In this system all the produce belongs to the landlord. The food and other necessaries of his labourers are part of his expenses. The labourers possess nothing but what he thinks fit to give them, and until he thinks fit to take it back: and they work as hard as he chooses, or is able, to compel them. Their wretchedness is only limited by his humanity, or his pecuniary3 interest. With the first consideration, we have on the present occasion nothing to do. What the second in so detestable a constitution of society may dictate4, depends on the facilities for importing fresh slaves. If full-grown able-bodied slaves can be procurred in sufficient numbers, and imported at a moderate expense, self-interest will recommend working the slaves to death, and replacing them importation in preference to the slow and expensive process of breeding them. Nor are the slave-owners generally backward in learning this lesson. It is notorious that such was the practice in our slave colonies, while the slave trade was legal; and it is said to be so still in among the Cuba
When, as among the ancients, the slave-market could only be supplied by captives either taken in war, or kidnapped from thinly scattered5 tribes on the remote confines of the known world, it was generally more profitable to keep up the number by breeding, which necessitates6 a far better treatment of them; and for this reason, joined with several others, the condition of slaves, notwithstanding occasional enormities, was probably much less bad in the ancient world, than in the colonies of modern nations. The Helots are usually cited as the type of the most hideous7 form of personal slavery, but with how little truth appears from the fact that they were regularly armed (though not with the panoply8 of the hoplite) and formed an integral part of the military strength of the State. They were doubtless an inferior and degraded caste, but their slavery seems to have been one of the least onerous9 varieties of serfdom. Slavery appears in far more frightful10 colours among the Romans, during the period in which the Roman aristocracy was gorging11 itself with the plunder12 of a newly-conquered world. The Romans were a cruel people, and the worthless nobles sported with the lives of their myriads13 of slaves with the same reckless prodigality14 with which they squandered15 any other part of their ill-acquired possessions. Yet, slavery is divested16 of one of its worst features when it is compatible with hope; enfranchisement17 was easy and common: enfranchised18 slaves obtained at once the full rights of citizens, and instances were frequent of their acquiring not only riches, but latterly even honours. By the progress of milder legislation under the Emperors, much of the protection of law was thrown round the slave, he became capable of possessing property, and the evil altogether assumed a considerably19 gentler aspect. Until, however, slavery assumes the mitigated20 form of villenage, in which not only the slaves have property and legal rights, but their obligations are more or less limited by usage, and they partly labour for their own benefit; their condition is seldom such as to produce a rapid growth neither of population or of production.
§2. So long as slave countries are underpeopled in proportion to their cultivable land, the labour of the slaves, under any tolerable management, produces much more than is sufficient for their support; especially as the great amount of superintendence which their labour requires, preventing the dispersion of the population, insures some of the advantages of combined labour. Hence, in a good soil and climate, and with reasonable care of his own interests, the owner of many slaves has the means of being rich. The influence, however, of such a state of society on production, is perfectly21 well understood. It is truism to assert that labour extorted22 by fear of punishment is inefficient23 and unproductive. It is true that in some circumstances, human beings can be driven by the lash24 to attempt, and even to accomplish, things which they would not have undertaken for any payment which it could have been worth while to an employer to offer them. And it is likely that productive operations which require much combination of labour, the production of sugar for example, would not have taken place so soon in the American colonies, if slavery had not existed to keep masses of labour together. There are also savage25 tribes so averse26 from regular industry, that industrial life is scarcely able to introduce itself among them until they are either conquered and made slaves of, or become conquerors27 and make others so. But after allowing the full value of these considerations, it remains28 certain that slavery is incompatible29 with any high state of the arts of life, and any great efficiency of labour. For all products which require much skill, slave countries are usually dependent on foreigners. Hopeless slavery effectually brutifies the intellect; and intelligence in the slaves, though often encouraged in the ancient world and in the East, is in a more advanced state of society a source of so much danger and an object of so much dread30 to the masters, that in some of the States of America it was a highly penal31 offence to teach a slave to read. All processes carried on by slave labour are conducted in the rudest strength of the slave is, on an average, not half exerted. and most unimproved manner. And even the animal strength of the slave is, on an average, not half exerted. The unproductiveness and wastefulness32 of the industrial system in the Slave States is instructively displayed in the valuable writings of Mr. Olmsted. The mildest form of slavery is certainly the condition of the serf, who is attached to the soil, supports himself from his allotment, and works a certain number of days in the week for his lord. Yet there is but one opinion on the extreme inefficiency33 of serf labour. The following passage is from Professor Jones,1 whose Essay on the Distribution of Wealth (or rather on Rent), is a copious34 repertory of valuable facts on the landed tenures of different countries.
“The Russians, or rather those German writers who have observed the manners and habits of Russia, state some strong facts on this point. Two Middlesex mowers, they say, will mow35 in a day as much grass as six Russian serfs, and in spite of the dearness of provisions in England and their cheapness in Russia, the mowing36 a quantity of hay which would cost an English farmer half a copeck, will cost a Russian proprietor2 three or four copecks.* The Prussian counsellor of state, Jacob, is considered to have proved, that in Russia, where everything is cheap, the labour of a serf is doubly as expensive as that of a labourer in England. M. Schmalz gives a startling account of the unproductiveness of serf labour in Prussia, from his own knowledge and observation.* In Austria, it is distinctly stated, that the labour of a serf is equal to only one-third of that of a free hired labourer. This calculation, made in an able work on agriculture (with some extracts from which I have been favoured), is applied37 to the practical purpose of deciding on the number of labourers necessity to cultivate an estate of a given magnitude. So palpable, indeed, are the ill effects of labour rents on the industry of the agricultural population, that in Austria itself, where proposals of changes of any kind do not readily make their way, schemes and plans for the commutation of labour rents are as popular as in the more stirring German provinces of the North.”*
What is wanting in the quality of the labour itself, is not made up by any excellence38 in the direction and superintendence. As the same writer remarks, the landed proprietors “are necessarily, in their character of cultivators of their own domains39, the only guides and directors of the industry of the agricultural population,” since there can be no intermediate class of capitalist farmers where the labourers are the property of the lord. Great landowners are everywhere an idle class, or if they labour at all, addict40 themselves only to the more exciting kinds of exertion41; that lion’s share which superiors always reserve for themselves. “It would,” as Mr. Jones observes, “be hopeless and irrational42 to expect, that a race of noble proprietors, fenced round with privileges and dignity, and attracted to military and political pursuits by the advantages and habits of their station, should ever become attentive43 cultivators as a body.” Even in England, if the cultivation44 of every estate depended upon its proprietor, any one can judge what would be the result. There would be a few cases of great science and energy, and numerous individual instances of moderate success, but the general state of agriculture would be contemptible45.
§3. Whether the proprietors themselves would lose by the emancipation46 of their slaves, is a different question from the comparative effectiveness of free and slave labour to the community. There has been much discussion of this question as an abstract thesis; as if it could possibly admit of any universal solution. Whether slavery or free labour is most profitable to the employer, depends on the wages of the free labourer. These, again, depend on the numbers of the labouring population, compared with the capital and the land. Hired labour is generally so much more efficient than slave labour, that the employer can pay a considerably greater value in wages, than the maintenance of his slaves cost him before, and yet be a gainer by the change: but he cannot do this without of serfdom in Europe, and its destruction in the Western nations, were doubtless hastened by the change which the growth of population must have made in the pecuniary interests of the master. As population pressed harder upon the land, with any improvements in agriculture, the maintenance of the serfs necessarily became more costly47, and their labour less valuable. With the rate of wages such as it is in Ireland, or in England (where, in proportion to its efficiency, labour is quite as cheap as in Ireland), no one can for a moment imagine that slavery could be profitable. If the Irish peasantry were slaves, their masters would be as willing, as their landlords now are, to pay large sums merely to get rid of them. In the rich and underpeopled soil of the West India islands, there is just as little doubt that the balance of profits between free and slave labour was greatly on the side of slavery, and that the compensation canted to the slave-owners for its abolition48 was not more, perhaps even less, than an equivalent for their loss.
More needs not be said here on a cause so completely judged and decided49 as that of slavery. Its demerits are no longer a question requiring argument; though the temper of mind manifested by the larger part of the influential50 classes in Great Britain respecting the struggle in America, shows how grievously the feelings of the present generation of Englishmen, on this subject, had fallen behind the positive acts of the generation which preceded them. That the sons of the deliverers of the West Indian Negroes should expect with complacency, and encourage by their sympathies, the establishment of a great and powerful military commonwealth51, pledged by its principles and driven by its strongest interests to be the armed propagator of slavery through every region of the earth into which its power could penetrate52, discloses a mental state in the leading portion of our higher and middle classes which it is melancholy53 to see, and will be a lasting54 blot55 in English history. Fortunately they stopped short of actually aiding, otherwise than by words, the nefarious56 enterprise to which they were not ashamed of wishing success;and at the expense of the best blood of the Free States, but to their immeasurable elevation57 in mental and moral worth, the curse of slavery has been cast out from the great American republic, to find its last temporary refuge in Brazil and Cuba. No European country, except Spain alone, any longer participates in the enormity. Even serfage has now ceased to have a legal existence in Europe. Denmark has the honour of being the first Continental58 nation which imitated England in liberating59 its colonial slaves; and the abolition of slavery was one of the earliest acts of the heroic and calumniated60 Provisional Government of France. The Dutch Government was not long behind, and its colonies and dependencies are now, I believe without exception, free from actual slavery, though forced labour for the public authorities is still a recognised institution in Java, soon, we may hope, to he exchanged for complete personal freedom.
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1
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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necessitates
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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panoply
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| n.全副甲胄，礼服 | |
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onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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gorging
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| v.（用食物把自己）塞饱，填饱( gorge的现在分词 )；作呕 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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myriads
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| n.无数，极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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prodigality
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| n.浪费，挥霍 | |
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squandered
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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enfranchised
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| v.给予选举权( enfranchise的过去式和过去分词 )；（从奴隶制中）解放 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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wastefulness
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| 浪费，挥霍，耗费 | |
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inefficiency
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| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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mow
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| v.割（草、麦等），扫射，皱眉；n.草堆，谷物堆 | |
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mowing
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| n.割草，一次收割量，牧草地v.刈，割( mow的现在分词 ) | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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addict
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| v.使沉溺；使上瘾；n.沉溺于不良嗜好的人 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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irrational
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| adj.无理性的，失去理性的 | |
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attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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45
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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46
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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47
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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50
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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51
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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52
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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56
nefarious
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| adj.恶毒的，极坏的 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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liberating
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| 解放，释放( liberate的现在分词 ) | |
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calumniated
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| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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