I have already spoken of Mr. Lincoln’s opposition{148} to slavery. He was not an extreme man, and he was never classed with the Abolitionists—that intrepid3 band who worked early and late, and for years almost without hope, against the colossal4 system of wrong whose life seemed so entwined with the life of the republic that it looked as if both must fall together. Abraham Lincoln moved slowly. He was not an impulsive5 man, but took time to form a determination. Even in the war there were many who blamed him for what appeared to be his slowness, but after a while they were led to see that if slow he was sure, and struck only when the time had come.
The ten years before the war were years of political commotion6. The “irrepressible conflict” between slavery and the spirit of freedom had commenced, and Abraham Lincoln arrayed himself among the champions of freedom. There was a desperate struggle to introduce slavery into the Territories, so that in course of time more slave States might be added to the union, and thus the slave system might be strengthened and continue to retain the political ascendency it had possessed7 for years. The rapid growth of the{149} free Northwest alarmed the slave power, and a counterpoise was required. Northern statesmen who cherished an ambition to be President had notice served upon them that they must help the slave power or forfeit8 its support. Among those who weakly yielded to this arrogant9 demand was Stephen A. Douglas. He favored the principle of “squatter sovereignty,” permitting the inhabitants of any Territory to establish slavery within its limits if so disposed. In the year 1854, Mr. Lincoln, in a public debate with Mr. Douglas held at Springfield at the State fair, used this significant language:
“My distinguished10 friend says it is an insult to the emigrants12 to Kansas and Nebraska to suppose they are not able to govern themselves. We must not slur13 over an argument of this kind because it tickles14 the ear. It must be met and answered. I admit that the emigrant11 to Kansas and Nebraska is able to govern himself, but,” the speaker rising to his full height, “I deny his right to govern any other person WITHOUT THAT PERSON’S CONSENT.”
This was but a preliminary skirmish. Four years later came the memorable15 series of debates{150} between Lincoln and Douglas, each being the nominee16 of his party for the United States Senate. The platform on which Lincoln stood contained two significant planks17, and these furnished the key-note for the speeches called forth18 by the campaign. I quote them both, and I hope that my young friends will not skip them.
“3. The present administration has proved recreant19 to the trusts committed to its hands, and by its extraordinary, corrupt20, unjust, and undignified exertions21, to give effect to the original intention and purpose of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, by forcing upon the people of Kansas against their will, and in defiance22 of their known and earnestly-expressed wishes, a constitution recognizing slavery as one of their domestic institutions, it has forfeited23 all claim to the support of the friends of free men, free labor24, and free rights.”
“5. While we deprecate all interference on the part of political organizations with the action of the Judiciary, if such action is limited to its appropriate sphere, yet we can not refrain from expressing our condemnation25 of the principles and tendencies of the extra judicial26 opinions of a majority of the Judges of the Supreme27 Court of the{151} United States in the matter of Dred Scott, wherein the political heresy28 is put forth that the Federal Constitution extends slavery into all the Territories of the republic, and so maintains it that neither Congress nor people, through their territorial29 legislature, can by law abolish it. We hold that Congress possesses sovereign power over the Territories while they remain in a territorial condition, and that it is the duty of the General Government to protect the Territories from the curse of slavery, and to preserve the public domain30 for the occupation of free men and free labor. And we declare that no power on earth can carry and maintain slavery in the States against the will of the people and the provisions of their constitutions and laws; and we fully31 endorse32 the recent decision of the Supreme Court of our own State which declares ‘that property in persons is repugnant to the Constitution and laws of Illinois, and that all persons within its jurisdiction33 are supposed to be free; and that slavery, where it exists, is a municipal regulation without any extra territorial operation.’ ”
With the other points of difference we are not concerned. Whether slavery should or should not{152} be allowed to extend its blight34 over the virgin35 soil of the new Territories, and thus make its final extinction36 well-nigh impossible: that was the all-important issue, and not Illinois alone, but the country at large, was profoundly interested in the arguments of the two contestants37.
Which was likely to win?
It might have been supposed at the outset that Lincoln would find himself overmatched. He was hardly known outside his own State, though he had served two years in Congress. Douglas was a statesman of national reputation. For fifteen years he had been in the thick of the conflict. He was a recognized leader of his party, and already he was looked upon as a probable President at no distant period. In scholastic38 training he was far ahead of Mr. Lincoln. He was a forcible speaker, an adroit39 and experienced politician, and his recognized position lent a certain weight to his words which his opponent could not claim.
But, admitting all this, Mr. Douglas found himself confronted by no inferior antagonist40. Abraham Lincoln had a strong logical mind, quick to detect sophistry41 and bold to expose it. He had a fine command of language, a clear and pleasant{153} voice, and a power of sarcasm42 which he used with powerful execution at times. This is the way in which an intelligent correspondent speaks of his speech at Galesburg:
“For about forty minutes he spoke2 with a power which we have seldom heard equalled. There was a grandeur43 in his thoughts, a comprehensiveness in his arguments, and a binding44 force in his conclusions, which were perfectly45 irresistible46. The vast throng47 was silent as death, every eye was fixed48 upon the speaker, and all gave him serious attention. He was the tall man eloquent49; his countenance50 glowed with animation51, and his eye glistened52 with an intelligence that made it lustrous53. He was no longer awkward and ungainly; but graceful54, bold, and commanding.
“Mr. Douglas had been quietly smoking up to this time, but here he forgot his cigar and listened with anxious attention. When he rose to reply he appeared excited, disturbed, and his second effort seemed to us vastly inferior to his first. Mr. Lincoln had given him a great task, and Mr. Douglas had not time to answer him, even if he had the ability.”
Yet there were many points of resemblance between{154} the two contestants. Both had been cradled in poverty, and had fought their way upward from obscurity to distinction. Douglas had climbed the higher, but the topmost round of the ladder on which he had for some time fixed longing55 eyes, he was destined56 never to mount. He had sacrificed much to reach the crowning distinction, but it was not for him. His awkward, ungraceful opponent, obscure in comparison with him, was destined to stride past him and sit in the coveted seat of power. But the smaller prize—the Senatorship—was won by Douglas, though Lincoln carried the popular vote.
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1
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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2
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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3
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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4
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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5
impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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6
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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7
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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8
forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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9
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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10
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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11
emigrant
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| adj.移居的，移民的；n.移居外国的人，移民 | |
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12
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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13
slur
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| v.含糊地说；诋毁；连唱；n.诋毁；含糊的发音 | |
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14
tickles
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| （使）发痒( tickle的第三人称单数 )； （使）愉快，逗乐 | |
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15
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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16
nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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17
planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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18
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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recreant
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| n.懦夫；adj.胆怯的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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21
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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22
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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23
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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26
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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28
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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30
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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32
endorse
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| vt.(支票、汇票等)背书，背署；批注；同意 | |
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33
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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34
blight
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| n.枯萎病；造成破坏的因素；vt.破坏，摧残 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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36
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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37
contestants
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| n.竞争者，参赛者( contestant的名词复数 ) | |
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38
scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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39
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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40
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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41
sophistry
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| n.诡辩 | |
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42
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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43
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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44
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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45
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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46
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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47
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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48
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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49
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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50
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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51
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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52
glistened
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| v.湿物闪耀，闪亮( glisten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
lustrous
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| adj.有光泽的；光辉的 | |
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54
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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55
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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56
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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