When Pennsylvania Hall, which the Abolitionists of Philadelphia—largely Quakers—had erected5 for a meeting place at a cost of forty thousand dollars was fired by a mob, the fire department of that city threw water on surrounding property, but not one drop would it contribute to save the property of the Abolitionists.
Why was it that this devotion to slavery and this hostility6 to its opposers prevailed in the non-slaveholding States? They had not always existed. Indeed, there was a time, not so many years before, when slavery was generally denounced; when men like Washington and Jefferson and Henry, although themselves slave-owners, led public opinion in its condemnation7. Everybody was anticipating the day of universal emancipation8, when suddenly—almost in the twinkling of an eye—there was a change. If it had been a weather-cock—as to a considerable extent it was, and is—public opinion could not have more quickly veered9 about.
Slavery became the popular idol10 in the North as well as in the South. Opposition11 to it was not only offensive, but dangerous. It was sacrilege.
So far as the South was concerned the revolution is easily accounted for. Slavery became profitable. A Yankee magician had touched it with a wand of gold, and from being a languishing12, struggling system, it quickly developed into a money-maker.
Whitney, the Connecticut mechanical genius, by the invention of the cotton-gin, made the production of cotton a highly lucrative13 industry. The price of negroes to work the cotton fields at once went up, and yet the supply was inadequate14. Northernly slave States could not produce cotton, but they could produce negroes. They shared in the golden harvest. Such cities as Baltimore, Washington, Richmond, Wheeling, and Louisville became centers of a flourishing traffic in human beings. They had great warehouses15, commonly spoken of as "nigger pens," in which the "hands" that were to make the cotton were temporarily gathered, and long coffles—that is, processions of men and women, each with a hand attached to a common rope or chain—marched through their streets with faces turned southward.
The slave-owners were numerically a lean minority even in the South, but their mastery over their fellow-citizens was absolute. Nor was there any mystery about it. As the owners of four million slaves, on an average worth not far from five hundred dollars each, they formed the greatest industrial combination—what at this time we would call a trust—ever known to this or any other country. Our mighty17 Steel Corporation would have been a baby beside it. If to-day all our great financial companies were consolidated18, the unit would scarcely come up to the dimensions of that one association. It was not incorporated in law, but its union was perfect. Bound together by a common interest and a common feeling, its members—in the highest sense co-partners in business and in politics, in peace and in war—were prepared to act together as one man.
But why, I again ask, were the Northern people so infatuated with slavery? They raised no cotton and they raised no negroes, but many of them, and especially their political leaders, carried their adulation almost to idolatry.
When Elijah P. Lovejoy was shot down like a dog, and William Lloyd Garrison19 was dragged half naked and half lifeless through the streets of Boston, and other outrages20 of like import were being perpetrated all over the North, it was carefully given out that those deeds were not the work of irresponsible rowdies, but of "gentlemen"—of merchants, manufacturers, and members of the professions. They claimed the credit for such achievements. There were reasons for such a state of things—some very solid, because financial.
The North and the South were extensively interlaced by mutual21 interests. With slave labor22 the Southern planters made cotton, and with the proceeds of their cotton they bought Northern machinery23 and merchandise. They sent their boys and girls to Northern schools. They came North themselves when their pockets were full, and freely spent their money at Northern hotels, Northern theatres, Northern race-tracks, and other Northern places of entertainment.
Then there were other ties than those of business. The great political parties had each a Southern wing. Religious denominations24 had their Southern members. Every kind of trade and calling had its Southern outlet25.
But social connections were the strongest of all, and probably had most to do in making Northern sentiment. Southern gentlemen were popular in the North. They spent money lavishly26. Their manners were grandiose27. They talked boastfully of the number of their "niggers," and told how they were accustomed to "wallop" them.
Then there were marriage ties between the sections. Many domestic alliances strengthened the bond between slavery and the aristocracy of the North.
In the circles in which these things were going on, it was the fashion to denounce the Abolitionists. Women were the most bitter. The slightest suspicion of sympathy with the "fanatics28" was fatal to social ambition. Mrs. Henry Chapman, the wife of a wealthy Boston shipping29 merchant who gave orders that no slaves should be carried on his vessels30, was a brilliant woman and a leader in the highest sense in that city. But when she consented to preside over a small conference of Anti-Slavery women, society cut her dead, her former associates refusing to recognize her on the street. The families of Arthur and Lewis Tappan, the distinguished31 merchants of New York, were noted32 for their intelligence and culture, but when the heads of the families came to be classified as Abolitionists the doors of all fashionable mansions33 were at once shut against them. They in other ways suffered for their opinions. The home of Lewis Tappan was invaded by a mob, and furniture, books, and bric-a-brac were carried to the street and there burned to ashes.
The masses of the Northern people were, however, led to favor slavery by other arguments. One of them was that the slaves, if manumitted, would at once rush to the North and overrun the free States. I have heard that proposition warmly supported by fairly intelligent persons.
Another argument that weighed with a surprisingly large number of people, was that civil equality would be followed by social equality. As soon as they were free, negro men, it was said, would marry white wives. "Do you want your son or your daughter to marry a nigger?" was regarded as a knockout anti-Abolitionist argument. The idea, of course, was absurd. "Is it to be inferred that because I don't want a negro woman for a slave, I do want her for a wife?" was one of the quaint34 and pithy35 observations attributed to Mr. Lincoln. I heard Prof. Hudson, of Oberlin College, express the same idea in about the same words many years before.
And yet there were plenty of Northern people to whom "Amalgamation"—the word used to describe the apprehended36 union of the races—was a veritable scarecrow. A young gentleman in a neighborhood near where I lived when a boy was in all respects eligible37 for matrimony. He became devoted38 to the daughter of an old farmer who had been a Kentuckian, and asked him for her hand. "But I am told," said the old gentleman, "that you are an Abolitionist." The young man admitted the justice of the charge. "Then, sir," fairly roared the old man, "you can't have my daughter; go and marry a nigger."
But what probably gave slavery its strongest hold upon the favor of Northern people was the animosity toward the negro that prevailed among them. Nowhere was he treated by them like a human being. The "black laws," as those statutes39 in a number of free States that regulated the treatment of the blacks were appropriately called, were inhuman40 in the extreme. Ohio was in the main a liberal State. She was called a free State, but her negroes were not free men. Under her laws they could only remain in the State by giving bonds for good behavior. Any one employing negroes, not so bonded41, was liable to a fine of one hundred dollars. They could not vote, of course. They could not testify in a case in which a white man was interested. They could not send their children to schools which they helped to support. The only thing they could do "like a white man" was to pay taxes.
The prejudice against the poor creatures in Ohio was much stronger than that they encountered on the other side of the Ohio River in the slave State of Kentucky. Here—in Kentucky—they were property, and they generally received the care and consideration that ownership ordinarily establishes. The interest of the master was a factor in their behalf. In many instances there was genuine affection between owner and slave. "How much better off they would be if they only had good masters," was a remark I very often heard in Ohio, as the negroes would go slouching by with hanging heads and averted42 countenances43. There is no doubt that at this time the physical condition of the blacks was generally much better in slavery than it was in freedom. What stronger testimony44 to the innate45 desire for liberty—what Byron has described as "The eternal spirit of the chainless mind"—than the fact that slaves who were the most indulgently treated, were constantly escaping from the easy and careless life they led to the hostilities46 and barbarities of the free States, and they never went back except under compulsion.
"O carry me back to old Virginy,
To old Virginy's shore,"
was the refrain of a song that was very popular in those days, and which was much affected47 by what were called "negro minstrels." It was assumed to express the feelings of colored fugitives48 from bondage49 when they had time to realize what freedom meant in their cases, but I never heard the words from the lips of a man who had lived in a state of servitude.
I have elsewhere referred to the fact that women were often the most bitter in their denunciations of the Abolitionists. In the neighborhood in which I passed my early days was a lady who was born and raised in the North, and who probably had no decided50 sentiment, one way or the other, on the slavery question; but who about this time spent several months in a visit to one of the slave States. She came back thoroughly51 imbued52 with admiration53 for "the institution." She could not find words to describe the good times that were enjoyed by the wives and daughters of the slave-owners. They had nothing to do except to take the world easy, and that, according to her account, they did with great unanimity54. The slaves, were, she declared, the happiest people in the world, all care and responsibility being taken from their shoulders by masters who were kind enough to look out for their wants.
But one day she unwittingly exposed a glimpse of the reverse side of the picture. She told the story of a young slave girl who had been accused of larceny55. She had picked up some trifling56 article that ordinarily no one would have cared anything about; but at this time it was thought well to make an example of somebody. The wrists of the poor creature were fastened together by a cord that passed through a ring in the side of the barn, which had been put there for that purpose, and she was drawn57 up, with her face to the building, until her toes barely touched the ground. Then, in the presence of all her fellow-slaves, and with her clothing so detached as to expose her naked shoulders, she was flogged until the blood trickled58 down her back.
"I felt almost as bad for her," said the narrator, "as if she had been one of my own kind."
"Thank God she was not one of your kind!" exclaimed a voice that fairly sizzled with rage.
The speaker who happened to be present was a relative of the author and a red-hot Abolitionist.
Then came a furious war of words, the two enraged59 women shouting maledictions in each other's faces. As a boy, I enjoyed the performance hugely until I began to see that there was danger of a collision. As the only male present, it would be my duty to interfere60 in case the combatants came to blows, or rather to scratches and hair-pulling. I did not like the prospect61, which seemed to me to be really alarming, and was thinking of some peaceable solution, when the two women, looking into each other's inflamed62 faces, suddenly realized the ridiculousness of the situation and broke into hearty63 peals64 of laughter. That, of course, ended the controversy65, not a little to the relief of the writer.
If the influence of a great majority of the women of that day was thrown on the side of slavery, as was undoubtedly66 the case, the minority largely made up for the disparity of numbers by the spunk67 and aggressiveness of their demonstrations68. A good many of the most indomitable and effective Abolition lecturers were women—such as Mrs. Lucretia Mott, the Grimké sisters, Abby Kelly, and others whose names are here omitted, although they richly deserve to be mentioned. Of all that sisterhood, the most pugnacious69 undoubtedly was Abby Kelly, a little New England woman, with, as the name would indicate, an Irish crossing of the blood. I heard her once, and it seemed to me that I never listened to a tongue that was so sharp and merciless. Her eyes were small and it appeared to me that they contracted, when she was speaking, until they emitted sparks of fire. Although she went by her maiden70 name, she was a married woman, being the wife of Stephen Foster, a professional Abolitionist agitator71 and lecturer. Although himself noted for the bitterness of his speech, when it came to hard-hitting vituperation he could not begin to "hold a candle" to his little wife.
The two traveled together and spoke16 from the same platforms. They were constantly getting into hot water through the hostility of mobs, which they seemed to enjoy most heartily72. Foster's life was more than once in serious danger, but they kept right on and never showed the slightest fear. The only meeting addressed by them that I attended, though held on the Sabbath, was ended by the throwing of stones and sticks and addled73 eggs.
But if the current of public opinion in the North suddenly turned, and for a long time ran with overwhelming force in favor of slavery, it changed about almost as suddenly and ran with equal force in the opposite direction. The county in which I lived when a boy, that furnished only one vote for the first Abolitionist presidential ticket, became a Republican stronghold. It was in what had been a Whig district, and when the Whig party went to pieces, the most of its débris drifted into the Republican lines.
On the occasion of one of the pro-slavery mobs I elsewhere tell about, when a supply of eggs with which to garnish74 the Abolitionists, was wanted, and the money for their purchase was called for, the town constable75—the peace officer of the community—put his hand in his pocket and supplied the funds.
A few years thereafter, on my return to the village after a considerable absence, I found that I had come just in time to attend a Republican rally which was that day to be held in a near-by grove76. When I reached the scene of operations a procession to march to the grove was being formed. There was considerable enthusiasm and noise, but by far the most excited individual was the Grand Marshal and Master of Ceremonies. Seated on a high horse, he was riding up and down the line shouting out his orders with tremendous unction. He was the constable of the egg-buying episode.
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1
density
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| n.密集，密度，浓度 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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sneers
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| 讥笑的表情（言语）( sneer的名词复数 ) | |
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scowls
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| 不悦之色，怒容( scowl的名词复数 ) | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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7
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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9
veered
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| v.（尤指交通工具）改变方向或路线( veer的过去式和过去分词 )；（指谈话内容、人的行为或观点）突然改变；（指风） （在北半球按顺时针方向、在南半球按逆时针方向）逐渐转向；风向顺时针转 | |
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10
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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languishing
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| a. 衰弱下去的 | |
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lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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denominations
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| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
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outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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lavishly
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| adv.慷慨地，大方地 | |
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grandiose
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| adj.宏伟的，宏大的，堂皇的，铺张的 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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pithy
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| adj.(讲话或文章)简练的 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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bonded
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| n.有担保的，保税的，粘合的 | |
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averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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45
innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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50
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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51
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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52
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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53
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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larceny
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| n.盗窃（罪） | |
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56
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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trickled
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| v.滴( trickle的过去式和过去分词 )；淌；使)慢慢走；缓慢移动 | |
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enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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peals
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| n.（声音大而持续或重复的）洪亮的响声( peal的名词复数 )；隆隆声；洪亮的钟声；钟乐v.（使）（钟等）鸣响，（雷等）发出隆隆声( peal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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spunk
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| n.勇气，胆量 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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pugnacious
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| adj.好斗的 | |
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maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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agitator
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| n.鼓动者；搅拌器 | |
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72
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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addled
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| adj.（头脑）糊涂的，愚蠢的；（指蛋类）变坏v.使糊涂( addle的过去式和过去分词 )；使混乱；使腐臭；使变质 | |
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garnish
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| n.装饰，添饰，配菜 | |
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75
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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76
grove
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| n.林子，小树林，园林 | |
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