February wheeled by. March was here, and every day the sun sent us more heat.
The Indians around us still were friendly—women and all. From the first there was straying in the woods with Indian women. Doubtless now, in the San Salvador islands, in Cuba and in Hispaniola, among those Guaricos fled from us to the mountains, would be infants born of Spanish fathers. Juan Lepe contemplated1 that filling in the sea between Asia and Europe with the very blood.
Sickness broke out. It was not such as that first sickness at La Navidad, but here were many more to lie ill. Besides Juan Lepe, we now possessed2 three physicians. They were skillful, they labored3 hard, we all labored. Men died of the malady4, but no great number. But now among the idle of mind and soul and the factious5 arose the eternal murmur6. Not heaven but hell, these new lands! Not wealth and happy ease, but poverty and miserable7 toil8! Not forever new spectacle and greedy wonder, but tiresome9 river, forest and sea, tiresome blue heaven, tiresome delving10 and building, tiresome rules, restrictions11, commandments, yeas and nays12! Parties arose, two main parties, and within each lesser13 differings.
The Viceroy stiffly withstood the party that was not his, and upon some slur14 and insolence15 took from a man his office. Followed a week of glassy smoothness. Then suddenly, by chance, was discovered the plot of Bernal Diaz de Pisa—the first of many Spanish conspiracies16. It involved several hundred men and was no less a thing than the seizure17 in the dark night of the ships and the setting sail for Spain, there to wreck18 the fame of Christopherus Columbus and if possible obtain the sending out of some prince over him, who would beam kindly19 on all hidalgos and never put them to vulgar work. A letter was found in Bernal Diaz's hand, and if therein any ill was left unsaid of the Admiral and Viceroy, I know not what it might be! The "Italian", the "Lowborn", the "madly arrogant20 and ambitious", the "cruel" and "violent", the "tyrant21" acted. Bernal Diaz was made and kept prisoner on Vicente Pinzon's ship. Of his following one out of ten lay in prison for a month. Of the seamen22 concerned three were flogged and all had their pay estopped.
One might say that Isabella was builded. Columbus himself stood and moved in better health. Now he would go discovering on dry land, to Alonso de Ojeda's glee, glee indeed of many. The mountains of Cibao, where might be the gold,—and gold must be had!
And we might find Caonabo, and what peoples were behind our own mountains, and perhaps come upon Guacanagari. We went, four hundred men and more, an army with banners. We wished to impress, and we took any and all things that might help in that wise. Drum and trumpet23 beat and sang. Father Buil was not with us. But three of his missionaries24 accompanied us, and they carried a great crucifix. There were twenty horses, and terrible were these to this land as the elephants of the Persians to the Greeks. And much we marveled that Cuba and Hayti had no memory nor idea of elephants. A throng25 of Indians would go with us, and in much they carried our supplies. It was first seen clearly at this time, I think, the uses that might be drawn26 from our heathen subjects. Alonso de Ojeda, Juan Ponce de Leon and Pedro Margarite rode with the Admiral. Others followed on black and bay and white horses. Juan Lepe marched with the footmen. He was glad to find Luis Torres.
Before setting out we went to mass in the new church. Candles burned, incense27 rose in clouds, the friars chanted, the bell rang, we took the wafer, the priest lifted the chalice28.
The sun rose, the trumpets29 rang, we were gone. South, before us, the mountain line was broken by a deep notch30. That would be our pass, afar, and set high, filled with an intense, a burning sapphire31. We had Indian guides.
Day, evening, camp and night. Dawn, trumpets, breakfast and good understanding and jollity. After breakfast the march, and where was any road up the heights? And being none we would make one and did, our hidalgos toiling32 with the least. By eve we were in the high pass, level ground under our feet, above us magnificent trees. We called it the Pass of the Hidalgos. We threw ourselves down and slept. At sunrise we pushed on, and presently saw what Juan Lepe once before had seen, the vast southward-lying plain and the golden mountains of Cibao.
There rose a cry, it was so beautiful! The Admiral named it Vega Real, the Royal Plain.
Sweating, panting, we came at last down that most difficult descent into rolling forest and then to a small bright stream, beside it garden patches and fifty huts. The inhabitants fled madly, we heard their frightened shouts and the screaming of children. Thereafter we tried to keep in advance a small body of Indians, so that they might tell that the gods were coming, but that they would not injure.
Acclivity and declivity33 fell away. We were fully34 in an enormous, fertile and populous35 plain.
The horses and the horsemen! At first they thought that these were one. When some cowering36 group was surrounded and kept from breaking away, when Alonso de Ojeda or another leaped from steed to earth, from earth again to steed, they moaned with astonishment37 and some relief. But the horses, the horses—never to have seen any great four-footed things, and now these that were proud and pawed the earth and neighed and—De Ojeda's black horse—reared, curvetted, bounded, appeared to threaten! The eyes, the mane, the great teeth!—There grew a legend that they were fed upon men's flesh, red men's flesh!
How many red men were in Quisquaya I do not know. In some regions they dwelled thickly, in others were few folk. In this wide, long, laughing plain dwelled many, in clean towns sunk among trees good to look at and dropping fruit; by river or smaller stream, with plantings of maize38, batata, cassava, jucca, maguey, and I know not what beside. If the stream was a considerable one, canoes. They had parrots; they had the small silent dogs. In some places we saw clay pots and bowls. They wove their cotton, though not very skillfully. They crushed their maize in hand mills. We found caciques and butios, and heard of their main cacique, Gwarionex. But he did not come to meet us; they said he had gone on a visit to Caonabo in Cibao. They brought us food and took our gifts in exchange; they harangued39 us in answer to our harangues40; they made dances for us. The children thronged41 around, fearless now and curious. The women were kind. Old men and women together, and sometimes more women than men, sat in a council ring about some venerable tree.
There was no quarrel and no oppression upon this adventure. I look back and I see that single journey in Hispaniola a flower and pattern of what might be.
They gave us what gold they had—freely—and we gave in return things that they prized. But always they said Cibao for gold.
We rode and marched afoot, with many halts and turns aside, five leagues across plain. A large river barred our way,—the Yaqui they called it. Here we spent two days in a village a bowshot from the water. We searched for gold, we sent from Indian to Indian rumor42 that it was the highest magic, god-magic that of all things in the world we most desired and took it from their hands, yet still we paid for it in goods for which they lusted43, and we neither forced nor threatened force. And though we were four hundred, yet there might be in the Royal Plain forty thousand, and their hue44 and their economy was yet prince in the land, and the Spaniard a visitor. And there commanded the four hundred a humane45 man, with something of the guilelessness of the child.
We crossed the Yaqui in canoes and upon rafts. White, brown and black, the horses swam the stream. Again nigh impenetrable forest, again villages, again clear singing and running waters. But ever the mountains came closer. At last we entered hilly country and the streams pushed with rapidity, flowing to the Yaqui, flowing to the sea. Now we began to find gold. It glistened46 in the river sands. Sometimes we found nuts of it, washed from the rocks far above. There came upon us the gold fever. Mines—we must open mines! Fermin Cedo, our essayer, would have it that it was not Ophir, but at that time he was hardly believed. The Admiral wrote a letter about these golden mines.
An Indian brought him a piece of amber47; another, a lump of blue stone. We found jasper, we were sure of copper48.
We came to a natural rampart, wide at top, steeply descending49 on three sides, set in a loop of a little clear river named Yanique. "Ho!" cried Alonso de Ojeda. "Here is the cradle for the babe! Round tower, walls, barbican yonder, and Mother Nature has dug the moat!" He sent his voice across to the Viceroy. "A fort, senor, a fort!"
Council was held by the Yanique. A fort,—a luckier than La Navidad! Men left here to collect gold, establish a road, keep communication with Isabella which in turn should forward supplies and men. The returning fleet might bring two thousand—nay, five thousand men! It would certainly bring asses50 and mules51 as well as horses. We should have burden-bearers. Moreover, a company of Indians might be trained to come and go as carriers. Train them, set some sort of penalty for malfeasance.
"They should be taught to mine for us," said Pedro Margarite. "Pay them? Of course—of course! But do not pay them too much. Do not we protect them from Caribs and save their souls to boot? Take it as tribute!" It was the first time the word was said, in Spanish, here.
We built a fort much after the model of La Navidad and named it St. Thomas. When after days it was done, and commandant must be chosen, the Viceroy's choice fell upon Pedro Margarite. And that was great pity. But he could not know Margarite then as afterwards he came to know him. Fifty-six men he left with Margarite, and the rest of us marched home across the Vega and the northern mountains to Isabella.
Sickness. Quarrels. Idleness, vanity, dissensions and accusations52. Heat, more sickness, wild quarrels.
Tidings from Margarite at St. Thomas. The Indians would no longer bring food. Caonabo was threatening from the higher mountains. The Viceroy wrote to Margarite. Compel the Indians to bring food, but as it were to compel them gently!
Quarrels—quarrels at Isabella. Two main parties and all the lesser ones. Disease and scarcity53. Fray54 Geronimo arrived from St. Thomas. He had stories. The Viceroy grew dark red, his eyes lightened. Yet he believed that what was told pertained55 to men of Margarite, not to that cavalier himself. He wrote to Margarite—I do not know what. But presently a plan arose in his mind and was announced. Don Alonso de Ojeda was to command St. Thomas. Don Pedro Margarite should have a moving force of several hundred Castilians, mainly for exploration, but at need for other things. Going here and there about the country, it might impress upon Caonabo that the Spaniard though gentle by nature, was dangerous when aroused.
Alonso de Ojeda, three hundred men behind him, went forth56 on his black horse, to trumpet and drum, very gay and ready to go. In a week he sent into Isabella six Indians in chains. These had set upon three of Margarite's men coming with a letter to the Viceroy and had robbed them, though without doing them bodily injury. Alonso de Ojeda had cut off their ears and sent them all in heavily chained. The Viceroy condemned57 them to be beheaded, but when they were on their knees before the block reprieved58 them, one by one. He kept them chained for a time for all visiting Indians to see, then formally pardoned them and let them go.
Matters quieted. Sickness again sank, a flood retiring, leaving pools. Alonso de Ojeda and Pedro Margarite reported peace in Hispaniola. The Admiral came forth from his house one day and said quietly to this one and that one that now he meant again to take up Discovery.
He gave authority in Isabella to Don Diego, and made him a council where sat Father Buil, Caravajal, Coronel and Juan de Luxan. Then out of five ships we took the Cordera, the Santa Clara and the San Juan, and we set sail on April the twenty-fourth.
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1 contemplated | |
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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2 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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3 labored | |
adj.吃力的,谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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4 malady | |
n.病,疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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5 factious | |
adj.好搞宗派活动的,派系的,好争论的 | |
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6 murmur | |
n.低语,低声的怨言;v.低语,低声而言 | |
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7 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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8 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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9 tiresome | |
adj.令人疲劳的,令人厌倦的 | |
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10 delving | |
v.深入探究,钻研( delve的现在分词 ) | |
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11 restrictions | |
约束( restriction的名词复数 ); 管制; 制约因素; 带限制性的条件(或规则) | |
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12 nays | |
n.反对票,投反对票者( nay的名词复数 ) | |
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13 lesser | |
adj.次要的,较小的;adv.较小地,较少地 | |
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14 slur | |
v.含糊地说;诋毁;连唱;n.诋毁;含糊的发音 | |
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15 insolence | |
n.傲慢;无礼;厚颜;傲慢的态度 | |
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16 conspiracies | |
n.阴谋,密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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17 seizure | |
n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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18 wreck | |
n.失事,遇难;沉船;vt.(船等)失事,遇难 | |
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19 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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20 arrogant | |
adj.傲慢的,自大的 | |
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21 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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22 seamen | |
n.海员 | |
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23 trumpet | |
n.喇叭,喇叭声;v.吹喇叭,吹嘘 | |
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24 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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25 throng | |
n.人群,群众;v.拥挤,群集 | |
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26 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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27 incense | |
v.激怒;n.香,焚香时的烟,香气 | |
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28 chalice | |
n.圣餐杯;金杯毒酒 | |
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29 trumpets | |
喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 ); 小号; 喇叭形物; (尤指)绽开的水仙花 | |
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30 notch | |
n.(V字形)槽口,缺口,等级 | |
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31 sapphire | |
n.青玉,蓝宝石;adj.天蓝色的 | |
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32 toiling | |
长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 ); 艰难缓慢地移动,跋涉 | |
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33 declivity | |
n.下坡,倾斜面 | |
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34 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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35 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
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36 cowering | |
v.畏缩,抖缩( cower的现在分词 ) | |
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37 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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38 maize | |
n.玉米 | |
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39 harangued | |
v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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40 harangues | |
n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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41 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42 rumor | |
n.谣言,谣传,传说 | |
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43 lusted | |
贪求(lust的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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44 hue | |
n.色度;色调;样子 | |
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45 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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46 glistened | |
v.湿物闪耀,闪亮( glisten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47 amber | |
n.琥珀;琥珀色;adj.琥珀制的 | |
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48 copper | |
n.铜;铜币;铜器;adj.铜(制)的;(紫)铜色的 | |
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49 descending | |
n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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50 asses | |
n. 驴,愚蠢的人,臀部 adv. (常用作后置)用于贬损或骂人 | |
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51 mules | |
骡( mule的名词复数 ); 拖鞋; 顽固的人; 越境运毒者 | |
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52 accusations | |
n.指责( accusation的名词复数 );指控;控告;(被告发、控告的)罪名 | |
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53 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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54 fray | |
v.争吵;打斗;磨损,磨破;n.吵架;打斗 | |
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55 pertained | |
关于( pertain的过去式和过去分词 ); 有关; 存在; 适用 | |
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56 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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57 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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58 reprieved | |
v.缓期执行(死刑)( reprieve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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