The Professor was puzzled, but he need not have been; both observations were correct. The property-owning classes were becoming more conservative, the masses of the people more radical2.
There was a feeling among business men and the intelligentzia generally that the Revolution had gone quite far enough, and lasted too long; that things should settle down. This sentiment was shared by the dominant3 “moderate” Socialist4 groups, the oborontsi (See App. I, Sect5. 1) Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries, who supported the Provisional Government of Kerensky.
On October 14th the official organ of the “moderate” Socialists6 said:
The drama of Revolution has two acts; the destruction of the old régime and the creation of the new one. The first act has lasted long enough. Now it is time to go on to the second, and to play it as rapidly as possible. As a great revolutionist put it, “Let us hasten, friends, to terminate the Revolution. He who makes it last too long will not gather the fruits. . . . ”
Among the worker, soldier and peasant masses, however, there was a stubborn feeling that the “first act” was not yet played out. On the front the Army Committees were always running foul7 of officers who could not get used to treating their men like human beings; in the rear the Land Committees elected by the peasants were being jailed for trying to carry out Government regulations concerning the land; and the workmen (See App. I, Sect. 2) in the factories were fighting black-lists and lockouts. Nay8, furthermore, returning political exiles were being excluded from the country as “undesirable” citizens; and in some cases, men who returned from abroad to their villages were prosecuted9 and imprisoned10 for revolutionary acts committed in 1905.
To the multiform discontent of the people the “moderate” Socialists had one answer: Wait for the Constituent11 Assembly, which is to meet in December. But the masses were not satisfied with that. The Constituent Assembly was all well and good; but there were certain definite things for which the Russian Revolution had been made, and for which the revolutionary martyrs12 rotted in their stark13 Brotherhood14 Grave on Mars Field, that must be achieved Constituent Assembly or no Constituent Assembly: Peace, Land, and Workers’ Control of Industry. The Constituent Assembly had been postponed15 and postponed — would probably be postponed again, until the people were calm enough — perhaps to modify their demands! At any rate, here were eight months of the Revolution gone, and little enough to show for it. . . .
Meanwhile the soldiers began to solve the peace question by simply deserting, the peasants burned manor-houses and took over the great estates, the workers sabotaged16 and struck. . . . Of course, as was natural, the manufacturers, land-owners and army officers exerted all their influence against any democratic compromise. . . .
The policy of the Provisional Government alternated between ineffective reforms and stern repressive measures. An edict from the Socialist Minister of Labour ordered all the Workers’ Committees henceforth to meet only after working hours. Among the troops at the front, “agitators” of opposition17 political parties were arrested, radical newspapers closed down, and capital punishment applied18 to revolutionary propagandists. Attempts were made to disarm19 the Red Guard. Cossacks were sent to keep order in the provinces. . . .
These measures were supported by the “moderate” Socialists and their leaders in the Ministry20, who considered it necessary to cooperate with the propertied classes. The people rapidly deserted21 them, and went over to the Bolsheviki, who stood for Peace, Land, and Workers’ Control of Industry, and a Government of the working-class. In September, 1917, matters reached a crisis. Against the overwhelming sentiment of the country, Kerensky and the “moderate” Socialists succeeded in establishing a Government of Coalition22 with the propertied classes; and as a result, the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries lost the confidence of the people forever.
An article in Rabotchi Put (Workers’ Way) about the middle of October, entitled “The Socialist Ministers,” expressed the feeling of the masses of the people against the “moderate” Socialists:
Here is a list of their services.(See App. I, Sect. 3)
Tseretelli: disarmed23 the workmen with the assistance of General Polovtsev, checkmated the revolutionary soldiers, and approved of capital punishment in the army.
Skobeliev: commenced by trying to tax the capitalists 100% of their profits, and finished — and finished by an attempt to dissolve the Workers’ Committees in the shops and factories.
Avksentiev: put several hundred peasants in prison, members of the Land Committees, and suppressed dozens of workers’ and soldiers’ newspapers.
Tchernov: signed the “Imperial” manifest, ordering the dissolution of the Finnish Diet.
Savinkov: concluded an open alliance with General Kornilov. If this saviour24 of the country was not able to betray Petrograd, it was due to reasons over which he had no control.
Zarudny: with the sanction of Alexinsky and Kerensky, put some of the best workers of the Revolution, soldiers and sailors, in prison.
Nikitin: acted as a vulgar policeman against the Railway Workers.
Kerensky: it is better not to say anything about him. The list of his services is too long. . . .
A Congress of delegates of the Baltic Fleet, at Helsingfors, passed a resolution which began as follows:
We demand the immediate25 removal from the ranks of the Provisional Government of the “Socialist,” the political adventurer — Kerensky, as one who is scandalising and ruining the great Revolution, and with it the revolutionary masses, by his shameless political blackmail26 on behalf of the bourgeoisie. . . .
The direct result of all this was the rise of the Bolsheviki. . . .
Since March, 1917, when the roaring torrents28 of workmen and soldiers beating upon the Tauride Palace compelled the reluctant Imperial Duma to assume the supreme29 power in Russia, it was the masses of the people, workers, soldiers and peasants, which forced every change in the course of the Revolution. They hurled30 the Miliukov Ministry down; it was their Soviet31 which proclaimed to the world the Russian peace terms — “No annexations32, no indemnities33, and the right of self-determination of peoples”; and again, in July, it was the spontaneous rising of the unorganised proletariat which once more stormed the Tauride Palace, to demand that the Soviets34 take over the Government of Russia.
The Bolsheviki, then a small political sect, put themselves at the head of the movement. As a result of the disastrous35 failure of the rising, public opinion turned against them, and their leaderless hordes36 slunk back into the Viborg Quarter, which is Petrograd’s St. Antoine. Then followed a savage37 hunt of the Bolsheviki; hundreds were imprisoned, among them Trotzky, Madame Kollontai and Kameniev; Lenin and Zinoviev went into hiding, fugitives38 from justice; the Bolshevik papers were suppressed. Provocators and reactionaries39 raised the cry that the Bolsheviki were German agents, until people all over the world believed it.
But the Provisional Government found itself unable to substantiate40 its accusations41; the documents proving pro-German conspiracy42 were discovered to be forgeries;1 and one by one the Bolsheviki were released from prison without trial, on nominal43 or no bail44 — until only six remained. The impotence and indecision of the ever-changing Provisional Government was an argument nobody could refute. The Bolsheviki raised again the slogan so dear to the masses, “All Power to the Soviets!” — and they were not merely self-seeking, for at that time the majority of the Soviets was “moderate” Socialist, their bitter enemy.
1 Part of the famous “Sisson Documents”]
But more potent46 still, they took the crude, simple desires of the workers, soldiers and peasants, and from them built their immediate programme. And so, while the oborontsi Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries involved themselves in compromise with the bourgeoisie, the Bolsheviki rapidly captured the Russian masses. In July they were hunted and despised; by September the metropolitan47 workmen, the sailors of the Baltic Fleet, and the soldiers, had been won almost entirely48 to their cause. The September municipal elections in the large cities (See App. I, Sect. 4) were significant; only 18 per cent of the returns were Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary, against more than 70 per cent in June. . . .
There remains49 a phenomenon which puzzled foreign observers: the fact that the Central Executive Committees of the Soviets, the Central Army and Fleet Committees,2 and the Central Committees of some of the unions — notably51, the Post and Telegraph Workers and the Railway Workers — opposed the Bolsheviki with the utmost violence. These Central Committees had all been elected in the middle of the summer, or even before, when the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries had an enormous following; and they delayed or prevented any new elections. Thus, according to the constitution of the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, the All–Russian Congress should have been called in September; but the Tsay-ee-kah3 would not call the meeting, on the ground that the Constituent Assembly was only two months away, at which time, they hinted, the Soviets would abdicate52. Meanwhile, one by one, the Bolsheviki were winning in the local Soviets all over the country, in the union branches and the ranks of the soldiers and sailors. The Peasants’ Soviets remained still conservative, because in the sluggish53 rural districts political consciousness developed slowly, and the Socialist Revolutionary party had been for a generation the party which had agitated54 among the peasants. . . . But even among the peasants a revolutionary wing was forming. It showed itself clearly in October, when the left wing of the Socialist Revolutionaries split off, and formed a new political faction55, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries.
2 See Notes and Explanations.]
3 See Notes and Explanations.]
At the same time there were signs everywhere that the forces of reaction were gaining confidence.(See App. I, Sect. 5) At the Troitsky Farce56 theatre in Petrograd, for example, a burlesque57 called Sins of the Tsar was interrupted by a group of Monarchists, who threatened to lynch the actors for “insulting the Emperor.” Certain newspapers began to sigh for a “Russian Napoleon.” It was the usual thing among bourgeois27 intelligentzia to refer to the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies (Rabotchikh Deputatov) as Sabatchikh Deputatov–Dogs’ Deputies.
On October 15th I had a conversation with a great Russian capitalist, Stepan Georgevitch Lianozov, known as the “Russian Rockefeller” — a Cadet by political faith.
“Revolution,” he said, “is a sickness. Sooner or later the foreign powers must intervene here — as one would intervene to cure a sick child, and teach it how to walk. Of course it would be more or less improper58, but the nations must realise the danger of Bolshevism in their own countries — such contagious59 ideas as ‘proletarian dictatorship,’ and ‘world social revolution’ . . . There is a chance that this intervention60 may not be necessary. Transportation is demoralised, the factories are closing down, and the Germans are advancing. Starvation and defeat may bring the Russian people to their senses. . . . ”
Mr. Lianozov was emphatic61 in his opinion that whatever happened, it would be impossible for merchants and manufacturers to permit the existence of the workers’ Shop Committees, or to allow the workers any share in the management of industry.
“As for the Bolsheviki, they will be done away with by one of two methods. The Government can evacuate62 Petrograd, then a state of siege declared, and the military commander of the district can deal with these gentlemen without legal formalities. . . . Or if, for example, the Constituent Assembly manifests any Utopian tendencies, it can be dispersed63 by force of arms. . . . “
Winter was coming on — the terrible Russian winter. I heard business men speak of it so: “Winter was always Russia’s best friend. Perhaps now it will rid us of Revolution.” On the freezing front miserable64 armies continued to starve and die, without enthusiasm. The railways were breaking down, food lessening65, factories closing. The desperate masses cried out that the bourgeoisie was sabotaging66 the life of the people, causing defeat on the Front. Riga had been surrendered just after General Kornilov said publicly, “Must we pay with Riga the price of bringing the country to a sense of its duty?”4
4 See “Kornilov to Brest–Litvosk” by John Reed. Boni and Liveright N.Y., 1919]
To Americans it is incredible that the class war should develop to such a pitch. But I have personally met officers on the Northern Front who frankly67 preferred military disaster to cooperation with the Soldiers’ Committees. The secretary of the Petrograd branch of the Cadet party told me that the break-down of the country’s economic life was part of a campaign to discredit68 the Revolution. An Allied69 diplomat70, whose name I promised not to mention, confirmed this from his own knowledge. I know of certain coal-mines near Kharkov which were fired and flooded by their owners, of textile factories at Moscow whose engineers put the machinery71 out of order when they left, of railroad officials caught by the workers in the act of crippling locomotives. . . .
A large section of the propertied classes preferred the Germans to the Revolution — even to the Provisional Government — and didn’t hesitate to say so. In the Russian household where I lived, the subject of conversation at the dinner table was almost invariably the coming of the Germans, bringing “law and order.” . . . One evening I spent at the house of a Moscow merchant; during tea we asked the eleven people at the table whether they preferred “Wilhelm or the Bolsheviki.” The vote was ten to one for Wilhelm . . .
The speculators took advantage of the universal disorganisation to pile up fortunes, and to spend them in fantastic revelry or the corruption73 of Government officials. Foodstuffs74 and fuel were hoarded75, or secretly sent out of the country to Sweden. In the first four months of the Revolution, for example, the reserve food-supplies were almost openly looted from the great Municipal warehouses76 of Petrograd, until the two-years’ provision of grain had fallen to less than enough to feed the city for one month. . . . According to the official report of the last Minister of Supplies in the Provisional Government, coffee was bought wholesale77 in Vladivostok for two rubles a pound, and the consumer in Petrograd paid thirteen. In all the stores of the large cities were tons of food and clothing; but only the rich could buy them.
In a provincial78 town I knew a merchant family turned speculator —maradior (bandit, ghoul) the Russians call it. The three sons had bribed79 their way out of military service. One gambled in foodstuffs. Another sold illegal gold from the Lena mines to mysterious parties in Finland. The third owned a controlling interest in a chocolate factory, which supplied the local Cooperative societies — on condition that the Cooperatives furnished him everything he needed. And so, while the masses of the people got a quarter pound of black bread on their bread cards, he had an abundance of white bread, sugar, tea, candy, cake and butter. . . . Yet when the soldiers at the front could no longer fight from cold, hunger and exhaustion80, how indignantly did this family scream “Cowards!” — how “ashamed” they were “to be Russians” . . . When finally the Bolsheviki found and requisitioned vast hoarded stores of provisions, what “Robbers” they were.
Beneath all this external rottenness moved the old-time Dark Forces, unchanged since the fall of Nicholas the Second, secret still and very active. The agents of the notorious Okhrana still functioned, for and against the Tsar, for and against Kerensky — whoever would pay. . . . In the darkness, underground organisations of all sorts, such as the Black Hundreds, were busy attempting to restore reaction in some form or other.
In this atmosphere of corruption, of monstrous81 half-truths, one clear note sounded day after day, the deepening chorus of the Bolsheviki, “All Power to the Soviets! All power to the direct representatives of millions on millions of common workers, soldiers, peasants. Land, bread, an end to the senseless war, an end to secret diplomacy82, speculation83, treachery. . . . The Revolution is in danger, and with it the cause of the people all over the world!”
The struggle between the proletariat and the middle class, between the Soviets and the Government, which had begun in the first March days, was about to culminate84. Having at one bound leaped from the Middle Ages into the twentieth century, Russia showed the startled world two systems of Revolution — the political and the social — in mortal combat.
What a revelation of the vitality85 of the Russian Revolution, after all these months of starvation and disillusionment! The bourgeoisie should have better known its Russia. Not for a long time in Russia will the “sickness” of Revolution have run its course. . . .
Looking back, Russia before the November insurrection seems of another age, almost incredibly conservative. So quickly did we adapt ourselves to the newer, swifter life; just as Russian politics swung bodily to the Left — until the Cadets were outlawed86 as “enemies of the people,” Kerensky became a “counter-revolutionist,” the “middle” Socialist leaders, Tseretelli, Dan, Lieber, Gotz and Avksentiev, were too reactionary87 for their following, and men like Victor Tchernov, and even Maxim88 Gorky, belonged to the Right Wing. . . .
About the middle of December, 1917, a group of Socialist Revolutionary leaders paid a private visit to Sir George Buchanan, the British Ambassador, and implored89 him not to mention the fact that they had been there, because they were “considered too far Right.”
“And to think,” said Sir George. “One year ago my Government instructed me not to receive Miliukov, because he was so dangerously Left!”
September and October are the worst months of the Russian year — especially the Petrograd year. Under dull grey skies, in the shortening days, the rain fell drenching90, incessant91. The mud underfoot was deep, slippery and clinging, tracked everywhere by heavy boots, and worse than usual because of the complete break-down of the Municipal administration. Bitter damp winds rushed in from the Gulf92 of Finland, and the chill fog rolled through the streets. At night, for motives72 of economy as well as fear of Zeppelins, the street-lights were few and far between; in private dwellings93 and apartment-houses the electricity was turned on from six o’clock until midnight, with candles forty cents apiece and little kerosene94 to be had. It was dark from three in the afternoon to ten in the morning. Robberies and housebreakings increased. In apartment houses the men took turns at all-night guard duty, armed with loaded rifles. This was under the Provisional Government.
Week by week food became scarcer. The daily allowance of bread fell from a pound and a half to a pound, then three quarters, half, and a quarter-pound. Toward the end there was a week without any bread at all. Sugar one was entitled to at the rate of two pounds a month — if one could get it at all, which was seldom. A bar of chocolate or a pound of tasteless candy cost anywhere from seven to ten rubles — at least a dollar. There was milk for about half the babies in the city; most hotels and private houses never saw it for months. In the fruit season apples and pears sold for a little less than a ruble apiece on the street-corner. . . .
For milk and bread and sugar and tobacco one had to stand in queue long hours in the chill rain. Coming home from an all-night meeting I have seen the kvost (tail) beginning to form before dawn, mostly women, some with babies in their arms. . . . Carlyle, in his French Revolution, has described the French people as distinguished95 above all others by their faculty96 of standing97 in queue. Russia had accustomed herself to the practice, begun in the reign50 of Nicholas the Blessed as long ago as 1915, and from then continued intermittently98 until the summer of 1917, when it settled down as the regular order of things. Think of the poorly-clad people standing on the iron-white streets of Petrograd whole days in the Russian winter! I have listened in the bread-lines, hearing the bitter, acrid99 note of discontent which from time to time burst up through the miraculous100 goodnature of the Russian crowd. . . .
Of course all the theatres were going every night, including Sundays. Karsavina appeared in a new Ballet at the Marinsky, all dance-loving Russia coming to see her. Shaliapin was singing. At the Alexandrinsky they were reviving Meyerhold’s production of Tolstoy’s “Death of Ivan the Terrible”; and at that performance I remember noticing a student of the Imperial School of Pages, in his dress uniform, who stood up correctly between the acts and faced the empty Imperial box, with its eagles all erased101. . . . The Krivoye Zerkalo staged a sumptuous102 version of Schnitzler’s “Reigen.”
Although the Hermitage and other picture galleries had been evacuated103 to Moscow, there were weekly exhibitions of paintings. Hordes of the female intelligentzia went to hear lectures on Art, Literature and the Easy Philosophies. It was a particularly active season for Theosophists. And the Salvation104 Army, admitted to Russia for the first time in history, plastered the walls with announcements of gospel meetings, which amused and astounded105 Russian audiences. . . .
As in all such times, the petty conventional life of the city went on, ignoring the Revolution as much as possible. The poets made verses — but not about the Revolution. The realistic painters painted scenes from mediæval Russian history — anything but the Revolution. Young ladies from the provinces came up to the capital to learn French and cultivate their voices, and the gay young beautiful officers wore their gold-trimmed crimson106 bashliki and their elaborate Caucasian swords around the hotel lobbies. The ladies of the minor107 bureaucratic108 set took tea with each other in the afternoon, carrying each her little gold or silver or jewelled sugar-box, and half a loaf of bread in her muff, and wished that the Tsar were back, or that the Germans would come, or anything that would solve the servant problem. . . . The daughter of a friend of mine came home one afternoon in hysterics because the woman street-car conductor had called her “Comrade!”
All around them great Russia was in travail109, bearing a new world. The servants one used to treat like animals and pay next to nothing, were getting independent. A pair of shoes cost more than a hundred rubles, and as wages averaged about thirty-five rubles a month the servants refused to stand in queue and wear out their shoes. But more than that. In the new Russia every man and woman could vote; there were working-class newspapers, saying new and startling things; there were the Soviets; and there were the unions. The izvoshtchiki (cab-drivers) had a union; they were also represented in the Petrograd Soviet. The waiters and hotel servants were organised, and refused tips. On the walls of restaurants they put up signs which read, “No tips taken here” or, “Just because a man has to make his living waiting on table is no reason to insult him by offering him a tip!”
At the Front the soldiers fought out their fight with the officers, and learned self-government through their committees. In the factories those unique Russian organisations, the Factory–Shop Committees,5 gained experience and strength and a realisation of their historical mission by combat with the old order. All Russia was learning to read, and reading— politics, economics, history — because the people wanted to know. . . . In every city, in most towns, along the Front, each political faction had its newspaper — sometimes several. Hundreds of thousands of pamphlets were distributed by thousands of organisations, and poured into the armies, the villages, the factories, the streets. The thirst for education, so long thwarted110, burst with the Revolution into a frenzy111 of expression. From Smolny Institute alone, the first six months, went out every day tons, car-loads, train-loads of literature, saturating112 the land. Russia absorbed reading matter like hot sand drinks water, insatiable. And it was not fables113, falsified history, diluted114 religion, and the cheap fiction that corrupts115 — but social and economic theories, philosophy, the works of Tolstoy, Gogol, and Gorky. . . .
5 See Notes and Explanations]
Then the Talk, beside which Carlyle’s “flood of French speech” was a mere45 trickle116. Lectures, debates, speeches — in theatres, circuses, school-houses, clubs, Soviet meeting-rooms, union headquarters, barracks. . . . Meetings in the trenches117 at the Front, in village squares, factories. . . . What a marvellous sight to see Putilovsky Zavod (the Putilov factory) pour out its forty thousand to listen to Social Democrats118, Socialist Revolutionaries, Anarchists119, anybody, whatever they had to say, as long as they would talk! For months in Petrograd, and all over Russia, every street-corner was a public tribune. In railway trains, street-cars, always the spurting120 up of impromptu121 debate, everywhere. . . .
And the All–Russian Conferences and Congresses, drawing together the men of two continents — conventions of Soviets, of Cooperatives, Zemstvos,6 nationalities, priests, peasants, political parties; the Democratic Conference, the Moscow Conference, the Council of the Russian Republic. There were always three or four conventions going on in Petrograd. At every meeting, attempts to limit the time of speakers voted down, and every man free to express the thought that was in him. . . .
6 See Notes and Explanations]
We came down to the front of the Twelfth Army, back of Riga, where gaunt and bootless men sickened in the mud of desperate trenches; and when they saw us they started up, with their pinched faces and the flesh showing blue through their torn clothing, demanding eagerly, “Did you bring anything to read?“
What though the outward and visible signs of change were many, what though the statue of Catharine the Great before the Alexandrinsky Theatre bore a little red flag in its hand, and others — somewhat faded — floated from all public buildings; and the Imperial monograms122 and eagles were either torn down or covered up; and in place of the fierce gorodovoye (city police) a mild-mannered and unarmed citizen militia123 patrolled the streets — still, there were many quaint124 anachronisms.
For example, Peter the Great’s Tabel o Rangov— Table of Ranks — which he rivetted upon Russia with an iron hand, still held sway. Almost everybody from the school-boy up wore his prescribed uniform, with the insignia of the Emperor on button and shoulder-strap. Along about five o’clock in the afternoon the streets were full of subdued125 old gentlemen in uniform, with portfolios126, going home from work in the huge, barrack-like Ministries127 or Government institutions, calculating perhaps how great a mortality among their superiors would advance them to the coveted128 tchin (rank) of Collegiate Assessor, or Privy129 Councillor, with the prospect130 of retirement131 on a comfortable pension, and possibly the Cross of St. Anne. . . .
There is the story of Senator Sokolov, who in full tide of Revolution came to a meeting of the Senate one day in civilian132 clothes, and was not admitted because he did not wear the prescribed livery of the Tsar’s service!
It was against this background of a whole nation in ferment133 and disintegration134 that the pageant135 of the Rising of the Russian Masses unrolled. . . .
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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radical
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dominant
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socialist
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sect
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socialists
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foul
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nay
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prosecuted
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imprisoned
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constituent
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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stark
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brotherhood
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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sabotaged
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opposition
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applied
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disarm
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ministry
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deserted
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coalition
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disarmed
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saviour
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immediate
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blackmail
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bourgeois
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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31
Soviet
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| adj.苏联的，苏维埃的；n.苏维埃 | |
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annexations
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| n.并吞，附加，附加物( annexation的名词复数 ) | |
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33
indemnities
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| n.保障( indemnity的名词复数 )；赔偿；赔款；补偿金 | |
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34
soviets
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| 苏维埃（Soviet的复数形式） | |
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35
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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36
hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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37
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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38
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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39
reactionaries
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| n.反动分子，反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
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40
substantiate
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| v.证实；证明...有根据 | |
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41
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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42
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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43
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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44
bail
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| v.舀（水），保释；n.保证金，保释，保释人 | |
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45
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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46
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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47
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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48
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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49
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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50
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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51
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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52
abdicate
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| v.让位，辞职，放弃 | |
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53
sluggish
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| adj.懒惰的，迟钝的，无精打采的 | |
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54
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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55
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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56
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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57
burlesque
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| v.嘲弄，戏仿；n.嘲弄，取笑，滑稽模仿 | |
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58
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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59
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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60
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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61
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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62
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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63
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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64
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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65
lessening
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| 减轻，减少，变小 | |
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66
sabotaging
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| 阴谋破坏（某事物）( sabotage的现在分词 ) | |
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67
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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68
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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69
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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70
diplomat
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| n.外交官，外交家；能交际的人，圆滑的人 | |
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71
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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72
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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73
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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74
foodstuffs
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| 食物，食品( foodstuff的名词复数 ) | |
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75
hoarded
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| v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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76
warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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77
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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78
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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79
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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80
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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81
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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82
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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83
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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84
culminate
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| v.到绝顶，达于极点，达到高潮 | |
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85
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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86
outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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87
reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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88
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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89
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
drenching
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| n.湿透v.使湿透( drench的现在分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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91
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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92
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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93
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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94
kerosene
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| n.(kerosine)煤油，火油 | |
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95
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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96
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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97
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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98
intermittently
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| adv.间歇地；断断续续 | |
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99
acrid
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| adj.辛辣的，尖刻的，刻薄的 | |
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100
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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101
erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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102
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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103
evacuated
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| 撤退者的 | |
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104
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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105
astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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106
crimson
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| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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107
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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108
bureaucratic
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| adj.官僚的，繁文缛节的 | |
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109
travail
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| n.阵痛；努力 | |
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110
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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111
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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112
saturating
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| 浸湿，浸透( saturate的现在分词 )； 使…大量吸收或充满某物 | |
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113
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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114
diluted
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| 无力的，冲淡的 | |
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115
corrupts
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的第三人称单数 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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116
trickle
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| vi.淌，滴，流出，慢慢移动，逐渐消散 | |
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117
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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118
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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119
anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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120
spurting
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| （液体，火焰等）喷出，（使）涌出( spurt的现在分词 )； （短暂地）加速前进，冲刺； 溅射 | |
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121
impromptu
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| adj.即席的，即兴的；adv.即兴的(地)，无准备的(地) | |
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122
monograms
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| n.字母组合( monogram的名词复数 ) | |
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123
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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124
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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125
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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126
portfolios
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| n.投资组合( portfolio的名词复数 )；（保险）业务量；（公司或机构提供的）系列产品；纸夹 | |
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127
ministries
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| （政府的）部( ministry的名词复数 )； 神职； 牧师职位； 神职任期 | |
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128
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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129
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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130
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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131
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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132
civilian
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| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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133
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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134
disintegration
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| n.分散，解体 | |
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135
pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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