, de fromage et de bois; dans les étables on voit le bétail le mieux soigné et le plus beau de l’Europe; le jardin est planté de fleurs, les hommes comme les femmes sont chaudement et proprement habillés, les dernières conservent avec orgueil leur antique costume; tous portent28 sur leur visage l’empreinte de la vigueur et de la santé. Que d’autres nations vantent leur opulence29, la Suisse pourra toujours leur opposer avec orgueil ses paysans.”2
The same eminent30 writer thus expresses his opinion on peasant proprietorship31 in general.
“Partout où l’on retrouve les paysans propriétaires, on retrouve aussi cette aisance, cette sécurité, cette confiance dans l’avenir, cette indépendance qui assurent en même temps le bonheur et la vertu. Le paysan qui fait avec ses enfans tout26 l’ouvrage de son petit héritage, qui ne paie de fermage à personne au-dessus de lui, ni de salaire à personne au-dessous, qui règle sa production sur sa consommation, qui mange son propre blé, boit son propre vin, se revêt de son chanvre et de ses laines, se soucie peu de conna?tre les prix du marché; car il a peu à vendre et peu à acheter, et il n’est jamais ruiné par les révolutions du commerce. Loin de craindre pour l’avenir, il le voit s’embellir dans son espérance; car il met à profit pour ses enfans, pour les siècles qui viendront, chacun des instans que ne requiert pas de lui le travail32 de l’année. Il lui a suffi de donner peu de momens de travail pour mettre en terre le noyau qui dans cent ans sera un grand arbre, pour creuser l’aquéduc qui séchera à jamais son champ, pour former le conduit qui lui amènera une source d’eau vive, pour améliorer par des soins souvent répétés mais dérobés sur les instans perdus, toutes les espèces d’animaux et de végétaux dont il s’entoure. Son petit patrimoine est une vraie caisse d’épargnes, toujours prête à recevoir tous ses petits profits, à utiliser tous ses momens de loisir. La puissance toujours agissante de la nature les féconde, et les lui rend17 au centuple. Le paysan a vivement le sentiment de ce bonheur attaché à la condition de propriétaire. Aussi est-il toujours empressé de la terre à tout prix. Il la paie plus qu’elle ne vaut, plus qu’elle ne lui rendra peut-être; mais combien n’a-t-il pas raison d’estimer à un haut prix l’avantage de placer désormais toujours avantageusement son travail, sans être obligé de l’offrir au rabais; de trouver toujours au besoin son pain, sans être obligé de le payer à l’enchère.
“Le paysan propriétaire est de tous les cultivateurs celui qui tire le plus de parti du sol; parceque c’est celui qui songe le plus à l’avenir, tout comme celui qui a été le plus éclairé par l’expérience; c’est encore lui qui met le mieux à profit le travail humain, parceque répartissant ses occupations entre tous les membres de sa famille, il en réserve pour tous les jours de l’année, de manière à ce qu’il n’y ait de ch?mage pour personne: de tous les cultivateurs il est le plus heureux, et en même temps, sur un espace donné, la terre ne nourrit bien, sans s’épuiser, et n’occupe jamais tant d’habitans que lorsqu’ils sont propriétaires; enfin de tous les cultivateurs le paysan propriétaire est celui qui donne le plus d’encouragement au commerce et à l’industrie, parcequ’il est le plus riche.”3
This picture of unwearied assiduity, and what may be called affectionate interest in the land, is borne out in regard to the more intelligent Cantons of Switzerland by English observers. “In walking anywhere in the neighbourhood of Zurich,” says Mr. Inglis, “in looking to the right or to the left, one is struck with the extraordinary industry of the inhabitants; and if we learn that a proprietor here has a return of ten per cent, we are inclined to say, ‘he deserves it.’ I speak at present of country labour, though I believe that in every kind of trade also, the people of Zurich are remarkable33 for their assiduity; but in the industry they show in the cultivation of their land I may safely say they are unrivalled. When I used to open my casement34 between four and five in the morning to look out upon the lake and the distant Alps, I saw the labourer in the fields; and when I returned from an evening walk, long after sunset, as late, perhaps, as half-past eight, there was the labourer mowing35 his grass, or tying up his vines. . . . It is impossible to look at a field, a garden, a hedging, scarcely even a tree, a flower, or a vegetable, with perceiving proofs of the extreme care and industry that are bestowed37 upon the cultivation of the soil. If, for example, a path leads through or by the side of a field of grain, the corn is not, as in England, permitted to hang over the path, exposed to be pulled or trodden down by every passer by; it is everywhere bounded by a fence, stakes are placed at intervals39 of about a yard, and, about two, or three feet from the ground, boughs40 of trees are passed longitudinally along. If you look into a field towards evening, where there are large beds of cauliflower or cabbage, you will find that every single plant has been watered. In the gardens, which around Zurich are extremely large, the most punctilious41 care is evinced in every production that grows. The vegetables are planted with seemingly mathematical accuracy; not a single weed is to be seen, not a single stone. Plants are not earthed up as with us, but are planted in a small hollow, into each of which a little manure42 is put, and each plant is watered daily. Where seeds are sown, the earth directly above is broken into the finest powder; every shrub43, every flower is tied to a stake, and where there is wall-fruit a trellice is erected44 against the wall, to which the boughs are fastened, and there is not a single thing that has not its appropriate resting place.”4
Of one of the remote valleys of the High Alps the same writer thus expresses himself.5
“In the whole of the Engadine the land belongs to the peasantry, who, like the inhabitants of every other place where this state of things exists, vary greatly in the extent of their possessions. . . . Generally speaking, an Engadine peasant lives entirely45 upon the produce of his land, with the exception of the few articles of foreign growth required in his family, such as coffee, sugar, and wine. Flax is grown, prepared, spun47, and woven, without ever leaving his house. He has also his own wool, which is converted into a blue coat, without passing through the hands of either the dyer or the tailor. The country is incapable48 of greater cultivation than it has received. All has been done for it that industry and an extreme love of gain can devise. There is not a foot of waste land in the Engadine, the lowest part of which is not much lower than the top of Snowdon. Wherever grass will grow, there it is; wherever a rock will bear a blade, verdure is seen upon it; wherever an ear of rye will ripen49, there it is to be found. Barley50 and oats have also their appropriate spots; and wherever it is possible to ripen a little patch of wheat, the cultivation of it is attempted. In no country in Europe will be found so few poor as in the Engadine. In the village of Suss, which contains about six hundred inhabitants, there is not a single individual who has not wherewithal to live comfortably, not a single individual who is indebted to others for one morsel51 that he eats.”
Notwithstanding the general prosperity of the Swiss peasantry, this total absence of pauperism52 and (it may almost be said) of poverty, cannot be predicated of the whole country; the largest and richest canton, that of Berne, being an example of the contrary; for although, in the parts of it which are occupied by peasant proprietors, their industry is as remarkable and their ease and comfort as conspicuous54 as elsewhere, the canton is burthened with a numerous pauper53 population, through the operation of the worst regulated system of poor-law administration in Europe, except that of England before the new Poor Law.6 Nor is Switzerland in some other respects a favourable example of all that peasant properties might effect. There exists a series of statistical55 accounts of the Swiss Cantons, drawn56 up mostly with great care and intelligence, containing detailed57 date, respecting the condition of the land and of the people. From these, the subdivision appears to be often so minute, that it can hardly be supposed not to be excessive: and the indebtedness of the proprietors in the flourishing canton of Zurich “borders,” as the writer expresses it, “on the incredible;"7 so that “only the intensest industry, frugality58, temperance, and complete freedom of commerce enable them to stand their ground.” Yet the general conclusion deducible from these books is that since the beginning of the century, and concurrently59 with the subdivision of many great estates which belonged to nobles or to the cantonal governments, there has been a striking and rapid improvement in almost every department of agriculture, as well as in the houses, the habits, and the food of the people. The writer of the account of Thürgau goes so far as to say, that since the subdivision of the feudal60 estates into peasant properties, it is not uncommon61 for a third or a fourth part of an estate to produce as much grain, and support as many head of cattle, as the whole estate did before.8
§3. One of the countries in which peasant proprietors are of oldest date, and most numerous in proportion to the population, is Norway. Of the social and economical condition of that country an interesting account has been given by Mr. Laing. His testimony in favour of small landed properties both there and elsewhere, is given with great decision. I shall quote a few passages.
“If small proprietors are not good farmers, it is not from the same cause here which we are told makes them so in Scotland — indolence and want of exertion62. The extent to which irrigation is carried on in these glens and valleys shows a spirit of exertion and co-operation” (I request particular attention to this point), “to which the latter can show nothing similar. Hay being the principal winter support of live stock, and both it and corn, as well as potatoes, liable, from the shallow soil and powerful reflexion of sunshine from the rocks, to be burnt and withered63 up, the greatest exertions64 are made to bring water from the head of each glen, along such a level as will give the command of it to each farmer at the head of his fields. This is done by leading it in wooden troughs (the half of a tree roughly scooped) from the highest perennial65 stream among the hills, through woods, across ravines, along the rocky, often perpendicular66, sides of the glens, and from this main trough giving a lateral67 one to each farmer in passing the head of his farm. He distributes this supply by moveable troughs among the fields; and at this season waters each rig successively with scoops68 like those used by bleachers in watering cloth, laying his trough between every two rigs. One would not believe, without seeing it, how very large an extent of land is traversed expeditiously69 by these artificial showers. The extent of the main troughs is very great. In one glen I walked ten miles, and found it toughed on both sides: on one, the chain is continued down the main valley for forty miles.9 Those may be bad farmers who do such things; but they are not indolent, nor ignorant of the principle of working in concert, and keeping up establishments for common benefit. They are undoubtedly70, in these respects, far in advance of any community of cottars in our Highland71 glens. They feel as proprietors, who receive the advantage of their own exertions. The excellent state of the roads and bridges is another proof that the country is inhabited by people who have a common interest to keep them under repair. There are no tolls72.”10
On the effects of peasant proprietorship on the Continent generally, the same writer expresses himself as follows.11
“If we listen to the large farmer, the scientific agriculturist, the” [English] “political economist73, good farming must perish with large farms; the very idea that good farming can exist, unless on large farms cultivated with great capital, they hold to be absurd. Draining, manuring, economical arrangement, cleaning the land, regular rotations75, valuable stock and implements76, all belong exclusively to large farms, worked by large capital, and by hired labour. This reads very well; but if we raise our eyes from their books to their fields, and coolly compare what we see in the best districts farmed in large farms, with what we see in the best districts farmed in small farms, we see, and there is no blinking the fact, better crops on the ground in Flanders, East Friesland, Holstein, in short, on the whole line of the arable land of equal quality of the Continent, from the Sound to Calais, than we see on the line of British coast opposite to this line, and in the same latitudes77, from the Frith of Forth78 all round to Dover. Minute labour on small portions of arable ground gives evidently, in equal soils and climate, a superior productiveness, where these small portions belong in property, as in Flanders, Holland, Friesland, and Ditmarsch in Holstein, to the farmer. It is not pretended by our agricultural writers, that our large farmers, even in Berwickshire, Roxburghshire, or the Lothians, approach to the gardenlike cultivation, attention to manures, drainage, and clean state of the land, or in productiveness from a small space of soil not originally rich, which distinguish the small farmers of Flanders, or their system. In the hest-farmed parish in Scotland or England, more land is wasted in the corners and borders of the fields of large farms, in the roads through them, unnecessarily wide because they are bad, and bad because they are wide, in neglected commons, waste spots, useless belts and clumps79 of sorry trees, and such unproductive areas, than would maintain the poor of the parish, if they were all laid together and cultivated. But large capital applied80 to farming is of course only applied to the very best of the soils of a country. It cannot touch the small unproductive spots which require more time and labour to fertilize81 them than is consistent with a quick return of capital. But although hired time and labour cannot be applied beneficially to such cultivation, the owner’s own time and labour may. He is working for no higher terms at first from his land than a bare living. But in the course of generations fertility and value are produced; a better living, and even very improved processes of husbandry, are attained82. Furrow83 draining, stall feeding all summer, liquid manures, are universal in the husbandry of the small farms of Flanders, Lombardy, Switzerland. Our most improving districts under large farms are but beginning to adopt them. Dairy husbandry even, and the manufacture of the largest cheeses by the co-operation of many small farmers,12 the mutual84 assurance of property against fire and hail-storms, by the co-operation of small farmers — the most scientific and expensive of all agricultural operations in modern times, the manufacture of beet-root sugar — the supply of the European markets with flax and hemp85, by the husbandry of small farmers — the abundance of legumes, fruits, poultry86, in the usual diet even of the lowest classes abroad, and the total want of such variety at the tables even of oUr middle classes, and this variety and abundance essentially87 connected with the husbandry of small farmers — all these are features in the occupation of a country by small proprietor-farmers, which must make the inquirer pause before he admits the dogma of our land doctors at home, that large farms worked by hired labour and great capital can alone bring out the greatest productiveness of the soil and furnish the greatest supply of the necessaries and conveniences of life to the inhabitants of a country.”
§4. Among the many flourishing regions of Germany in which peasant properties prevail, I select the Palatinate, for the advantage of quoting, from an English source, the results of recent personal observation of its agriculture and its people. Mr. Howitt, a writer whose habit it is to see all English objects and English socialities en beau, and who, in treating of the Rhenish peasantry, certainly does not underrate the rudeness of their implements, and the inferiority of their ploughing, nevertheless shows that under the invigorating influence of the feelings of proprietorship, they make up for the imperfections of their apparatus88 by the intensity89 of their application. “The peasant harrows and clears his land till it is in the nicest order, and it is admirable to see the crops which he obtains.”13 “The peasants14 are the great and everpresent objects of country life. They are the great population of the country, because they themselves are the possessors. This country is, in fact, for the most part, in the hands of the people. It is parcelled out among the multitude. . . . .. The peasants are not, as with us, for the most part, totally cut off from property in the soil they cultivate, totally dependent on the labour afforded by others-they are themselves the proprietors. It is, perhaps, from this cause that they are probably the most industrious peasantry in the world. They labour busily, early and late, because they feel that they are labouring for themselves. . . . .. The German peasants work hard, but they have no actual want. Every man has his house, his orchard90, his roadside trees, commonly so heavy with fruit, that he is obliged to prop1 and secure them all ways, or they would be torn to pieces. He has his corn-plot, his plot for mangel-wurzel, for hemp, and so on. He is his own master; and he, and every member of his family, have the strongest motives91 to labour. You see the effect of this in that unremitting diligence which is beyond that of the whole world besides, and his economy, which is still greater. The Germans, indeed, are not so active and lively as the English. You never see them in a bustle92, or as though they meant to knock off a vast deal in a little time. . . . .. They are, on the contrary, slow, but for ever doing. They plod93 on from day to day, and year to year — the most patient, untirable, and persevering94 of animals. The English peasant is so cut off from the idea of property, that he comes habitually95 to look upon it as a thing from which he is warned by the laws of the large proprietors, and becomes, in consequence, spiritless, purposeless. . . . .. The German bauer, on the contrary, looks on the country as made for him and his fellow-men. He feels himself a man; he has a stake in the country, as good as that of the bulk of his neighbours; no man can threaten him with ejection, or the workhouse, so long as he is active and economical. He walks, therefore, with a bold step; he looks you in the face with the air of a free man, but of a respectful one.”
Of their industry, the same writer thus further speaks: “There is not an hour of the year in which they do not find unceasing occupation. In the depth of winter, when the weather permits them by any means to get out of doors, they are always finding something to do. They carry out their manure to their lands while the frost is in them. If there is not frost, they are busy cleaning ditches and felling old fruit trees, or such as do not bear well. Such of them as are too poor to lay in a sufficient stock of wood, find plenty of work in ascending96 into the mountainous woods, and bringing thence fuel. It would astonish the English common people to see the intense labour with which the Germans earn their firewood. In the depths of frost and snow, go into any of their hills and woods, and there you will find them hacking97 up stumps98, cutting off branches, and gathering99, by all means which the official wood-police will allow, boughs, stakes, and pieces of wood, which they convey home with the most incredible toil100 and patience.”15 After a description of their careful and laborious101 vineyard culture, he continues,16 “In England, with its great quantity of grass lands, and its large farms, so soon as the grain is in, and the fields are shut up for hay grass, the country seems in a comparative state of rest and quiet. But here they are everywhere, and for ever, hoeing and mowing, planting and cutting, weeding and gathering. They have a succession of crops like a market-gardener. They have their carrots, poppies, hemp, flax, saintfoin, lucerne, rape102, colewort, cabbage, rotabaga, black turnips103, Swedish and white turnips, teazles, Jerusalem artichokes, mangel-wurzel, parsnips, kidney-beans, field beans, and peas, vetches, Indian corn, buckwheat, madder for the manufacturer, potatoes, their great crop of tobacco, millet-all, or the greater part, under the family management, in their own family allotments. They have had these things first to sow, many of them to transplant, to hoe, to weed, to clear of insects, to top; many of them to mow36 and gather in successive crops. They have their water-meadows, of which kind almost all their meadows are, to flood, to mow, and reflood; watercourses to reopen and to make anew: their early fruits to gather, to bring to market with their green crops of vegetables; their cattle, sheep, calves104, foals, most of them prisoners, and poultry to look after; their vines, as they shoot rampantly105 in the summer heat, to prune106, and thin out the leaves when they are too thick: and any one may imagine what a scene of incessant107 labour it is.”
This interesting sketch108, to the general truth of which any observant traveller in that highly cultivated and populous109 region can bear witness, accords with the more elaborate delineation110 by a distinguished111 inhabitant, Professor Rau, in his little treatise112 “On the Agriculture of the Palatinate.”17 Dr. Rau bears testimony not only to the industry, but to the skill and intelligence of the peasantry; their judicious113 employment of manures, and excellent rotation74 of crops; the progressive improvement of their agriculture for generations past, and the spirit of further improvement which is still active. “The indefatigableness of the country people, who may he seen in activity all the day and all the year, and are never idle, because they make a good distribution of their labours, and find for every interval38 of time a suitable occupation, is as well known as their zeal115 is praiseworthy in turning to use every circumstance which presents itself, in seizing upon every useful novelty which offers, and even in searching out new and advantageous116 methods. One easily perceives that the peasant of this district has reflected much on his occupation: he can give reasons for his modes of proceeding117, even if those reasons are not always tenable; he is as exact an observer of proportions as it is possible to he from memory, without the aid of figures: he attends to such general signs of the times as appear to augur118 him either benefit or harm.”18
The experience of all other parts of Germany is similar. “In Saxony,” says Mr. Kay, “it is a notorious fact, that during the last thirty years, and since the peasants became the proprietors of the land, there has been a rapid and continual improvement in the condition of the houses, in the manner of living, in the dress of the peasants, and particularly in the culture of the land. I have twice walked through that part of Saxony called Saxon Switzerland, in company with a German guide, and on purpose to see the state of the villages and of the farming, and I can safely challenge contradiction when I affirm that there is no farming in all Europe superior to the laboriously119 careful cultivation of the valleys of that part of Saxony. There, as in the cantons of Berne, Vaud, and Zurich, and in the Rhine provinces, the farms are singularly flourishing. They are kept in beautiful condition, and are always neat and well managed. The ground is cleared as if it were a garden. No hedges or brushwood encumber120 it. Scarcely a rush or thistle or a bit of rank grass is to be seen. The meadows are well watered every spring with liquid manure, saved from the drainings of the farm yards. The grass is so free from weeds that the Saxon meadows reminded me more of English lawns than of anything else I had seen. The peasants endeavour to outstrip121 one another in the quantity and quality of the produce, in the preparation of the ground, and in the general cultivation of their respective portions. All the little proprietors are eager to find out how to farm so as to produce the greatest results: they diligently122 seek after improvements; they send their children to the agricultural schools in order to fit them to assist their fathers; and each proprietor soon adopts a new improvement introduced by any of his neighbours.”19 If this he not overstated, it denotes a state of intelligence very different not only from that of English labourers hut of English farmers.
Mr. Kay’s book, published in 1850, contains a mass of evidence gathered from observation and inquiries123 in many different parts of Europe, together with attestations from many distinguished writers, to the beneficial effects of peasant properties. Among the testimonies124 which he cites respecting their effect on agriculture, I select the following.
“Reichensperger, himself an inhabitant of that part of Prussia where the land is the most subdivided125, has published a long and very elaborate work to show the admirable consequences of a system of freeholds in land. He expresses a very decided126 opinion that not only are the gross products of any given number of acres held and cultivated by small or peasant proprietors, greater than the gross products of an equal number of acres held by a few great proprietors, and cultivated by tenant19 farmers, but that the net products of the former, after deducting127 all the expenses of cultivation, are also greater than the net products of the latter. . . . He mentions one fact which seems to prove that the fertility of the land in countries where the properties are small, must be rapidly increasing. He says that the price of the land which is divided into small properties in the Prussian Rhine provinces, is much higher, and has been rising much more rapidly, than the price of land on the great estates. He and Professor Rau both say that this rise in the price of the small estates would have ruined the more recent purchasers, unless the productiveness of the small estates had increased in at least an equal proportion; and as the small proprietors have been gradually becoming more and more prosperous notwithstanding the increasing prices they have paid for their land, he argues, with apparent justness, that this would seem to show that not only the gross profits of the small estates, but the net profits also have been gradually increasing, and that the net profits per acre, of land, when farmed by small proprietors, are greater than the net profits per acre of land farmed by a great proprietor. He says, with seeming truth, that the increasing price of land in the small estates cannot be the mere128 effect of competition, or it would have diminished the profits and the prosperity of the small proprietors, and that this result has not followed the rise.
“Albrecht Thaer, another celebrated129 German writer on the different systems of agriculture, in one of his later works (Grunds?tze der rationellen Landwirthschaft) expresses his decided conviction, that the net produce of land is greater when farmed by small proprietors than when farmed by great proprietors or their tenants. . . . This opinion of Thaer is all the more remarkable, as, during the early part of his life, he was very strongly in favour of the English system of great estates and great farms.”
Mr. Kay adds from his own observation, “The peasant farming of Prussia, Saxony, Holland, and Switzerland is the most perfect and economical farming I have ever witnessed in any country.”20
§5. But the most decisive example in opposition130 to the English prejudice against cultivation by peasant proprietors, is the case of Belgium. The soil is originally one of the worst in Europe. “The provinces,” says Mr. M’Culloch,21 “of West and East Flanders, and Hainault, form a far stretching plain, of which the luxuriant vegetation indicates the indefatigable114 care and labour bestowed upon its cultivation; for the natural soil consists almost wholly of barren sand, and its great fertility is entirely the result of very skillful management and judicious application of various manures.” There exists a carefully prepared and comprehensive treatise on Flemish Husbandry, in the Farmer’s Series of the Society for the Diffusion132 of Useful Knowledge. The writer observes22 that the Flemish agriculturists “seem to want nothing but a space to work upon: whatever be the quality or texture133 of the soil, in time they will make it produce something. The sands in the Campine can be compared to nothing but the sand on the sea-shore, which they probably were originally. It is highly interesting to follow step by step the progress of improvement. Here you see a cottage and rude cow-shed erected on a spot of the most unpromising aspect. The loose white sand blown into regular mounds134 is only kept together by the roots of the heath: a small spot only is levelled and surrounded by a ditch: part of this is covered with young broom, part is planted with potatoes, and perhaps a small patch of diminutive135 clover may show itself:” but manures, both solid and liquid, are collecting, “and this is the nucleus136 from which, in a few years, a little farm will spread around. . . . If there is no manure at hand, the only thing that can be sown, on pure sand, at first is broom: this grows in the most barren soils; in three years it is fit to cut, and produces some return in faggots for the bakers137 and brickmakers. The leaves which have fallen have somewhat enriched the soil, and the fibres of the roots have given a slight degree of compactness. It may now be ploughed and sown with buckwheat, or even with rye without manure. By the time this is reaped, some manure may have been collected, and a regular course of cropping may begin. As soon as clover and potatoes enable the farmer to keep cows and make manure, the improvement goes on rapidly; in a few years the soil undergoes a complete change: it becomes mellow138 and retentive139 of moisture, and enriched by the vegetable matter afforded by the decomposition140 of the roots of clover and other plants. . . . After the land has been gradually brought into a good state, and is cultivated in a regular manner, there appears much less difference between the soils which have been originally good, and those which have been made so by labour and industry. At least the crops in both appear more nearly alike at harvest, than is the case in soils of different qualities in other countries. This is a great proof of the excellency of the Flemish system; for it shows that the land is in a constant state of improvement, and that the deficiency of the soil is compensated141 by greater attention to tillage and manuring, especially the latter.”
The people who labour thus intensely on their small properties or farms, have practised for centuries those principles of rotation of crops and economy of manures, which in England are counted among modern discoveries: and even now the superiority of their agriculture, as a whole, to that of England, is admitted by competent judges. “The cultivation of a poor light soil, or a moderate soil,” says the writer last quoted,23 “is generally superior in Flanders to that of the most improved farms of the same kind in Britain. We surpass the Flemish farmer greatly in capital, in varied142 implements of tillage, in the choice and breeding of cattle and sheep,” (though, according to the same authority,24 they are much “before us in the feeding of their cows,”) “and the British farmer is in general a man of superior education to the Flemish peasant. But in the minute attention to the qualities of the soil, in the management and application of manures of different kinds, in the judicious succession of crops, and especially in the economy of land, so that every part of it shall be in a constant state of production, we have still something to learn from the Flemings,” and not from an instructed and enterprising Fleming here and there, but from the general practice.
Much of the most highly cultivated part of the country consists of peasant properties, managed by the proprietors, always either wholly or partly by spade industry.25 “When the land is cultivated entirely by the spade, and no horses are kept, a cow is kept for every three acres of land, and entirely fed on artificial grasses and roots. This mode of cultivation is principally adopted in the Waes district, where properties are very small. All the labour is done by the different members of the family;” children soon beginning “to assist in various minute operations, according to their age and strength, such as weeding, hoeing, feeding the cows. If they can raise rye and wheat enough to make their bread, and potatoes, turnips, carrots and clover, for the cows, they do well; and the produce of the sale of their rape-seed, their flax, their hemp, and their butter, after deducting the expense of manure purchased, which is always considerable, gives them a very good profit. Suppose the whole extent of the land to be six acres, which is not an uncommon occupation, and which one man can manage;” then (after describing the cultivation), “if a man with his wife and three young children are considered as equal to three and a half grown up men, the family will require thirty-nine bushels of grain, forty-nine bushels of potatoes, a fat hog143, and the butter and milk of one cow.. an acre and a half of land will produce the grain and potatoes, and allow some corn to finish the fattening144 of the hog, which has the extra buttermilk: another acre in clover, carrots, and potatoes, together with the stubble turnips, will more than feed the cow. consequently two and a half acres of land is sufficient to feed this family, and the produce of the other three and a half may be sold to pay the rent or the interest of purchase-money, wear and tear of implements, extra manure, and clothes for the family. But these acres are the most profitable on the farm, for the hemp, flax, and colza are included; and by having another acre in clover and roots, a second cow can be kept, and its produce sold. We have, therefore, a solution of the problem, how a family can live and thrive on six acres of moderate land.” After showing by calculation that this extent of land can be cultivated in the most perfect manner by the family without any aid from hired labour, the writer continues, “In a farm of ten acres entirely cultivated by the spade, the addition of a man and a woman to the members of the family will render all the operations more easy; and with horse and cart to carry out the manure, and bring home the produce, and occasionally draw the harrows, fifteen acres may be very well cultivated. . . . Thus it will be seen,” (this is the result of some pages of details and calculations,26) “that by spade husbandry, an industrious man with a small capital, occupying only fifteen acres of good light land, may not only live and bring up a family, paying a good rent, but may accumulate a considerable sum in the course of his life.” But the indefatigable industry by which he accomplishes this, and of which so large a portion is expended145 not in the mere cultivation, but in the improvement, for a distant return, of the soil itself — has that industry no connexion with not paying rent? Could it exist, without presupposing neither a virtually permanent tenure, or the certain prospect146, by labour and economy on hired land, of becoming one day a landed proprietor?
As to their mode of living, “the Flemish farmers and labourers live much more economically than the same class in England: they seldom eat meat, except on Sundays and in harvest: buttermilk and potatoes with brown bread is their daily food.” It is on this kind of evidence that English travellers, as they hurry through Europe, pronounce the peasantry of every Continental country poor and miserable147, its agricultural and social system a failure, and the English the only régime under which labourers are well off. It is, truly enough, the only régime under which labourers, whether well off or not, never attempt to be better. So little are English labourers accustomed to consider it possible that a labourer should not spend all he earns, that they habitually mistake the signs of economy for those of poverty. Observe the true interpretation148 of the phenomena149.
“Accordingly they are gradually acquiring capital, and their great ambition is to have land of their own. They eagerly seize every opportunity of purchasing a small farm, and the price is so raised by competition, that land pays little more than two per cent interest for the purchase money. Large properties gradually disappear, and are divided into small portions, which sell at a high rate. But the wealth and industry of the population is continually increasing, being rather diffused150 through the masses than accumulated in individuals.”
With facts like these, known and accessible, it is not a little surprising to find the case of Flanders referred to not in recommendation of peasant properties, but as a warning against them; on no better ground than a presumptive excess of population, inferred from the distress151 which existed among the peasantry of Brabant and East Flanders in the disastrous152 year 1846–47. The evidence which I have cited from a writer conversant153 with the subject, and having no economical theory to support, shows that the distress, whatever may have been its severity, arose from no insufficiency in these little properties to supply abundantly, in any ordinary circumstances, the wants of all whom they have to maintain. It arose from the essential condition to which those are subject who employ land of their own in growing their own food, namely, that the vicissitudes154 of the seasons must be borne by themselves, and cannot, as in the case of large farmers, be shifted from them to the consumer. When we remember the season of 1846, a partial failure of all kinds of grain, and an almost total one of the potato, it is no wonder that in so unusual a calamity155 the produce of six acres, half of them sown with flax, hemp, or oil seeds, should fall short of a year’s provision for a family. But we are not to contrast the distressed156 Flemish peasant with an English capitalist who farms several hundred acres of land. If the peasant were an Englishman, he would not be that capitalist, but a day labourer under a capitalist. And is there no distress, in times of dearth157, among day labourers? Was there none, that year, in countries where small proprietors and small farmers are unknown? I am aware of no reason for believing that the distress was greater in Belgium, than corresponds to the proportional extent of the failure of crops compared with other countries.27
§6. The evidence of the beneficial operation of peasant properties in the Channel Islands is of so decisive a character, that I cannot help adding to the numerous citations158 already made, part of a description of the economical condition of those islands, by a writer who combines personal observation with an attentive159 study of the information afforded by other. Mr. William Thornton, in his “Plea for Peasant Proprietors,” a book which by the excellence160 both of its materials and of its execution, deserves to be regarded as the standard work on that side of the question, speaks of the island of Guernsey in the following terms: “Not even in England is nearly so large a quantity of produce sent to market from a tract161 of such limited extent. This of itself might prove that the cultivators must be far removed above poverty, for being absolute owners of all the produce raised by them, they of course sell only what they do not themselves require. But the satisfactoriness of their condition is apparent to every observer. ‘The happiest community,’ says Mr. Hill, ‘which it has ever been my lot to fall in with, is to be found in this little island of Guernsey.’ ‘No matter,’ says Sir George Head, ‘to what point the traveller may choose to bend his way, comfort everywhere prevails.’ What most surprises the English visitor in his first walk or drive beyond the bounds of St. Peter’s Port is the appearance of the habitations with which the landscape is thickly studded. Many of them are such as in his own country would belong to persons of middle rank; but he is puzzled to guess what sort of people live in the other, which, though in general not large enough for farmers, are almost invariably much too good in every respect for day labourers . . . Literally162, in the whole island, with the exception of a few fishermen’s huts, there is not one so mean as to be likened to the ordinary habitation of an English farm labourer. . . . ‘Look,’ says a late Bailiff of Guernsey, Mr. De L’isle Brock, ‘at the hovels of the English, and compare them with the cottages of our peasantry.’ . . . Beggars are utterly163 unknown. . . . Pauperism, able-bodied pauperism at least, is nearly as rare as mendicancy164. The Savings165 Banks accounts also bear witness to the general abundance enjoyed by the labouring classes of Guernsey. in the year 1841, there were in England, out of a population of nearly fifteen millions, less than 700,000 depositors, or one in every twenty persons, and the average amount of the deposits was 30l. In Guernsey,in the same year, out of a population of 26,000, the number of depositors was 1920, and the average amount of the deposits 40l.”28 The evidence as to Jersey166 and Alderney is of a similar character.
Of the efficiency and productiveness of agriculture on the small properties of the Channel islands, Mr. Thornton produces ample evidence, the result of which he sums up as follows: “Thus it appears that in the two principal Channel Islands, the agricultural population is, in the one twice, and in the other, three times, as dense167 as in Britain, there being in the latter country, only one cultivator to twenty-two acres of cultivated land, while in Jersey there is one to eleven, and in Guernsey one to seven acres. Yet the agriculture of these islands maintains, besides cultivators, nonagricultural populations, respectively four and five times as dense as that of Britain. This difference does not arise from any superiority of soil or climate possessed168 by the Channel Islands, for the former is naturally rather poor, and the latter is not better than in the southern counties of England. It is owing entirely to the assiduous care of the farmers, and to the abundant use of manure.”29 “In the year 1837” he says in another place,30 “the average yield of wheat in the large farms of England was only twenty-one bushels, and the highest average for any one county was no more than twenty-six bushels. The highest average since claimed for the whole of England is thirty bushels. In Jersey, where the average size of farms is only sixteen acres, the average produce of wheat per acre was stated by Inglis in 1834 to be thirty-six bushels; but it is proved by official tables to have been forty bushels in the five years ending with 1833. In Guernsey, where farms are still smaller, four quarters per acre, according to Inglis, is considered a good, but still a very common crop.” “Thirty shillings 31 an acre would be thought in England a very fair rent for middling land; but in the Channel Islands, it is only very inferior land that would not let for at least 4l.”
§7. It is from France, that impressions unfavourable to peasant properties are generally drawn; it is in France that the system is so often asserted to have brought forth its fruit in the most wretched possible agriculture, and to be rapidly reducing, if not to have already reduced the peasantry, by subdivision of land, to the verge169 of starvation. it is difficult to account for the general prevalence of impressions so much the reverse of truth. The agriculture of France was wretched and the peasantry in great indigence170 before the Revolution. At that time they were not, so universally as at present, landed proprietors. There were, however, considerable districts of France where the land, even then, was to a great extent the property of the peasantry, and among these were many of the most conspicuous exceptions to the general bad agriculture and to the general poverty. An authority, on this point, not to be disputed, is Arthur Young, the inveterate171 enemy of small farms, the coryphaeus of the modern English school of agriculturists; who yet, travelling over nearly the whole of France in 1787, 1788, and 1789, when he finds remarkable excellence of cultivation, never hesitates to ascribe it to peasant property. “Leaving Sauve,” says he,32 “I was much struck with a large tract of land, seemingly nothing but huge rocks; yet most of it enclosed and planted with the most industrious attention. Every man has an olive, a mulberry, an almond, or a peach tree, and vines scattered172 among them; so that the whole ground is covered with the oddest mixture of these plants and bulging173 rocks, that can be conceived. The inhabitants of this village deserve encouragement for their industry; and if I were a French minister they should have it. They would soon turn all the deserts around them into gardens. Such a knot of active husbandmen, who turn their rocks into scenes of fertility, because I suppose their own, would do the same by the wastes, if animated174 by the same omnipotent175 principle.” Again:33 “Walk to Rossendal,” (near Dunkirk) “where M. le Brun has an improvement on the Dunes177, which he very obligingly showed me. Between the town and that place is a great number of neat little houses, built each with its garden, and one or two fields enclosed, of most wretched blowing dune176 sand, naturally as white as snow, but improved by industry. The magic of property turns sand to gold.” And again:34 “Going out of Gange, I was surprised to find by far the greatest exertion in irrigation which I had yet seen in France; and then passed by some steep mountains, highly cultivated in terraces. Much watering at St. Lawrence. The scenery very interesting to a farmer. From Gange, to the mountain of rough ground which I crossed, the ride has been the most interesting which I have taken in France; the efforts of industry the most vigorous; the animation178 the most lively. An activity has been here, that has swept away all difficulties before it, and has clothed the very rocks with verdure. It would be a disgrace to common sense to ask the cause; the enjoyment179 of property must have done it. Give a man the secure possession of a bleak180 rock, and he will turn it into a garden; give him a nine years’ lease of a garden, and he will convert it into a desert.”
In his description of the country at the foot of the Western Pyrenees, he speaks no longer from surmise181, but from knowledge. “Take35 the road to Moneng, and come presently to a scene which was so new to me in France, that I could hardly believe my own eyes. A succession of many well-built, tight, and comfortable farming cottages built of stone and covered with tiles; each having its little garden, enclosed by clipt thorn-hedges, with plenty of peach and other fruit-trees, some fine oaks scattered in the hedges, and young trees nursed up with so much care, that nothing but the fostering attention of the owner could effect anything like it. To every house belongs a farm, perfectly182 well enclosed, with grass borders mown and neatly183 kept around the corn-fields, with gates to pass from one enclosure to another. There are some parts of England (where small yeomen still remain) that resemble this country of Béarn; but we have very little that is equal to what I have seen in this ride of twelve miles from Pau to Moneng. It is all in the hands of little proprietors, without the farms being so small as to occasion a vicious and miserable population. An air of neatness, warmth, and comfort breathes over the whole. It is visible in their new built houses and stables; in their little gardens; in their hedges; in the courts before their doors; even in the coops for their poultry, and the sties for their hogs184. A peasant does not think of rendering185 his pig comfortable, if his own happiness hang by the thread of a nine years’ lease. We are now in Béarn, within a few miles of the cradle of Henry IV. Do they inherit these blessings186 from that good prince? The benignant genius of that good monarch187 seems to reign46 still over the country; each peasant has the fowl188 in the pot.” He frequently notices the excellence of the agriculture of French Flanders, where the farms “are all small, and much in the hands of little proprietors.”36 In the Pays de Caux, also a country of small properties, the agriculture was miserable; of which his explanation was that it “is a manufacturing country, and farming is but a secondary pursuit to the cotton fabric189, which spreads over the whole of it.”37 The same district is still a seat of manufactures, and a country of small proprietors, and is now, whether we judge from the appearance of the crops or from the official returns, one of the best cultivated in France. In “Flanders, Alsace, and part of Artois, as well as on the banks of the Garonne, France possesses a husbandry equal to our own.” 38 Those countries, and a considerable part of Quercy, “are cultivated more like gardens than farms. Perhaps they are too much like gardens, from the smallness of properties.”39 In those districts the admirable rotation of crops, so long practised in Italy, but at that time generally neglected in France, was already universal. “The rapid succession of crops, the harvest of one being but the signal of sowing immediately for a second,” (the same fact which strikes all observers in the valley of the Rhine) “can scarcely be carryed to greater perfection: and this is a point, perhaps, of all others the most essential to good husbandry, when such crops are so justly distributed as we generally find them in these provinces; cleaning and ameliorating ones being made the preparation for such as foul190 and exhaust.”
It must not, however, be supposed, that Arthur Young’s testimony on the subject of peasant properties is uniformly favourable. In Lorraine, Champagne191, and elsewhere, he finds the agriculture bad, and the small proprietors very miserable, in consequence, as he says, of the extreme subdivision of the land. His opinion is thus summed up:40 — “Before I travelled, I conceived that small farms, in property, were very susceptible192 of good cultivation; and that the occupier of such, having no rent to pay, might be sufficiently193 at his ease to work improvements, and carry on a vigorous husbandry; but what I have seen in France, has greatly lessened194 my good opinion of them. In Flanders, I saw excellent husbandry on properties of 30 to 100 acres; but we seldom find here such small patches of property as are common in other provinces. In Alsace, and on the Garonne, that is, on soils of such exuberant195 fertility as to demand no exertions, some small properties also are well cultivated. In Béarn, I passed through a region of little farmers, whose appearance, neatness, ease, and happiness charmed me; it was what property alone could, on a small scale, effect; but these were by no means contemptibly196 small; they are, as I judged by the distance from house to house, from 40 to 80 acres. Except these, and a very few other instances, I saw nothing respectable on small properties, except a most unremitting industry. Indeed, it is necessary to impress on the reader’s mind, that though the husbandry I met with, in a great variety of instances on little properties, was as bad as can be well conceived, yet the industry of the possessors was so conspicuous, and so meritorious197, that no commendations would be too great for it. It was sufficient to prove that property in land is, of all others, the most active instigator198 to severe and incessant labour. And this truth is of such force and extent, that I know no way so sure of carrying. tillage to a mountain top, as by permitting the adjoining villagers to acquire it in property; in fact, we see that in the mountains of Languedoc, &c., they have conveyed earth in baskets, on their backs, to form a soil where nature had denied it.”
The experience, therefore, of this celebrated agriculturist, and apostle of the grande culture, may be said to be, that the effect of small properties, cultivated by peasant proprietors, is admirable when they are not too small: so small, namely, as not fully131 to occupy the time and attention of the family; for he often complains, with great apparent reason, of the quantity of idle time which the peasantry had on their hands when the land was in very small portions, notwithstanding the ardour with which they toiled199 to improve their little patrimony200 in every way which their knowledge or ingenuity201 could suggest. He recommends, accordingly, that a limit of subdivision should be fixed by law; and this is by no means an indefensible proposition in countries, if such there are, where the morcellement, having already gone farther than the state of capital and the nature of the staple202 articles of cultivation render advisable, still continues progressive. That each peasant should have a patch of land, even in full property, if it is not sufficient to support him in comfort, is a system with all the disadvantages, and scarcely any of the benefits, of small properties; since he must either live in indigence on the produce of his land, or depend as habitually as if he had no landed possessions, on the wages of hired labour: which, besides, if all the holdings surrounding him are of similar dimensions, he has little prospect of finding. The benefits of peasant properties are conditional203 on their not being too much subdivided; that is, on their not being required to maintain too many persons, in proportion to the produce that can be raised from them by those persons. The question resolves itself, like most questions respecting the condition of the labouring classes, into one of population. Are small properties a stimulus204 to undue205 multiplication206, or a check to it?
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prop
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| vt.支撑；n.支柱，支撑物；支持者，靠山 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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arbiters
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| 仲裁人，裁决者( arbiter的名词复数 ) | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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arable
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| adj.可耕的，适合种植的 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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rend
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| vt.把…撕开，割裂；把…揪下来，强行夺取 | |
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tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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malaria
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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admiration
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portent
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opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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proprietorship
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| n.所有（权）；所有权 | |
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travail
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remarkable
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casement
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| n.竖铰链窗；窗扉 | |
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mowing
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| n.割草，一次收割量，牧草地v.刈，割( mow的现在分词 ) | |
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36
mow
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| v.割（草、麦等），扫射，皱眉；n.草堆，谷物堆 | |
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37
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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38
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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39
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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40
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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41
punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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42
manure
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| n.粪，肥，肥粒；vt.施肥 | |
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43
shrub
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| n.灌木，灌木丛 | |
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44
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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45
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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46
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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47
spun
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| v.纺，杜撰，急转身 | |
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48
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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49
ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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50
barley
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| n.大麦，大麦粒 | |
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51
morsel
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| n.一口，一点点 | |
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52
pauperism
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| n.有被救济的资格，贫困 | |
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53
pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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54
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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55
statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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56
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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57
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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58
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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59
concurrently
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| adv.同时地 | |
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60
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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61
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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62
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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63
withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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64
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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65
perennial
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| adj.终年的；长久的 | |
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66
perpendicular
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| adj.垂直的，直立的；n.垂直线，垂直的位置 | |
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67
lateral
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| adj.侧面的，旁边的 | |
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68
scoops
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| n.小铲( scoop的名词复数 )；小勺；一勺[铲]之量；（抢先刊载、播出的）独家新闻v.抢先报道( scoop的第三人称单数 )；（敏捷地）抱起；抢先获得；用铲[勺]等挖（洞等） | |
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69
expeditiously
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| adv.迅速地，敏捷地 | |
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70
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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71
highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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72
tolls
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| （缓慢而有规律的）钟声( toll的名词复数 )； 通行费； 损耗； （战争、灾难等造成的）毁坏 | |
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73
economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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74
rotation
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| n.旋转；循环，轮流 | |
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75
rotations
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| 旋转( rotation的名词复数 )； 转动； 轮流； 轮换 | |
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76
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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77
latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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78
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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79
clumps
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| n.（树、灌木、植物等的）丛、簇( clump的名词复数 )；（土、泥等）团；块；笨重的脚步声v.（树、灌木、植物等的）丛、簇( clump的第三人称单数 )；（土、泥等）团；块；笨重的脚步声 | |
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80
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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81
fertilize
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| v.使受精，施肥于，使肥沃 | |
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82
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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83
furrow
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| n.沟；垄沟；轨迹；车辙；皱纹 | |
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84
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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85
hemp
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| n.大麻；纤维 | |
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86
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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87
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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88
apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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89
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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90
orchard
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| n.果园，果园里的全部果树，(美俚)棒球场 | |
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91
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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92
bustle
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| v.喧扰地忙乱，匆忙，奔忙；n.忙碌；喧闹 | |
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93
plod
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| v.沉重缓慢地走，孜孜地工作 | |
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94
persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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95
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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96
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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97
hacking
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| n.非法访问计算机系统和数据库的活动 | |
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98
stumps
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| （被砍下的树的）树桩( stump的名词复数 )； 残肢； （板球三柱门的）柱； 残余部分 | |
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99
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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100
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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101
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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102
rape
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| n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸 | |
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103
turnips
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| 芜青( turnip的名词复数 )； 芜菁块根； 芜菁甘蓝块根； 怀表 | |
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104
calves
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| n.(calf的复数)笨拙的男子，腓；腿肚子( calf的名词复数 )；牛犊；腓；小腿肚v.生小牛( calve的第三人称单数 )；（冰川）崩解；生（小牛等），产（犊）；使（冰川）崩解 | |
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105
rampantly
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| 粗暴地，猖獗的 | |
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106
prune
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| n.酶干；vt.修剪，砍掉，削减；vi.删除 | |
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107
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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108
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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109
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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110
delineation
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| n.记述；描写 | |
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111
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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112
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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113
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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114
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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115
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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116
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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117
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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118
augur
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| n.占卦师；v.占卦 | |
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119
laboriously
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| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
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120
encumber
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| v.阻碍行动，妨碍，堆满 | |
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121
outstrip
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| v.超过，跑过 | |
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122
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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123
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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124
testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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125
subdivided
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| 再分，细分( subdivide的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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127
deducting
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| v.扣除，减去( deduct的现在分词 ) | |
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128
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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129
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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130
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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131
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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132
diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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133
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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134
mounds
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| 土堆，土丘( mound的名词复数 )； 一大堆 | |
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135
diminutive
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| adj.小巧可爱的，小的 | |
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136
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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137
bakers
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| n.面包师( baker的名词复数 )；面包店；面包店店主；十三 | |
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138
mellow
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| adj.柔和的；熟透的；v.变柔和；(使)成熟 | |
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139
retentive
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| v.保留的，有记忆的；adv.有记性地，记性强地；n.保持力 | |
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140
decomposition
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| n. 分解, 腐烂, 崩溃 | |
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141
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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142
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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143
hog
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| n.猪；馋嘴贪吃的人；vt.把…占为己有，独占 | |
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144
fattening
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| adj.（食物）要使人发胖的v.喂肥( fatten的现在分词 )；养肥（牲畜）；使（钱）增多；使（公司）升值 | |
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145
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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146
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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147
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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148
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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149
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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150
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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151
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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152
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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153
conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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154
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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155
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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156
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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157
dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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158
citations
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| n.引用( citation的名词复数 )；引证；引文；表扬 | |
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159
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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160
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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161
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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mendicancy
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| n.乞丐，托钵，行乞修道士 | |
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savings
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| n.存款，储蓄 | |
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166
jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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indigence
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| n.贫穷 | |
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inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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173
bulging
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| 膨胀； 凸出（部）； 打气； 折皱 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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175
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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176
dune
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| n.(由风吹积而成的)沙丘 | |
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177
dunes
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| 沙丘( dune的名词复数 ) | |
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178
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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179
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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180
bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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181
surmise
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| v./n.猜想，推测 | |
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182
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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neatly
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| adv.整洁地，干净地，灵巧地，熟练地 | |
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184
hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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185
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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186
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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188
fowl
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| n.家禽，鸡，禽肉 | |
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189
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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190
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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191
champagne
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| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
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192
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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193
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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194
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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195
exuberant
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| adj.充满活力的；（植物）繁茂的 | |
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196
contemptibly
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| adv.卑鄙地，下贱地 | |
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meritorious
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| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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instigator
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| n.煽动者 | |
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199
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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200
patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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201
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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202
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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conditional
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| adj.条件的，带有条件的 | |
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204
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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