By virtue13 of these conditions, the last three months had been a time of flattering success to Tito. The result he most cared for was the securing of a future position for himself at Rome or at Milan for he had a growing determination, when the favourable14 moment should come, to quit Florence for one of those great capitals where life was easier, and the rewards of talent and learning were more splendid. At present, the scale dipped in favour of Milan; and if within the year he could render certain services to Duke Ludovico Sforza, he had the prospect15 of a place at the Milanese court which outweighed16 the advantages of Rome.
The revelation of the Medicean conspiracy17, then, had been a subject of forethought to Tito; but he had not been able to foresee the mode in which it would be brought about. The arrest of Lamberto dell’ Antella with a tell-tale letter on his person, and a bitter rancour against the Medici in his heart, was an incalculable event. It was not possible, in spite of the careful pretexts18 with which his agency had been guarded, that Tito should escape implication: he had never expected this in case of any wide discovery concerning the Medicean plots. But his quick mind had soon traced out the course that would secure his own safety with the fewest unpleasant concomitants. It is agreeable to keep a whole skin; but the skin still remains20 an organ sensitive to the atmosphere.
His reckoning had not deceived him. That night, before he returned home, he had secured the three results for which he most cared: he was to be freed from all proceedings21 against him on account of complicity with the Mediceans; he was to retain his secretaryship for another year, unless he previously22 resigned it; and, lastly, the price by which he had obtained these guarantees was to be kept as a State secret. The price would have been thought heavy by most men; and Tito himself would rather not have paid it.
He had applied23 himself first to win the mind of Francesco Valori, who was not only one of the Ten under whom he immediately held his secretaryship, but one of the special council appoinred to investigate the evidence of the plot. Francesco Valori, as we have seen, was the head of the Piagnoni, a man with certain fine qualities that were not incompatible24 with violent partisanship25, with an arrogant26 temper that alienated27 his friends, nor with bitter personal animosities — one of the bitterest being directed against Bernardo del Nero. To him, in a brief private interview, after obtaining a pledge of secrecy28, Tito avowed29 his own agency for the Mediceans — an agency induced by motives30 about which he was very frank, declaring at the same time that he had always believed their efforts futile32, and that he sincerely preferred the maintenance of the popular government; affected to confide33 to Valori, as a secret, his own personal dislike for Bernardo del Nero; and, after this preparation, came to the important statement that there was another Medicean plot, of which, if he obtained certain conditions from the government, he could, by a journey to Siena and into Romagna, where Piero de’ Medici was again trying to gather forces, obtain documentary evidence to lay before the council. To this end it was essential that his character as a Medicean agent should be unshaken for all Mediceans, and hence the fact that he had been a source of information to the authorities must be wrapped in profound secrecy. Still, some odour of the facts might escape in spite of precaution, and before Tito could incur34 the unpleasant consequences of acting35 against his friends, he must be assured of immunity36 from any prosecution37 as a Medicean, and from deprivation38 of office for a year to come.
These propositions did not sound in the ear of Francesco Valori precisely39 as they sound to us. Valori’s mind was not intensely bent40 on the estimation of Tito’s conduct; and it was intensely bent on procuring41 an extreme sentence against the five prisoners. There were sure to be immense efforts to save them; and it was to be wished (on public grounds) that the evidence against them should be of the strongest, so as to alarm all well-affected men at the dangers of clemency42. The character of legal proceedings at that time implied that evidence was one of those desirable things which could only be come at by foul43 means. To catch a few people and torture them into confessing everybody’s guilt44 was one step towards justice; and it was not always easy to see the next, unless a traitor45 turned up. Lamberto dell’ Antella had been tortured in aid of his previous willingness to tell more than he knew; nevertheless, additional and stronger facts were desirable, especially against Bernardo del Nero, who, so far as appeared hitherto, had simply refrained from betraying the late plot after having tried in vain to discourage it; for the welfare of Florence demanded that the guilt of Bernardo del Nero should be put in the strongest light. So Francesco Valori zealously46 believed; and perhaps he was not himself aware that the strength of his zeal47 was determined48 by his hatred49. He decided50 that Tito’s proposition ought to be accepted, laid it before his colleagues without disclosing Tito’s name, and won them over to his opinion. Late in the day, Tito was admitted to an audience of the Special Council, and produced a deep sensation among them by revealing another plot for insuring the mastery of Florence to Piero de’ Medici, which was to have been carried into execution in the middle of this very month of August. Documentary evidence on this subject would do more than anything else to make the right course clear. He received a commission to start for Siena by break of day; and, besides this, he carried away with him from the council chamber51 a written guarantee of his immunity and of his retention52 of office.
Among the twenty Florentines who bent their grave eyes on Tito, as he stood gracefully53 before them, speaking of startling things with easy periphrasis, and with that apparently54 unaffected admission of being actuated by motives short of the highest, which is often the intensest affectation, there were several whose minds were not too entirely preoccupied55 to pass a new judgment56 on him in these new circumstances; they silently concluded that this ingenious and serviceable Greek was in future rather to be used for public needs than for private intimacy57. Unprincipled men were useful, enabling those who had more scruples58 to keep their hands tolerably clean in a world where there was much dirty work to be done. Indeed, it was not clear to respectable Florentine brains, unless they held the Frate’s extravagant59 belief in a possible purity and loftiness to be striven for on this earth, how life was to be carried on in any department without human instruments whom it would not be unbecoming to kick or to spit upon in the act of handing them their wages. Some of these very men who passed a tacit judgment on Tito were shortly to be engaged in a memorable60 transaction that could by no means have been carried through without the use of an unscrupulousness as decided as his; but, as their own bright poet Pulci had said for them, it is one thing to love the fruits of treachery, and another thing to love traitors61 —
‘Il tradimento a molti piace assai,
Ma il traditore a gnun non piacque mai.’
The same society has had a gibbet for the murderer and a gibbet for the martyr62, an execrating63 hiss64 for a dastardly act, and as loud a hiss for many a word of generous truthfulness65 or just insight: a mixed condition of things which is the sign, not of hopeless confusion, but of struggling order.
For Tito himself, he was not unaware66 that he had sunk a little in the estimate of the men who had accepted his services. He had that degree of self-contemplation which necessarily accompanies the habit of acting on well-considered reasons, of whatever quality; and if he could have chosen, he would have declined to see himself disapproved67 by men of the world. He had never meant to be disapproved; he had meant always to conduct himself so ably that if he acted in opposition68 to the standard of other men they should not be aware of it; and the barrier between himself and Romola had been raised by the impossibility of such concealment69 with her. He shrank from condemnatory70 judgments71 as from a climate to which he could not adapt himself. But things were not so plastic in the hands of cleverness as could be wished, and events had turned out inconveniently72. He had really no rancour against Messer Bernardo del Nero; he had a personal liking73 for Lorenzo Tornabuoni and Giannozzo Pucci. He had served them very ably, and in such a way that if their party had been winners he would have merited high reward; but was he to relinquish74 all the agreeable fruits of life because their party had failed? His proffer75 of a little additional proof against them would probably have no influence on their fate; in fact, he felt convinced they would escape any extreme consequences; but if he had not given it, his own fortunes, which made a promising76 fabric77, would have been utterly78 ruined. And what motive31 could any man really have, except his own interest? Florentines whose passions were engaged in their petty and precarious79 political schemes might have no self-interest separable from family pride and tenacity80 in old hatreds81 and attachments; a modern simpleton who swallowed whole one of the old systems of philosophy, and took the indigestion it occasioned for the signs of a divine afflux or the voice of an inward monitor, might see his interest in a form of self-conceit which he called self-rewarding virtue; fanatics82 who believed in the coming Scourge83 and Renovation84 might see their own interest in a future palm-branch and white robe: but no man of clear intellect allowed his course to be determined by such puerile85 impulses or questionable86 inward fumes87. Did not Pontanus, poet and philosopher of unrivalled Latinity, make the finest possible oration88 at Naples to welcome the French king, who had come to dethrone the learned orator’s royal friend and patron? and still Pontanus held up his head and prospered89. Men did not really care about these things, except when their personal spleen was touched. It was weakness only that was despised; power of any sort carried its immunity; and no man, unless by very rare good fortune, could mount high in the world without incurring90 a few unpleasant necessities which laid him open to enmity, and perhaps to a little hissing91, when enmity wanted a pretext19.
It was a faint prognostic of that hissing, gathered by Tito from certain indications when he was before the council, which gave his present conduct the character of an epoch92 to him, and made him dwell on it with argumentative vindication93. It was not that he was taking a deeper step in wrong-doing, for it was not possible that he should feel any tie to the Mediceans to be stronger than the tie to his father; but his conduct to his father had been hidden by successful lying: his present act did not admit of total concealment — in its very nature it was a revelation. And Tito winced94 under his new liability to disesteem.
Well! a little patience, and in another year, or perhaps in half a year, he might turn his back on these hard, eager Florentines, with their futile quarrels and sinking fortunes. His brilliant success at Florence had had some ugly flaws in it: he had fallen in love with the wrong woman, and Baldassarre had come back under incalculable circumstances. But as Tito galloped95 with a loose rein96 towards Siena, he saw a future before him in which he would no longer be haunted by those mistakes. He had much money safe out of Florence already; he was in the fresh ripeness of eight-and-twenty; he was conscious of well-tried skill. Could he not strip himself of the past, as of rehearsal97 clothing, and throw away the old bundle, to robe himself for the real scene?
It did not enter into Tito’s meditations98 on the future, that, on issuing from the council chamber and descending99 the stairs, he had brushed against a man whose face he had not stayed to recognise in the lamplight. The man was Ser Ceccone — also willing to serve the State by giving information against unsuccessful employers.
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1
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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attachments
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| n.（用电子邮件发送的）附件( attachment的名词复数 )；附着；连接；附属物 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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espionage
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| n.间谍行为，谍报活动 | |
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hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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outweighed
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| v.在重量上超过( outweigh的过去式和过去分词 )；在重要性或价值方面超过 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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Partisanship
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| n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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29
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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30
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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deprivation
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| n.匮乏；丧失；夺去，贫困 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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42
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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43
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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46
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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47
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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50
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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retention
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| n.保留，保持，保持力，记忆力 | |
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53
gracefully
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| ad.大大方方地；优美地 | |
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54
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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preoccupied
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| adj.全神贯注的，入神的；被抢先占有的；心事重重的v.占据（某人）思想，使对…全神贯注，使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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56
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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execrating
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| v.憎恶( execrate的现在分词 )；厌恶；诅咒；咒骂 | |
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hiss
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| v.发出嘶嘶声；发嘘声表示不满 | |
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truthfulness
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| n. 符合实际 | |
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unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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condemnatory
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| adj. 非难的，处罚的 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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inconveniently
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| ad.不方便地 | |
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liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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proffer
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| v.献出，赠送；n.提议，建议 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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81
hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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83
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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renovation
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| n.革新，整修 | |
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puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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91
hissing
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| n. 发嘶嘶声, 蔑视 动词hiss的现在分词形式 | |
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92
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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93
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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94
winced
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| 赶紧避开，畏缩( wince的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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96
rein
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| n.疆绳，统治，支配；vt.以僵绳控制，统治 | |
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97
rehearsal
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| n.排练，排演；练习 | |
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98
meditations
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| 默想( meditation的名词复数 )； 默念； 沉思； 冥想 | |
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99
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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