But he found it the less difficult to wait patiently for the return of his home happiness, because his life out of doors was more and more interesting to him. A course of action which is in strictness a slowly-prepared outgrowth of the entire character, is yet almost always traceable to a single impression as its point of apparent origin; and since that moment in the Piazza15 del Duomo, when Tito, mounted on the bales, had tasted a keen pleasure in the consciousness of his ability to tickle16 the ears of men with any phrases that pleased them, his imagination had glanced continually towards a sort of political activity which the troubled public life of Florence was likely enough to find occasion for. But the fresh dread17 of Baldassarre, waked in the same moment, had lain like an immovable rocky obstruction18 across that path, and had urged him into the sale of the library, as a preparation for the possible necessity of leaving Florence, at the very time when he was beginning to feel that it had a new attraction for him. That dread was nearly removed now: he must wear his armour19 still, he must prepare himself for possible demands on his coolness and ingenuity20, but he did not feel obliged to take the inconvenient21 step of leaving Florence and seeking new fortunes. His father had refused the offered atonement — had forced him into defiance22, and an old man in a strange place, with his memory gone, was weak enough to be defied.
Tito’s implicit23 desires were working themselves out now in very explicit24 thoughts. As the freshness of young passion faded, life was taking more and more decidedly for him the aspect of a game in which there was an agreeable mingling25 of skill and chance.
And the game that might be played in Florence promised to be rapid and exciting; it was a game of revolutionary and party struggle, sure to include plenty of that unavowed action in which brilliant ingenuity, able to get rid of all inconvenient beliefs except that ‘ginger is hot in the mouth,’ is apt to see the path of superior wisdom.
No sooner were the French guests gone than Florence was as agitated26 as a colony of ants when an alarming shadow has been removed, and the camp has to be repaired. ‘How are we to raise the money for the French king? How are we to manage the war with those obstinate27 Pisan rebels? Above all, how are we to mend our plan of government, so as to hit on the best way of getting our magistrates28 chosen and our laws voted?’ Till those questions were well answered trade was in danger of standing29 still, and that large body of the working men who were not counted as citizens and had not so much as a vote to serve as an anodyne30 to their stomachs were likely to get impatient. Something must be done.
And first the great bell was sounded, to call the citizens to a parliament in the Piazza de’ Signori; and when the crowd was wedged close, and hemmed31 in by armed men at all the outlets32, the Signoria (or Gonfaloniere and eight Priors for the time being) came out and stood by the stone lion on the platform in front of the Old Palace, and proposed that twenty chief men of the city should have dictatorial33 authority given them, by force of which they should for one year choose all magistrates, and set the frame of government in order. And the people shouted their assent2, and felt themselves the electors of the Twenty. This kind of ‘parliament’ was a very old Florentine fashion, by which the will of the few was made to seem the choice of the many.
The shouting in the Piazza was soon at an end, but not so the debating inside the palace: was Florence to have a Great Council after the Venetian mode, where all the officers of government might be elected, and all laws voted by a wide number of citizens of a certain age and of ascertained34 qualifications, without question of rank or party? or, was it to be governed on a narrower and less popular scheme, in which the hereditary35 influence of good families would be less adulterated with the votes of shopkeepers. Doctors of law disputed day after day, and far on into the night. Messer Pagolantonio Soderini alleged36 excellent reasons on the side of the popular scheme; Messer Guidantonio Vespucci alleged reasons equally excellent on the side of a more aristocratic form. It was a question of boiled or roast, which had been prejudged — by the palates of the disputants, and the excellent arguing might have been protracted37 a long while without any other result than that of deferring38 the cooking. The majority of the men inside the palace, having power already in their hands, agreed with Vespucci, and thought change should be moderate; the majority outside the palace, conscious of little power and many grievances39, were less afraid of change.
And there was a force outside the palace which was gradually tending to give the vague desires of that majority the character of a determinate will. That force was the preaching of Savonarola. Impelled40 partly by the spiritual necessity that was laid upon him to guide the people, and partly by the prompting of public men who could get no measures carried without his aid, he was rapidly passing in his daily sermons from the general to the special — from telling his hearers that they must postpone41 their private passions and interests to the public good, to telling them precisely42 what sort of government they must have in order to promote that good — from ‘Choose whatever is best for all’ to ‘Choose the Great Council,’ and ‘the Great Council is the will of God.’
To Savonarola these were as good as identical propositions. The Great Council was the only practicable plan for giving an expression to the public will large enough to counteract43 the vitiating influence of party interests: it was a plan that would make honest impartial44 public action at least possible. And the purer the government of Florence would become — the more secure from the designs of men who saw their own advantage in the moral debasement of their fellows — the nearer would the Florentine people approach the character of a pure community, worthy45 to lead the way in the renovation46 of the Church and the world. And Fra Girolamo’s mind never stopped short of that sublimest47 end: the objects towards which he felt himself working had always the same moral magnificence. He had no private malice48 — he sought no petty gratification. Even in the last terrible days, when ignominy, torture, and the fear of torture, had laid bare every hidden weakness of his soul, he could say to his importunate49 judges: ‘Do not wonder if it seems to you that I have told but few things; for my purposes were few and great.’
点击收听单词发音
1 antiquities | |
n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 );古迹;古人们;古代的风俗习惯 | |
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2 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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3 assented | |
同意,赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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4 stunned | |
adj. 震惊的,惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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5 bruised | |
[医]青肿的,瘀紫的 | |
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6 bruise | |
n.青肿,挫伤;伤痕;vt.打青;挫伤 | |
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7 mantle | |
n.斗篷,覆罩之物,罩子;v.罩住,覆盖,脸红 | |
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8 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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9 propitiate | |
v.慰解,劝解 | |
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10 glides | |
n.滑行( glide的名词复数 );滑音;音渡;过渡音v.滑动( glide的第三人称单数 );掠过;(鸟或飞机 ) 滑翔 | |
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11 aggrieved | |
adj.愤愤不平的,受委屈的;悲痛的;(在合法权利方面)受侵害的v.令委屈,令苦恼,侵害( aggrieve的过去式);令委屈,令苦恼,侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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12 amiable | |
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
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13 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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14 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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15 piazza | |
n.广场;走廊 | |
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16 tickle | |
v.搔痒,胳肢;使高兴;发痒;n.搔痒,发痒 | |
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17 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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18 obstruction | |
n.阻塞,堵塞;障碍物 | |
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19 armour | |
(=armor)n.盔甲;装甲部队 | |
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20 ingenuity | |
n.别出心裁;善于发明创造 | |
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21 inconvenient | |
adj.不方便的,令人感到麻烦的 | |
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22 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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23 implicit | |
a.暗示的,含蓄的,不明晰的,绝对的 | |
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24 explicit | |
adj.详述的,明确的;坦率的;显然的 | |
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25 mingling | |
adj.混合的 | |
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26 agitated | |
adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
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27 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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28 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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29 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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30 anodyne | |
n.解除痛苦的东西,止痛剂 | |
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31 hemmed | |
缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 ); 包围 | |
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32 outlets | |
n.出口( outlet的名词复数 );经销店;插座;廉价经销店 | |
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33 dictatorial | |
adj. 独裁的,专断的 | |
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34 ascertained | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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35 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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36 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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37 protracted | |
adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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38 deferring | |
v.拖延,延缓,推迟( defer的现在分词 );服从某人的意愿,遵从 | |
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39 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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40 impelled | |
v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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42 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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43 counteract | |
vt.对…起反作用,对抗,抵消 | |
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44 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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45 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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46 renovation | |
n.革新,整修 | |
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47 sublimest | |
伟大的( sublime的最高级 ); 令人赞叹的; 极端的; 不顾后果的 | |
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48 malice | |
n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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49 importunate | |
adj.强求的;纠缠不休的 | |
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