Together with this resolution, the Decurioni had also taken another, to request the Cardinal22 Archbishop to appoint a solemn procession, bearing through the city the body of San Carlo. The good prelate refused, for many reasons. This confidence in an arbitrary measure displeased24 him; and he feared that if the effect should not correspond to it, which he had also reason to fear, confidence would be converted into offense25.1 He feared further, that, if indeed there were poisoners about, the procession would afford too convenient opportunities for crime; if there were not, such a concourse of itself should not fail to disseminate26 the contagion27 more widely: a danger far more real.2 For the suppressed suspicions of poisonous ointments29 had, meanwhile, revived more generally and more violently than ever.
People had again seen, or this time they fancied they had seen anointed walls, entrances to public buildings, doors of private houses, and knockers. The news of these discoveries flew from mouth to mouth; and, as it happens even more than usually in great prepossessions, the report produced the same effect that the sight of it would have done. The minds of the populace, ever more and more embittered30 by the actual presence of suffering, and irritated by the pertinacity31 of the danger, embraced this belief the more willingly; for anger burns to execute its revenge, and, as a very worthy32 man acutely observes on this same subject,3 would rather attribute evils to human wickedness, upon which it might vent33 its tormenting34 energies, than acknowledge them from a source which leaves no other remedy than resignation. A subtle, instantaneous, exceedingly penetrating35 poison, were words more than enough to explain the virulence36, and all other most mysterious and unusual accompaniments of the contagion. It was said that this venom37 was composed of toads38, of serpents, of saliva39 and matter from infected persons, of worse still, of everything, in short, that wild and perverse40 fancy could invent which was foul41 and atrocious. To these was added witchcraft42, by which any effect became possible, every objection lost its force, every difficulty was resolved. If the anticipated effects had not immediately followed upon the first anointing, the reason was now clear — it had been the imperfect attempt of novices44 in the art of sorcery; now it was more matured, and the wills of the perpetrators were more bent45 upon their infernal project. Now, had any one still maintained that it had been a mere46 trick, had any one still denied the existence of a conspiracy47, he would have passed for a deluded48 or obstinate49 person; if, indeed, he would not have fallen under the suspicion of being interested in diverting public scrutiny50 from the truth, of being an accomplice51, a poisoner. The term very soon became common, solemn, tremendous. With such a persuasion52, that poisoners there were, some must almost infallibly be discovered: all eyes were on the look-out; every act might excite jealousy53; and jealousy easily became certainty, and certainty fury.
Ripamonti relates two instances, informing us that he had selected them, not as the most outrageous54 among the many which daily occurred, but because, unhappily, he could speak of both as an eyewitness55.4
In the church of Sant’ Antonio, on the day of I know not what solemnity, an old man, more than eighty years of age, was observed, after kneeling in prayer, to sit down, first, however, dusting the bench with his cloak. “That old man is anointing the benches!’ exclaimed with one voice some women, who witnessed the act. The people who happened to be in church, (in church!) fell upon the old man; they tore his gray locks, heaped upon him blows and kicks, and dragged him out half dead, to convey him to prison, to the judges, to torture. ‘I beheld56 him dragged along in this way,’ says Ripamonti, ‘nor could I learn anything further about his end; but, indeed, I think he could not have survived many moments.’
The other instance, which occurred the following day, was equally strange, but not equally fatal. Three French youths, in company, one a scholar, one a painter, and the third a mechanic, who had come to see Italy, to study its antiquities57, and to try and make money, had approached I know not exactly what part of the exterior58 of the cathedral, and stood attentively59 surveying it. One, two, or more passers-by, stopped, and formed a little group, to contemplate60 and keep their eye on these visitors, whom their costume, their headdress, and their wallets, proclaimed to be strangers, and, what was worse, Frenchmen. As if to assure themselves that it was marble, they stretched out their hands to touch it. This was enough. They were surrounded, seized, tormented61, and urged by blows to prison. Fortunately, the hall of justice was not far from the cathedral, and by still greater good fortune, they were found innocent, and set at liberty.
Nor did such things happen only in the city; the frenzy62 had spread like the contagion. The traveller who was met by peasants out of the highway, or on the public road was seen loitering and amusing himself, or stretched upon the ground to rest; the stranger in whom they fancied they saw something singular and suspicious in countenance63 or dress — these were poisoners; at the first report of whomsoever it might be — at the cry of a child — the alarm was given, and the people flocked together; the unhappy victims were pelted64 with stones, or, if taken, were violently dragged to prison. And the prison, up to a certain period, became a haven65 of safety.5
But the Decurioni, not discouraged by the refusal of the judicious66 prelate, continued to repeat their entreaties67, which were noisily seconded by the popular vote. The Bishop23 persevered68 for some time, and endeavoured to dissuade69 them: so much and no more could the discretion70 of one man do against the judgment71 of the times, and the pertinacity of the many. In this state of opinion, with the idea of danger, confused as it was at that period, disputed, and very far from possessing the evidence which we have for it, it will not be difficult to comprehend how his good reasons might, even in his own mind, be overcome by the bad ones of others. Whether, besides, in his subsequent concession72, a feebleness of will had or had not any share, is a mystery of the human heart. Cer-tainly if, in any case, it be possible to attribute error wholly to the intellect, and to relieve the conscience of responsibility, it is when one treats of those rare persons, (and, assuredly, the Cardinal was of the number), throughout whose whole life is seen a resolute73 obedience74 to conscience, without regard to temporal interests of any kind. On the repetition of the entreaties, then, he yielded, gave his consent to the procession, and further, to the desire, the general eagerness, that the urn1 which contained the relics75 of San Carlo should afterwards remain exposed for eight days to the public concourse, on the high altar of the cathedral.
I do not find that the Board of Health, or the other authorities, made any opposition76 or remonstrance77 of any kind. The above-named Board merely ordered some precautions, which, without obviating78 the danger, indicated their apprehension79 of it. They gave more strict regulations about the admission of persons into the city, and to insure the execution of them, kept all the gates shut: as also, in order to exclude from the concourse, as far as possible, the infected and suspected, they caused the doors of the condemned80 houses to be nailed up; which, so far as the bare assertion of a writer — and a writer of those times — is to be valued in such matters, amounted to about five hundred.6
Three days were spent in preparations; and on the 11th of June, which was the day fixed81, the procession started by early dawn from the cathedral. A long file of people led the way, chiefly women, their faces covered with ample silken veils, and many of them barefoot, and clothed in sackcloth. Then followed bands of artificers, preceded by their several banners, the different fraternities, in habits of various shades and colours; then came the brotherhoods82 of monks84, then the secular85 clergy86, each with the insignia of his rank, and bearing a lighted wax taper87. In the centre, amidst the brilliancy of still more numerous torches, and the louder tones of the chanting, came the coffin88, under a rich canopy89, supported alternately by four canons, most pompously90 attired91. Through the crystal sides appeared the venerated92 corpse93, the limbs enveloped94 in splendid pontifical95 robes, and the skull96 covered with a mitre; and under the mutilated and decomposed97 features, some traces might still be distinguished98 of his former countenance, such as it was represented in pictures, and as some remembered seeing and honouring it during his life. Behind the mortal remains99 of the deceased pastor100, (says Ripamonti,7 from which we chiefly have taken this description), and near him in person, as well as in merit, blood, and dignity, came the Archbishop Federigo. Then followed the rest of the clergy, and close behind them the magistrates101, in their best robes of office; after them the nobility, some sumptuously102 apparelled, as for a solemn celebration of worship, others in token of humiliation103, clothed in mourning, or walking barefoot, covered with sackcloth, and the hoods83 drawn104 over their faces, all bearing large torches. A mingled105 crowd of people brought up the rear.
The whole street was decked out as at a festival; the rich had brought out their most showy decorations; the fronts of the poorer houses were ornamented106 by their wealthier neighbours, or at the public expense; here and there, instead of ornaments107, or over the ornaments themselves, were leafy branches of trees; everywhere were suspended pictures, mottoes, and emblematical108 devices; on the window-ledges were displayed vases, curiosities of antiquity109, and valuable ornaments; and in every direction were torches. At many of these windows the sick, who were put under sequestration, beheld the pomp, and mingled their prayers with those of the passengers. The other streets were silent and deserted110, save where some few listened at the windows to the floating murmur111 in the distance; while others, and among these even nuns112 might be seen, mounted on the roofs, perchance they might be able to distinguish afar off the coffin, the retinue113 — in short, something.
The procession passed through all quarters of the city; at each of the crossways, or small squares, which terminate the principal streets in the suburbs, and which then preserved the ancient name of carrobii, now reduced to only one, they made a halt, depositing the coffin near the cross which had been erected114 in every one by San Carlo, during the preceding pestilence, some of which are still standing115; so that they returned not to the cathedral till considerably116 past midday.
But lo! the day following, just while the presumptuous117 confidence, nay118, in many, the fanatical assurance prevailed, that the procession must have cut short the progress of the plague, the mortality increased in every class, in every part of the city, to such a degree, and with so sudden a leap, that there was scarcely any one who did not behold119 in the very procession itself, the cause and occasion of this fearful increase. But, oh wonderful and melancholy120 force of popular prejudices! the greater number did not attribute this effect to so great and so prolonged a crowding together of persons, nor to the infinite multiplication121 of fortuitous contact, but rather to the facilities afforded to the poisoners of executing their iniquitous122 designs on a large scale. It was said that, mixing in the crowd, they had infected with their ointment28 everybody they had encountered. But as this appeared neither a sufficient nor appropriate means for producing so vast a mortality, which extended itself to every rank; as, apparently123, it had not been possible, even for an eye the most watchful124, and the most quick-sighted from suspicion, to detect any unctuous125 matter, or spots of any kind, during the march, recourse was had for the explanation of the fact to that other fabrication, already ancient, and received at that time into the common scientific learning of Europe, of magical and venomous powders; it was said that these powders, scattered126 along the streets and chiefly at the places of halting, had clung to the trains of the dresses, and still more to the feet of those who had that day, in great numbers, gone about barefoot. ‘That very day, therefore, of the procession,’ says a contemporary writer,8 ‘saw piety127 contending with iniquity128, perfidy129 with sincerity130, and loss with acquisition.’ It was, on the contrary, poor human sense contending with the phantoms131 it had itself created.
From that day, the contagion continued to rage with increasing violence; in a little while, there was scarcely a house left untouched; and the population of the Lazzaretto, according to Somaglia, above quoted, amounted to from two to twelve thousand. In the course of time, according to almost all reports, it reached sixteen thousand. On the fourth of July, as I find in another letter from the conservators of health to the Governor, the daily mortality exceeded five hundred. Still later, when the plague was at its height, it reached, and for some time remained at, twelve or fifteen hundred, according to the most common computation; and if we may credit Tadino,9 it sometimes even exceeded three thousand five hundred.
It may be imagined what must now have been the difficulties of the Decurioni, upon whom was laid the burden of providing for the public necessities, and repairing what was still reparable in such a calamity132. They were obliged every day to replace, every day to augment133, public officers of numerous kinds: Monatti, by which denomination134 (even then at Milan of ancient date, and uncertain origin,) were designated those who were devoted135 to the most painful and dangerous services of a pestilence, viz. taking corpses136 from the houses, out of the streets, and from the Lazzaretto, transporting them on carts to the graves, and burying them; carrying or conducting the sick to the Lazzaretto, overlooking them there, and burning and cleansing137 infected or suspected goods: Apparitori,10 whose special office it was to precede the carts, warning passengers, by the sound of a little bell, to retire: and Commissarii, who superintended both the other classes, under the immediate43 orders of the Board of Health. The Council had also to keep the Lazzaretto furnished with physicians, surgeons, medicines, food, and all the other necessaries of an infirmary; and to provide and prepare new quarters for the newly arising needs. For this purpose, they had cabins of wood and straw hastily constructed, in the unoccupied space within the Lazzaretto; and another Lazzaretto was erected, also of thatched cabins, with an enclosure of boards, capable of containing four thousand persons. These not being sufficient, two others were decreed; they even began to build them, but, from the deficiency of means of every kind, they remained uncompleted. Means, men, and courage failed, in proportion as the necessity for them increased. And not only did the execution fall so far short of the projects and decrees — not only were many too clearly acknowledged necessities deficiently provided for, even in words, but they arrived at such a pitch of impotency and desperation, that many of the most deplorable and urgent cases were left without succour of any kind. A great number of infants, for example, died of absolute neglect, their mothers having been carried off by the pestilence. The Board of Health proposed that a place of refuge should be founded for these, and for destitute138, lying-in women, that something might be done for them, but they could obtain nothing. ‘The Decurioni of the Citie,’ says Tadino, ‘were no less to be pityed, who found themselves harassed139 and oppressed by the Soldierie without any Bounds or Regarde whatsoever140, as well as those in the unfortunate Duchy, seeing that they could get no Help or Prouision from the Gouernor, because it happened to be a Tyme of War, and they must needs treat the Soldierie well.’11 So important was the taking of Casale! so glorious appeared the fame of victory, independent of the cause, of the object for which they contended!
So, also, an ample but solitary141 grave which had been dug near the Lazzaretto being completely filled with corpses; and fresh bodies, which became day by day more numerous, remaining therefore in every direction unburied, the magistrates, after having in vain sought for hands to execute the melancholy task, were compelled to acknowledge that they knew not what course to pursue. Nor was it easy to conjecture142 what would be the end, had not extraordinary relief been afforded. The President of the Board of Health solicited143 it almost in despair, and with tears in his eyes, from those two excellent friars who presided at the Lazzaretto; and Father Michele pledged himself to clear the city of dead bodies in the course of four days. At the expiration144 of eight days he had not only provided for the immediate necessity, but for that also which the most ominous145 foresight146 could have anticipated for the future. With a friar for his companion, and with officers granted him for this purpose by the President, he set off out of the city in search of peasants; and partly by the authority of the Board of Health, partly by the influence of his habit and his words, he succeeded in collecting two hundred, whom he distributed in three separate places, to dig the ample graves. He then despatched monatti from the Lazzaretto to collect the dead, and on the day appointed his promise was fulfilled.
On one occasion, the Lazzaretto was left destitute of physicians; and it was only by offers of large salaries and honours, with much labour, and considerable delay, that they could procure147 them; and even then their number was far from sufficient for the need. It was often so reduced in provisions as to raise fears that the inmates148 would actually have to die of starvation; and more than once, while they were trying every method of raising money or supplies, with scarcely a hope of procuring149 them — not to say of procuring them in time — abundant assistance would most opportunely150 be afforded by the unexpected gift of some charitable private individual; for, in the midst of the common stupefaction and indifference151 to others, arising from continual apprehensions152 for themselves, there were yet hearts ever awake to the call of charity, and others in whom charity first sprang up on the failure of all earthly pleasures; as, in the destruction and flight of many whose duty it was to superintend and provide, there were others, ever healthy in body and unshaken in courage, who were always at their posts; while some there even were who, urged by compassion153, assumed, and perseveringly154 sustained, cares to which their office did not call them.
The most general and most willing fidelity155 to the trying duties of the times, was conspicuously156 evinced by the clergy. In the Lazzarettoes, and throughout the city, their assistance never failed; where suffering was, there were they; they were always to be seen mingled with and interspersed157 among the faint and dying — faint and dying sometimes themselves. Together with spiritual succours, they were lavish158, as far as they could be, of temporal ones, and freely rendered whatever services happened to be required. More than sixty parish-priests, in the city alone, died of the contagion; about eight out of every nine.
Federigo, as was to be expected from him, gave to all encouragement and example. Having seen almost the whole of his archiepiscopal household perish around him, solicited by relatives, by the first magistrates, and by the neighbouring princes, to withdraw from danger to some solitary country-seat, he rejected this counsel and entreaties in the spirit with which he wrote to his clergy: ‘Be ready to abandon this mortal life, rather than the family, the children, committed to us; go forward into the plague, as to life, as to a reward, when there is one soul to be won to Christ.’12 He neglected no precautions which did not impede159 him in his duty; on which point he also gave instructions and regulations to his clergy; and, at the same time, he minded not, nor appeared to observe, danger, where it was necessary to encounter it, in order to do good. Without speaking of the ecclesiastics160, whom he was constantly with, to commend and regulate their zeal, to arouse such as were lukewarm in the work, and to send them to the posts where others had perished, it was his wish that there should always be free access for any one who had need of him. He visited the Lazzarettoes, to administer consolation161 to the sick, and encouragement to the attendants; he traversed the city, carrying relief to the poor creatures sequestrated in their houses, stopping at the doors and under the windows to listen to their lamentations, and to offer in exchange words of comfort and encouragement. In short, he threw himself into, and lived in the midst of the pestilence, and was himself astonished, at the end, that he had come out uninjured.
Thus, in public calamities162 and in long-continued disturbances163 of settled habits, of whatever kind, there may always be beheld an augmentation, a sublimation164 of virtue165; but, alas166! there is never wanting, at the same time, an augmentation, far more general in most cases, of crime. This occasion was remarkable167 for it. The villains168, whom the pestilence spared and did not terrify, found in the common confusion, and in the relaxation169 of all public authority, a new opportunity of activity, together with new assurances of impunity170; nay, the administration of public authority itself came, in a great measure, to be lodged171 in the hands of the worst among them. Generally speaking, none devoted themselves to the offices of monatti and apparitori but men over whom the attractions of rapine and license172 had more influence than the terror of contagion, or any natural object of horror.
The strictest orders were laid upon these people; the severest penalties threatened to them; stations were assigned them; and commissaries, as we have said, placed over them: over both, again, magistrates and nobles were appointed in every district, with authority to enforce good government summarily on every opportunity. Such a state of things went on and took effect up to a certain period; but, with the increase of deaths and desolation, and the terror of the survivors173, these officers came to be, as it were, exempted from all supervision174; they constituted themselves, the monatti especially, arbiters175 of everything. They entered the houses like masters, like enemies; and, not to mention their plunder176, and how they treated the unhappy creatures reduced by the plague to pass through such hands, they laid them — these infected and guilty hands — on the healthy — children, parents, husbands, wives, threatening to drag them to the Lazzaretto, unless they redeemed177 themselves, or were redeemed, with money. At other times they set a price upon their services, refusing to carry away bodies already corrupted178, for less than so many scudi. It was believed (and between the credulity of one party and the wickedness of the other, belief and disbelief are equally uncertain), it was believed, and Tadino asserts it,13 that both monatti and apparitori purposely let fall from their carts infected clothes, in order to propagate and keep up the pestilence, which had become to them a means of living, a kingdom, a festival. Other wretches179, feigning180 to be monatti, and carrying little bells tied to their feet, as these officers were required to do, to distinguish themselves and to give warning of their approach, introduced themselves into houses, and there exercised all kinds of tyranny. Some of these, open and void of inhabitants, or inhabited only by a feeble or dying creature, were entered by thieves in search of booty, with impunity; others were surprised and invaded by bailiffs, who there committed robberies and excesses of every description.
Together with the wickedness, the folly181 of the people increased: every prevailing182 error received more or less additional force from the stupefaction and agitation183 of their minds, and was more widely and more precipitately184 applied185: while every one served to strengthen and aggravate186 that special mania187 about poisonings, which, in its effects and ebullitions, was often, as we have seen, itself another crime. The image of this supposed danger beset188 and tortured the minds of the people far more than the real and existing danger.
‘And while,’ says Ripamonti, ‘corpses, scattered here and there, or lying in heaps, ever before the eyes and surrounding the steps of the living, made the whole city like one immense sepulchre, a still more appalling189 symptom, a more intense deformity, was their mutual190 animosity, their licentiousness191, and their extravagant192 sus-picions. . . . Not only did they mistrust a friend, a guest; but those names which are the bonds of human affection, husband and wife, father and son, brother and brother, were words of terror, and, dreadful and infamous193 to tell! the domestic board, the nuptial194 bed, were dreaded195 as lurking-places, as receptacles of poison.’14
The imaginary vastness and strangeness of the plot distracted people’s understandings, and subverted196 every reason for reciprocal confidence. Besides ambition and cupidity197, which were at first supposed to be the motives198 of the poisoners, they fancied, they even believed at length, that there was something of diabolical199, voluptuous200 delight in this anointing — an attraction predominating over the will. The ravings of the sick, who accused themselves of what they had apprehended201 from others, were considered as revelations, and rendered anything, so to say, credible202 of any one. And it would have far greater weight even than words, if it happened that delirious203 patients kept practising those man?uvres which it was imagined must be employed by the poisoners: a thing at once very probable, and tending to give better grounds for the popular persuasion and the assertions of numerous writers. In the same way, during the long and mournful period of judicial204 investigation205 on the subject of witchcraft, the confessions206 and those not always extorted207 of the accused, served not a little to promote and uphold the prevailing opinion on this matter; for when an opinion obtains a prolonged and extensive sway, it is expressed in every manner, tries every outlet208, and runs through every degree of persuasion; and it is difficult for all, or very many, to believe for a length of time that something extraordinary is being done, without some one coming forward who believes that he has done it.
Among the stories which this mania about poisoning gave rise to, one deserves to be mentioned for the credit it acquired, and the extended dissemination209 it met with. It was related, not, however, by everybody in the same way (for that would be too remarkable a privilege for stories), but nearly so, that such a person, on such a day, had seen a carriage and six standing in the Square of the Cathedral, containing some great personage with a large suite210, of lordly aspect, but dark and sunburnt, with fiery211 eyes, hair standing on end, and a threatening expression about the mouth. The spectator, invited to enter the equipage, complied; and after taking a turn or two, stopped and dismounted at the gate of a palace, where, entering with the rest, he beheld horrors and delights, deserts and gardens, caverns212 and halls; and in these were phantoms seated in council. Lastly, huge chests of money were shown to him, and he was told that he might take as much as he liked, if, at the same time, he would accept a little vessel213 of unctuous matter, and go about, anointing with it, through the city. Having refused to agree to the terms, he instantly found himself in the place whence he had been taken.
This story, generally believed there by the people, and, according to Ripamonti, not sufficiently214 ridiculed215 by many learned men,15 travelled through the whole of Italy, and even further: an engraving216 of it was made in Germany; and the electoral Archbishop of Mayence wrote to Cardinal Federigo, to ask what he must believe of the wonderful prodigies217 related at Milan, and received for answer that they were mere dreams.
Of equal value, if not exactly of the same nature, were the dreams of the learned; and equally disastrous218 were they in their effects. Most of them saw the announcement at once and cause of their troubles, in a comet which appeared in the year 1628, and in a conjunction of Saturn219 with Jupiter; ‘the aforesaide Conjunction,’ writes Tadino, ‘inclining so clearlie over this Yeare 1630, that every Bodie could understand it. Mortales parat morbos, miranda videntur.’16 This prediction, fabricated I know not when nor by whom, was upon the tongue, as Ripamonti informs us,17 of everybody who was able to utter it. Another comet, which unexpectedly appeared in the June of the very year of the pestilence, was looked upon as a fresh warning, as an evident proof, indeed, of the anointing. They ransacked220 books, and found only in too great abundance examples of pestilence produced, as they said, by human efforts; they quoted Livy, Tacitus, Dionysius, Homer, and Ovid, and the numberless other ancients who have related or alluded221 to similar events; and of modern writers they had a still greater abundance. They cited a hundred other authors, who have treated theoretically, or incidentally spoken, of poisons, sorceries, unctions, and powders; Cesalpino was quoted, Cardano, Grevino, Salio, Pareo, Schenchio, Zachia, and finally that fatal Delrio, who, if the renown222 of authors were in proportion to the good or evil produced by their works, would assuredly be one of the most eminent223; that Delrio, whose Disquisitions on Magic (a digest of all that men, up to his time, had wildly devised on this subject), received as the most authoritative224 and irrefragable text-book, was, for more than a century, the rule and powerful impulse of legal, horrible, and uninterrupted murders.
From the inventions of the illiterate225 vulgar, educated people borrowed what they could accommodate to their ideas; from the inventions of the educated the vulgar borrowed what they could understand, and as they best could; and of all, an undigested, barbarous jumble226 was formed of public irrationality227.
But that which still further excites our surprise is to see the physicians, those physicians, I say, who from the beginning had believed in the plague, and especially Tadino, who had predicted it, beheld it enter, and kept his eye, so to say, on its progress; who had affirmed and published that it was the plague, and was propagated by contact, and that if no opposition were made to it, it would become a general infection — to see him, I say, draw a certain argument from these very consequences, for poisonous and magical unctions: to behold him, who in Carlo Colonna, the second that died in Milan, had marked delirium228 as an accompaniment of the malady229, afterwards adduce in proof of unctions and a diabolical plot an incident such as this:— two witnesses deposed230 to having heard one of their friends, under the influence of the contagion, relate how some persons came one night into his room, to proffer231 him health and riches, if he would anoint the houses in the vicinity, and how, on his repeated refusal, they had taken their departure, and left in their stead a wolf under the bed, and three great cats upon it, ‘which remained there till break of day.’18 Had such a method of drawing conclusions been confined to one individual, it might have been attributed to his own extreme simplicity232 and want of common sense, and it would not have been worth our while to mention it; but, as it was received by many, it is a specimen233 of the human mind; and may serve to show how a well-regulated and reasonable train of ideas may be disordered by another train of ideas thrown directly across it. In other respects this Tadino was one of the most renowned234 men of his time at Milan.
Two illustrious and highly deserving writers have asserted that Cardinal Federigo entertained some doubt about these poisonings.19 We would gladly give still more complete commendation to the memory of this excellent and benevolent235 man, and represent the good prelate in this, as in many other things, distinguished from the multitude of his contemporaries; but we are constrained236, instead, to remark in him another example of the powerful influence of public opinion, even on the most exalted237 minds. It is evidence — from the way, at least, in which Ripamonti relates his thoughts on the subject — that from the beginning he had some doubts about it; and throughout he always considered that credulity, ignorance, fear, and a wish to excuse their long negligence238 in guarding against the contagion, had a considerable share in this opinion: that there was a good deal of exaggeration in it; but at the same time something of truth. There is a small work on this pestilence, written by his own hand, preserved in the Ambrosian Library; and the following is one among many instances where such a sentiment is expressed:—‘On the method of compounding and spreading such poisonous ointments many and various things are reported, some of which we consider as true, while others appear to us entirely239 imaginary.’20
Some there were who, to the very last, and ever afterwards, thought that it was all imagination; and we learn this, not from themselves, for no one had ever sufficient hardihood to expose to the public an opinion so opposed to that of the public; but from those writers who deride240 it, or rebuke241 it, or confute it, as the prejudice of a few, an error which no one had ever dared to make the subject of open dispute, but which nevertheless existed; and we learnt it, too, from one who had derived242 it from tradition. ‘I have met with sensible and well-informed people in Milan,’ says the good Muratori in the above-quoted passage, ‘who had received trustworthy accounts from their ancestors, and who were by no means persuaded of the truth of the facts concerning these poisonous ointments.’ It seems there was a secret outlet for truth, some remaining domestic confidence; good sense still existed; but it was kept concealed243, for fear of the popular sense.
The magistrates, reduced in number daily, and disheartened and perplexed244 in everything, turned all their little vigilance, so to say, all the little resolution of which they were any longer capable, in search of these poisoners. And too easily did they think they had found them.
The judicial sentences which followed in consequence were not, certainly, the first of such a nature; nor, indeed, can they be considered as uncommon245 in the history of jurisprudence. For, to say nothing of antiquity, and to mention only some instances in times more nearly approaching those of which we are treating, in Palermo, in 1526; in Geneva, in 1530, afterwards in 1545, and again in 1574; in Casale Monferrato, in 1536; in Padua, in 1555; in Turin, in 1599; and again in Turin, this same year 1630; here one, there many unhappy creatures were tried, and condemned to punishments the most atrocious, as guilty of having propagated the plague by means of powders, ointments, witchcraft, or all these together. But the affair of the so-called annointings at Milan, as it was, perhaps, the longest remembered and the most widely talked of, so, perhaps, it is the most worthy of observation; or, to speak more exactly, there is further room to make observations upon it, from the remaining existence of more circumstantial and more extensive documents. And although a writer we have, not long ago, commended,21 has employed himself on them, yet, his object having been, not so much to give the history, properly speaking, as to extract thence political suggestions, for a still more worthy and important purpose, it seemed to us that the history of the plague might form the subject of a new work. But it is not a matter to be passed over in a few words; and to treat it with the copiousness246 it deserves would carry us too far beyond our limits. Besides, after we should have paused upon all these incidents, the reader would certainly no longer care to know those that remain in our narrative247. Reserving, therefore, for another publication the account of the former, we will, at length, return to our characters, not to leave them again till we reach the end.
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1
urn
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| n.（有座脚的）瓮；坟墓；骨灰瓮 | |
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exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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expend
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| vt.花费，消费，消耗 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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unpaid
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| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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impoverishment
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| n.贫穷，穷困；贫化 | |
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havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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parsimony
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| n.过度节俭，吝啬 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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disseminate
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| v.散布；传播 | |
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contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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ointment
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| n.药膏，油膏，软膏 | |
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ointments
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| n.软膏( ointment的名词复数 )；扫兴的人；煞风景的事物；药膏 | |
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embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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tormenting
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| 使痛苦的，使苦恼的 | |
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penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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virulence
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| n.毒力，毒性；病毒性；致病力 | |
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venom
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| n.毒液，恶毒，痛恨 | |
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toads
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| n.蟾蜍，癞蛤蟆( toad的名词复数 ) | |
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saliva
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| n.唾液，口水 | |
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40
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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41
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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42
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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43
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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44
novices
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| n.新手( novice的名词复数 )；初学修士（或修女）；（修会等的）初学生；尚未赢过大赛的赛马 | |
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45
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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46
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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47
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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48
deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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50
scrutiny
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| n.详细检查，仔细观察 | |
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51
accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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52
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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53
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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54
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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55
eyewitness
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| n.目击者，见证人 | |
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56
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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57
antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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58
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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59
attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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61
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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62
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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63
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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64
pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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65
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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66
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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68
persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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70
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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71
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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72
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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73
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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74
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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75
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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76
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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78
obviating
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| v.避免，消除（贫困、不方便等）( obviate的现在分词 ) | |
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79
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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80
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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81
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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82
brotherhoods
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| 兄弟关系( brotherhood的名词复数 )； （总称）同行； （宗教性的）兄弟会； 同业公会 | |
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83
hoods
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| n.兜帽( hood的名词复数 )；头巾；（汽车、童车等的）折合式车篷；汽车发动机罩v.兜帽( hood的第三人称单数 )；头巾；（汽车、童车等的）折合式车篷；汽车发动机罩 | |
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84
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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85
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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86
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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87
taper
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| n.小蜡烛，尖细，渐弱；adj.尖细的；v.逐渐变小 | |
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88
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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89
canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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90
pompously
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| adv.傲慢地，盛大壮观地；大模大样 | |
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91
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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92
venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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94
enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pontifical
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| adj.自以为是的，武断的 | |
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96
skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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97
decomposed
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| 已分解的，已腐烂的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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99
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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100
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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101
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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102
sumptuously
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| 奢侈地，豪华地 | |
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103
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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104
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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105
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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106
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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107
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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108
emblematical
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| adj.标志的，象征的，典型的 | |
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109
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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110
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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111
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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112
nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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113
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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114
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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115
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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116
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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117
presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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118
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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119
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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120
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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121
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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122
iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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123
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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124
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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125
unctuous
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| adj.油腔滑调的，大胆的 | |
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126
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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127
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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128
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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129
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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130
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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131
phantoms
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| n.鬼怪，幽灵( phantom的名词复数 ) | |
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132
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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133
augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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134
denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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135
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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136
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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137
cleansing
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| n. 净化(垃圾) adj. 清洁用的 动词cleanse的现在分词 | |
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138
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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139
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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140
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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141
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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142
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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143
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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144
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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145
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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146
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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147
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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148
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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149
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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150
opportunely
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| adv.恰好地，适时地 | |
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151
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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152
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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153
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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154
perseveringly
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| 坚定地 | |
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155
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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156
conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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157
interspersed
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| adj.[医]散开的；点缀的v.intersperse的过去式和过去分词 | |
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158
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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159
impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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160
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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161
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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162
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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163
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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164
sublimation
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| n.升华，升华物，高尚化 | |
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165
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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166
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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167
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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168
villains
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| n.恶棍( villain的名词复数 )；罪犯；（小说、戏剧等中的）反面人物；淘气鬼 | |
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169
relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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170
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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171
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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172
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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173
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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174
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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175
arbiters
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| 仲裁人，裁决者( arbiter的名词复数 ) | |
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176
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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177
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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178
corrupted
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|
| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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179
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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180
feigning
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| 假装，伪装( feign的现在分词 )； 捏造（借口、理由等） | |
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181
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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182
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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183
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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184
precipitately
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| adv.猛进地 | |
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185
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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186
aggravate
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| vt.加重(剧)，使恶化；激怒，使恼火 | |
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187
mania
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| n.疯狂；躁狂症，狂热，癖好 | |
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188
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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189
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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190
mutual
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|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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191
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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192
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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193
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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194
nuptial
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| adj.婚姻的，婚礼的 | |
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195
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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196
subverted
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| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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197
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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198
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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199
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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200
voluptuous
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| adj.肉欲的，骄奢淫逸的 | |
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201
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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202
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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203
delirious
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| adj.不省人事的，神智昏迷的 | |
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204
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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205
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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206
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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207
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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208
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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209
dissemination
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| 传播,宣传,传染(病毒) | |
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210
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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211
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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212
caverns
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| 大山洞，大洞穴( cavern的名词复数 ) | |
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213
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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214
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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215
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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216
engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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217
prodigies
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| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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218
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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219
Saturn
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| n.农神，土星 | |
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220
ransacked
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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221
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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222
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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223
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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224
authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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225
illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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226
jumble
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| vt.使混乱，混杂；n.混乱；杂乱的一堆 | |
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227
irrationality
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| n. 不合理，无理性 | |
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228
delirium
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| n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
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229
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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230
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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231
proffer
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| v.献出，赠送；n.提议，建议 | |
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232
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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233
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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234
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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235
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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236
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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237
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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238
negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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239
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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240
deride
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| v.嘲弄，愚弄 | |
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241
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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242
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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243
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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244
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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245
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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246
copiousness
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| n.丰裕，旺盛 | |
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247
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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