It would make a curious collection of pictures if I had obtained photographs of all the coaches I travelled in, and upon, during my brief sojourn2 in the province; some high, some low, some red, some green, or yellow as it chanced, with horses few or many, often superior animals—stylish, fast, and sound; and again, the most diminutive3 of ponies4, such as Monsieur the Clown drives into the ring of his canvass5 coliseum when he utters the pleasant salute6 of "Here I am, with all my little family?" This morning we have the old, familiar stage-coach of Yankee land—red, picked out with yellow; high, narrow, iron steps; broad thoroughbraces; wide seats; all jingle7, tip, tilt8, and rock, from one end of the road to the other. My fellow traveller on the box is a little man with a big hat; soft spoken, sweet[Pg 213] voiced, and excessively shy and modest. But this was a most pleasing change from the experiences of the last few hours, let me tell you; and, if you ever travel by West River, you will find any change pleasant—no matter what.
My companion was shy, but not taciturn; on the contrary, he could talk well enough after the ice was broken, and long enough, too, for that matter. I found that he was a Church of England clergyman by profession, and a Welshman by birth. He was well versed9 in the earlier history of the colony—that portion of it which is by far the most interesting—I mean its French or Acadian period. "There are in the traditions and scattered10 fragments of history that yet survive in this once unhappy land," he said, in a peculiarly low and mellifluous11 voice, "much that deserves to be embalmed12 in story and in poetry. Your Longfellow has already preserved one of the most touching13 of its incidents; but I think I am safe in asserting that there yet remain the materials of one hundred romances. Take the whole history of Acadia during the seventeenth century—the almost patriarchal simplicity14 of its society, the kindness, the innocence15, the virtues16 of its people; the universal toleration which prevailed among them, in spite of the interference of the home government; look,"[Pg 214] said he, "at the perfect and abiding17 faith which existed between them and the Indians! Does the world-renowned story of William Penn alone merit our encomiums, except that we have forgotten this earlier but not less beautiful example? And with the true spirit of Christianity, when they refused to take up arms in their own defence, preferring rather to die by their faith than shed the blood of other men; to what parallel in history can we turn, if not to the martyred Hussites, for whom humanity has not yet dried all its tears?"
As he said this, a little flush passed over his face, and he appeared for a moment as if surprised at his own enthusiasm; then shrinking under his big hat again, he relapsed into silence.
We rode on for some time without a word on either side, until I ventured to remark that I coincided with him in the belief that Acadia was the romantic ground of early discovery in America; and that even the fluent pen of Hawthorne had failed to lend a charm to the harsh, repulsive19, acrimonious20 features of New England's colonial history.
"I have read but one book of Hawthorne's," said he—"'The Scarlet21 Letter.' I do not coincide with you; I think that to be a remarkable22 instance of the triumph of genius over difficulties. By the way," said he, "speaking of authors, what an ex[Pg 215]quisite poem Tom Moore would have written, had he visited Chapel23 Island, which you have seen no doubt? (here he gave a little nod with the big hat) and what a rich volume would have dropped from the arabesque24 pen of your own Irving (another nod), had he written the life of the Baron de St. Castine, chief of the Abenaquis, as he did that of Philip of Pokanoket."
"Do you know the particulars of that history?" said I.
"I do not know the particulars," he replied, "only the outlines derived25 from chronicle and tradition. Imagination," he added, with a faint smile, "can supply the rest, just as an engineer pacing a bastion can draw from it the proportions of the rest of the fortress26."
And then, from under the shelter of the big hat, there came low and sad tones of music, like a requiem27 over a bier, upon which are laid funeral flowers, and sword, and plume28; a melancholy29 voice almost intoning the history of a Christian18 hero, who had been the chief of that powerful nation—the rightful owners of the fair lands around us. Even if memory could now supply the words, it would fail to reproduce the effect conveyed by the tones of that voice. And of the story itself I can but furnish the faint outlines:[Pg 216]
FAINT OUTLINES.
Baron de St. Castine, chief of the Abenaquis, was a Frenchman, born in the little village of Oberon, in the province of Bearn, about the middle of the seventeenth century. Three great influences conspired30 to make him unhappy—first, education, which at that time was held to be a reputable part of the discipline of the scions31 of noble families; next, a delicate and impressible mind, and lastly, he was born under the shadow of the Pyrenees, and within sight of the Atlantic. He had also served in the wars of Louis XIV. as colonel of the Carrignan, Cavignon, or Corignon regiment32; therefore, from his military education, was formed to endure, or to think lightly of hardships. Although not by profession a Protestant, yet he was a liberal Catholic. The doctrines33 of Calvin had been spread throughout the province during his youth, and John la Placette, a native of Bearn, was then one of the leaders of the free churches of Copenhagen, in Denmark, and of Utrecht, in Holland.
But, whatever his religious prejudices may have been, they do not intrude34 themselves in any part of his career; we know him only as a pure Christian, an upright man, and a faithful friend of humanity. Like many other[Pg 217] Frenchmen of birth and education in those days, the Baron de St. Castine had been attracted by descriptions of newly discovered countries in the western hemisphere, and fascinated by the ideal life of the children of nature. To a mind at once susceptible35 and heroic, impulsive36 by temperament37, and disciplined to endure, such promptings have a charm that is irresistible38. As the chronicler relates, he preferred the forests of Acadia, to the Pyrenian mountains that compassed the place of his nativity, and taking up his abode39 with the savages40, on the first year behaved himself so among them as to draw from them their inexpressible esteem41. He married a woman of the nation, and repudiating42 their example, did not change his wife, by which he taught his wild neighbors that God did not love inconstancy. By this woman, his first and only wife, he had one son and two daughters, the latter were afterwards married, "very handsomely, to Frenchmen, and had good dowries." Of the son there is preserved a single touching incident. In person the baron was strikingly handsome, a fine form, a well featured face, with a noble expression of candor43, firmness and benevolence44. Possessed45 of an ample fortune, he used it to enlarge the comforts of the people of his adoption46; these making him a recom[Pg 218]pense in beaver47 skins and other rich furs, from which he drew a still larger revenue, to be in turn again devoted48 to the objects of his benevolence. It was said of him, "that he can draw from his coffers two or three hundred thousand crowns of good dry gold; but all the use he makes of it is to buy presents for his fellow savages, who, upon their return from hunting, present him with skins to treble the value."
Is it then surprising that this man, so wise, so good, so faithful to his fellow savages, should, after twenty years, rise to the most eminent49 station in that unsophisticated nation? That indeed these simple Indians, who knew no arts except those of peace and war, should have looked up to him as their tutular god? By the treaty of Breda, the lands from the Penobscots to Nova Scotia had been ceded50 to France, in exchange for the island of St. Christopher. Upon these lands the Baron de St. Castine had peacefully resided for many years, until a new patent was granted to the Duke of York, the boundaries of which extended beyond the limits of the lands ceded by the treaty. Oh, those patents! those patents! What wrongs were perpetrated by those remorseless instruments; what evil councils prevailed when they were hatched; what corrupt51, what base, what knavish52 hands[Pg 219] formed them; what vile53, what ignoble54, what ponderous55 lies has history assumed to maintain, or to excuse them, and the acts committed under them?
The first English aggression56 after the treaty, was but a trifling57 one in respect to immediate58 effects. A quantity of wine having been landed by a French vessel59 upon the lands covered by the patent, was seized by the Duke of York's agents. This, upon a proper representation by the French ambassador at the court of Charles II., was restored to the rightful owners. But thereupon a new boundary line was run, and the whole of Castine's plantations60 included within it. Immediately after this, the Rose frigate61, under the command of Captain Andross, sailed up the Penobscot, plundered62 and destroyed Castine's house and fort, and sailed away with all his arms and goods. Not only this, intruders from other quarters invaded the lands of the Indians, took possession of the rivers, and spoiled the fisheries with seines, turned their cattle in to devour63 the standing64 corn of the Abenaquis, and committed other depredations65, which, although complained of, were neither inquired into nor redressed66.
Then came reprisals67; and first the savages retaliated68 by killing69 the cattle of their enemies. Then followed those fearful and bloody70 campaigns, which,[Pg 220] under the name of Church's Indian Wars, disgrace the early annals of New England. Night surprises, butcheries that spared neither age nor sex, prisoners taken and sold abroad into slavery, after the glut71 of revenge was satiated, these to return and bring with them an inextinguishable hatred72 against the English, and desire of revenge. Anon a conspiracy73 and the surprisal of Dover, accompanied with all the appalling74 features of barbaric warfare—Major Waldron being tied down by the Indians in his own arm-chair, and each one of them drawing a sharp knife across his breast, says with the stroke, "Thus I cross out my account;" these, and other atrocities75, on either side, constitute the principal records of a Christian people, who professed76 to be only pilgrims and sojourners in a strange land—the victims of persecution77 in their own.
Daring all this dark and bloody period, no name is more conspicuous78 in the annals than that of the Chief of the Abenaquis. Like a frightful79 ogre, he hovers80 in the background, deadly and ubiquitous—the terror of the colonies. It was he who had stirred up the Indians to do the work. Then come reports of a massacre81 in some town on the frontier, and with it is coupled a whisper of "Castine!" a fort has been surprised, he is there! Some of Church's men have fallen in an[Pg 221] ambuscade; the baron has planned it, and furnished the arms and ammunition82 by which the deed was consummated83! Superstition84 invests him with imaginary powers; fanaticism85 exclaims, 'tis he who had taught the savages to believe that we are the people who crucified the Saviour86.
But in spite of all these stories, the wonderful Bernese is not captured, nor indeed seen by any, except that sometimes an English prisoner escaping from the enemy, comes to tell of his clemency87 and tenderness; he has bound up the wounds of these, he has saved the lives of those. At last a small settlement of French and Indians is attacked by Church's men at Penobscot, every person there being either killed or taken prisoner; among the latter a daughter of the great baron, with her children, from whom they learn that her unhappy father, ruined and broken-hearted, had returned to France, the victim of persecutors, who, under the name of saints, exhibited a cruelty and rapacity88 that would have disgraced the reputation of a Philip or an Alva!
"It is a matter of surprise to the historical student," said the little man, "that with a people like yours, so conspicuous in many rare examples of erudition, that the history of Acadia has not merited a closer attention, throwing as it does so[Pg 222] strong a reflective light upon your own. Such a task doubtless does not present many inviting89 features, especially to those who would preserve, at any sacrifice of truth, the earlier pages of discovery in America, pure, spotless, and unsullied. But I think this dark, tragic90 background would set off all the brighter the characters of those really good men who flourished in that period, of whom there were no doubt many, although now obscured by the dull, dead moonshine of indiscriminate forefathers91' flattery. I know very well that in some regards we might copy the example of a few of the first planters of New England, but for the rest I believe with Adam Clark, that for the sake of humanity, it were better that such ages should never return."
"We talk much," says he, "of ancient manners, their simplicity and ingenuousness92, and say that the former days were better than these. But who says this who is a judge of the times? In those days of celebrated93 simplicity, there were not so many crimes as at present, I grant; but what they wanted in number, they made up in degree; deceit, cruelty, rapine, murder, and wrong of almost every kind, then flourished. We are refined in our vices94, they were gross and barbarous in theirs. They had neither so many ways nor so many means of sinning; but the sum of their moral turpi[Pg 223]tude was greater than ours. We have a sort of decency95 and good breeding, which lay a certain restraint on our passions; they were boorish96 and beastly, and their bad passions ever in full play. Civilization prevents barbarity and atrocity97; mental cultivation98 induces decency of manners—those primitive99 times were generally without these. Who that knows them would wish such ages to return?"[A]
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1
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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diminutive
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| adj.小巧可爱的，小的 | |
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ponies
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| 矮种马，小型马( pony的名词复数 )； ￡25 25 英镑 | |
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canvass
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| v.招徕顾客，兜售；游说；详细检查，讨论 | |
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6
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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jingle
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| n.叮当声，韵律简单的诗句；v.使叮当作响，叮当响，押韵 | |
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tilt
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| v.(使)倾侧；(使)倾斜；n.倾侧；倾斜 | |
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versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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mellifluous
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| adj.（音乐等）柔美流畅的 | |
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embalmed
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| adj.用防腐药物保存（尸体）的v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的过去式和过去分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
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13
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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abiding
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| adj.永久的，持久的，不变的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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acrimonious
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| adj.严厉的，辛辣的，刻毒的 | |
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scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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arabesque
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| n.阿拉伯式花饰；adj.阿拉伯式图案的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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requiem
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| n.安魂曲，安灵曲 | |
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plume
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| n.羽毛；v.整理羽毛，骚首弄姿，用羽毛装饰 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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scions
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| n.接穗，幼枝( scion的名词复数 )；（尤指富家）子孙 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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intrude
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| vi.闯入；侵入；打扰，侵扰 | |
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susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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repudiating
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的现在分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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candor
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| n.坦白，率真 | |
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benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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50
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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52
knavish
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| adj.无赖（似）的，不正的；刁诈 | |
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vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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ponderous
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| adj.沉重的，笨重的，(文章)冗长的 | |
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56
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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redressed
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| v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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retaliated
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| v.报复，反击( retaliate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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glut
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| n.存货过多，供过于求；v.狼吞虎咽 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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hovers
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| 鸟( hover的第三人称单数 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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ingenuousness
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| n.率直；正直；老实 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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boorish
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| adj.粗野的，乡巴佬的 | |
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atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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