1.
Resolution of the Factory-Shop Committees
Workers’ Control
1. (See Ppage 43) 2. The organisation1 of Workers’ Control is a manifestation2 of the same healthy activity in the sphere of industrial production, as are party organisations in the sphere of politics, trade unions in employment, Cooperatives in the domain3 of consumption, and literary clubs in the sphere of culture.
3. The working-class has much more interest in the proper and uninterrupted operation of factories… than the capitalist class. Workers’ Control is a better security in this respect for the interests of modern society, of the whole people, than the arbitrary will of the owners, who are guided only by their selfish desire for material profits or political privileges. Therefore Workers’ Control is demanded by the proletariat not only in their own interest, but in the interest of the whole country, and should be supported by the revolutionary peasantry as well as the revolutionary Army.
4. Considering the hostile attitude of the majority of the capitalist class toward the Revolution, experience shows that proper distribution of raw materials and fuel, as well as the most efficient management of factories, is impossible without Workers’ Control.
5. Only Workers’ Control over capitalist enterprises, cultivating the workers’ conscious attitude toward work, and making clear its social meaning, can create conditions favourable4 to the development of a firm self-discipline in labour, and the development of all labour’s possible productivity.
6. The impending5 transformation6 of industry from a war to a peace basis, and the redistribution of labour all over the country, as well as among the different factories, can be accomplished7 without great disturbances8 only by means of the democratic self-government of the workers themselves…. Therefore the realisation of Workers’ Control is an indispensable preliminary to the demobilisation of industry.
7. In accordance with the slogan proclaimed by the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviki), Workers’ Control on a national scale, in order to bring results, must extend to all capitalist concerns, and not be organised accidentally, without system; it must be well-planned, and not separated from the industrial life of the country as a whole.
8. The economic life of the country — agriculture, industry, commerce and transport — must be subjected to one unified10 plan, constructed so as to satisfy the individual and social requirements of the wide masses of the people; it must be approved by their elected representatives, and carried out under the direction of these representatives by means of national and local organisations.
9. That part of the plan which deals with land-labour must be carried out under supervision11 of the peasants’ and land-workers’ organisations; that relating to industry, trade and transport operated by wage-earners, by means of Workers’ Control; the natural organs of Workers’ Control inside the industrial plant will be the Factory–Shop and similar Committees; and in the labour market, the Trade unions.
10. The collective wage agreements arranged by the Trade unions for the majority of workers in any branch of labour, must be binding12 on all the owners of plants employing this kind of labour in the given district.
11. Employment bureaus must be placed under the control and management of the Trade unions, as class organisations acting13 within the limits of the whole industrial plan, and in accordance with it.
12. Trade unions must have the right, upon their own initiative, to begin legal action against all employers who violate labour contracts or labour legislation, and also in behalf of any individual worker in any branch of labour.
13. On all questions relating to Workers’ Control over production, distribution and employment, the Trade unions must confer with the workers of individual establishments through their Factory–Shop Committees.
14. Matters of employment and discharge, vacations, wage scales, refusal of work, degree of productivity and skill, reasons for abrogating14 agreements, disputes with the administration, and similar problems of the internal life of the factory, must be settled exclusively according to the findings of the Factory–Shop Committee, which has the right to exclude from participation15 in the discussion any members of the factory administration.
15. The Factory–Shop Committee forms a commission to control the supplying of the factory with raw materials, fuel, orders, labour power and technical staff (including equipment), and all other supplies and arrangements, and also to assure the factory’s adherence16 to the general industrial plan. The factory administration is obliged to surrender to the organs of Workers’ Control, for their aid and information, all data concerning the business; to make it possible to verify this data, and to produce the books of the company upon demand of the Factory–Shop Committee.
16. Any illegal acts on the part of the administration discovered by the Factory–Shop Committees, or any suspicion of such illegal acts, which cannot be investigated or remedied by the workers alone, shall be referred to the district central organisation of Factory–Shop Committees charged with the particular branch of labour involved, which shall discuss the matter with the institutions charged with the execution of the general industrial plan, and find means to deal with the matter, even to the extent of confiscating17 the factory.
17. The union of the Factory–Shop Committees of different concerns must be accomplished on the basis of the different trades, in order to facilitate control over the whole branch of industry, so as to come within the general industrial plan; and so as to create an effective plan of distribution among the different factories of orders, raw materials, fuel, technical and labour power; and also to facilitate cooperation with the Trade unions, which are organised by trades.
18. The central city councils of Trade unions and Factory–Shop Committees represent the proletariat in the corresponding provincial18 and local institutions formed to elaborate and carry out the general industrial plan, and to organise9 economic relations between the towns and the villages (workers and peasants). They also possess final authority for the management of Factory–Shop Committees and Trade unions, so far as Workers’ Control in their district is concerned, and they shall issue obligatory19 regulations concerning workers’ discipline in the routine of production — which regulations, however, must be approved by vote of the workers themselves.
2.
The Bourgeois20 Press on the Bolsheviki
Russkaya Volia, October 28. “The decisive moment approaches…. It is decisive for the Bolsheviki. Either they will give us… a second edition of the events of July 16–18, or they will have to admit that with their plans and intentions, with their impertinent policy of wishing to separate themselves from everything consciously national, they have been definitely defeated….
“What are the chances of Bolshevik success?
“It is difficult to answer that question, for their principal support is the… ignorance of the popular masses. They speculate on it, they work upon it by a demagogy which nothing can stop….
“The Government must play its part in this affair. Supporting itself morally by the Council of the Republic, the Government must take a clearly-defined attitude toward the Bolsheviki….
“And if the Bolsheviki provoke an insurrection against the legal power, and thus facilitate the German invasion, they must be treated as mutineers and traitors….”
Birzhevya Viedomosti, October 28. “Now that the Bolsheviki have separated themselves from the rest of the democracy, the struggle against them is very much simpler — and it is not reasonable, in order to fight against Bolshevism, to wait until they make a manifestation. The Government should not even allow the manifestation….
“The appeals of the Bolsheviki to insurrection and anarchy21 are acts punishable by the criminal courts, and in the freest countries, their authors would receive severe sentences. For what the Bolsheviki are carrying on is not a political struggle against the Government, or even for the power; it is propaganda for anarchy, massacres22, and civil war. This propaganda must be extirpated23 at its roots; it would be strange to wait, in order to begin action against an agitation24 for pogroms, until the pogroms actually occurred….”
Novoye Vremya, November 1. “hellip; Why is the Government excited only about November 2d (date of calling of the Congress of Soviets), and not about September 12th, or October 3d?
“This is not the first time that Russia burns and falls in ruins, and that the smoke of the terrible conflagration26 makes the eyes of our Allies smart….
“Since it came to power, has there been a single order issued by the Government for the purpose of halting anarchy, or has any one attempted to put out the Russian conflagration?
“There were other things to do….
“The Government turned its attention to a more immediate27 problem. It crushed an insurrection (the Kornilov attempt) concerning which every one is now asking, ‘Did it ever exist?”
3.
Moderate Socialist28 Press on the Bolsheviki
Dielo Naroda, October 28 (Socialist Revolutionary). “The most frightful29 crime of the Bolsheviki against the Revolution is that they impute30 exclusively to the bad intentions of the revolutionary Government all the calamities31 which the masses are so cruelly suffering; when as a matter of fact these calamities spring from objective causes.
“They make golden promises to the masses, knowing in advance that they can fulfil none of them; they lead the masses on a false trail, deceiving them as to the source of all their troubles….
“The Bolsheviki are the most dangerous enemies of the Revolution….”
Dien, October 30 (Menshevik). “Is this really ‘the freedom of the press’? Every day Novaya Rus and Rabotchi Put openly incite32 to insurrection. Every day these two papers commit in their columns actual crimes. Every day they urge pogroms…. Is that ‘the freedom of the press’?…
“The Government ought to defend itself and defend us. We have the right to insist that the Government machinery33 does not remain passive while the threat of bloody34 riots endangers the lives of its citizens….”
4.
“Yedinstvo”
Plekhanov’s paper, Yedinstvo, suspended publication a few weeks after the Bolsheviki seized the power. Contrary to popular report, Yedinstvo was not suppressed by the Soviet25 Government; an announcement in the last number admitted that it was unable to continue because there were too few subscribers….
5.
Were the Bolsheviki Conspirators35?
The French newspaper Entente36 of Petrograd, on November 15th, published an article of which the following is a part:
“The Government of Kerensky discusses and hesitates. The Government of Lenin and Trotzky attacks and acts.
“This last is called a Government of Conspirators, but that is wrong. Government of usurpers, yes, like all revolutionary Governments which triumph over their adversaries37. Conspirators — no!
“No! They did not conspire38. On the contrary, openly, audaciously, without mincing39 words, without dissimulating40 their intentions, they multiplied their agitation, intensified41 their propaganda in the factories, the barracks, at the Front, in the country, everywhere, even fixing in advance the date of their taking up arms, the date of their seizure42 of the power….
“They— conspirators? Never….”
6.
Appeal Against Insurrection
From the Central Army Committee
“… Above everything we insist upon the inflexible43 execution of the organised will of the majority of the people, expressed by the Provisional Government in accord with the Council of the Republic and the Tsay-ee-kah, as organ of the popular power….
“Any demonstration44 to depose45 this power by violence, at a moment when a Government crisis will infallibly create disorganisation, the ruin of the country, and civil war, will be considered by the Army as a counter-revolutionary act, and repressed by force of arms….
“The interests of private groups and classes should be submitted to a single interest — that of augmenting46 industrial production, and distributing the necessities of life with fairness….
“All who are capable of sabotage47, disorganisation, or disorder48, all deserters, all slackers, all looters, should be forced to do auxiliary49 service in the rear of the Army….
“We invite the Provisional Government to form, out of these violators of the people’s will, these enemies of the Revolution, labour detachments to work in the rear, on the Front, in the trenches50 under enemy fire….”
7.
Events of the Night, November 6th
Toward evening bands of Red Guards began to occupy the printing shops of the bourgeois press, where they printed Rabotchi Put, Soldat, and various proclamations by the hundred thousand. The City Militia51 was ordered to clear these places, but found the offices barricaded52, and armed men defending them. Soldiers who were ordered to attack the print-shops refused.
About midnight a Colonel with a company of yunkers arrived at the club “Free Mind,” with a warrant to arrest the editor of Rabotchi Put. Immediately an enormous mob gathered in the street outside and threatened to lynch the yunkers. The Colonel thereupon begged that he and the yunkers be arrested and taken to Peter–Paul prison for safety. This request was granted.
At 1 A. M. a detachment of soldiers and sailors from Smolny occupied the Telegraph Agency. At 1.35 the Post Office was occupied. Toward morning the Military Hotel was taken, and at 5 o’clock the Telephone Exchange. At dawn the State Bank was surrounded. And at 10 A. M. a cordon53 of troops was drawn54 about the Winter Palace.
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1
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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9
organise
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| vt.组织，安排，筹办 | |
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unified
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| (unify 的过去式和过去分词)； 统一的； 统一标准的； 一元化的 | |
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supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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13
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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14
abrogating
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的现在分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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15
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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17
confiscating
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| 没收（confiscate的现在分词形式） | |
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18
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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obligatory
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| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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bourgeois
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| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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23
extirpated
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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24
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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Soviet
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| adj.苏联的，苏维埃的；n.苏维埃 | |
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conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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impute
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| v.归咎于 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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incite
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| v.引起，激动，煽动 | |
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33
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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35
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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36
entente
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| n.协定；有协定关系的各国 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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38
conspire
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| v.密谋，（事件等）巧合，共同导致 | |
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mincing
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| adj.矫饰的；v.切碎；切碎 | |
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dissimulating
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| v.掩饰（感情），假装（镇静）( dissimulate的现在分词 ) | |
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41
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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43
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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45
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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46
augmenting
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| 使扩张 | |
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47
sabotage
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| n.怠工，破坏活动，破坏；v.从事破坏活动，妨害，破坏 | |
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48
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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50
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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51
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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52
barricaded
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| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的过去式和过去分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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53
cordon
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| n.警戒线，哨兵线 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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