STATES--A BLOT1 ON THE ESCUTCHEON--FAMOUS PASSAGE OF THE BALTIC.
On the 10th of November Jones sailed from Philadelphia to Havre in the packet Washington. Being detained by contrary winds, however, he put into Plymouth on the 30th of November, his first visit to England, save as an enemy, for many years. He there left the ship and went to London for a conference with Adams, the minister, who informed him that his dispatches for Franklin probably contained instructions for concluding the commercial treaty with England, and advised him to hasten. He therefore repaired immediately to Paris, where he arrived on the 4th of December. He was most kindly4 received by the Maréchal de Castries, the new Minister of Marine5, and by the king and queen. Society, too, welcomed him with open arms. He immediately set about the task which had been allotted6 to him, with his characteristic energy. For a year and a half he successfully combated the various efforts of the French Government to make deductions8 from the amount realized from the sale of the prizes on one pretext9 or another, and on the 23d of October, 1784, de Castries at last approved of the account.
There were further delays, as usual, and the matter dragged until January, 1785, when he wrote to de Castries as follows:
"From the great number of affairs more important that engage your attention, I presume this little matter which concerns me, in a small degree personally, but chiefly as the agent of the brave men who served under my orders in Europe, may have escaped your memory. My long silence is a proof that nothing but necessity could have prevailed on me to take the liberty of reminding your Excellency of your promise."
As usual, his persistence10 at last received its reward in the shape of an order on the Royal Auditor11 at L'Orient for the money. He set out for L'Orient in July, and there stirred up a further nest of troubles, which, however, he managed to triumph over by the display of his usual qualities, and at the end of September, 1785, the account, amounting to one hundred and eighty-one thousand livres, etc., was paid to him.[39] He charged no commission for collecting this money, but his expenses for the period of his sojourn13 in France were placed at the large sum of forty-eight thousand livres; to this was added thirteen thousand livres as his share of the prize money, making a total of sixty-one thousand livres, which he appropriated to himself. After paying certain persons then living in France who were entitled to share in the prize money, he turned over to Thomas Jefferson, who had succeeded Franklin, the sum of one hundred and twelve thousand livres, to be returned to the United States for the use of the officers and men entitled to participate in the distribution.
The charges that he made for his personal expenses were certainly very large, but there is not the slightest reason to infer, as has been insinuated14, that he falsified the account--every reason to think the contrary, in fact. I have no doubt that he actually spent all that he claimed to have done--probably more, for he was as apt to spend as he was to fight--but the amount is greatly in excess of what should have been properly expended15, or at least charged against the total for legitimate16 living expenses. As I have stated, however, he was supremely18 indifferent to money, his own or other people's, and it passed easily through his hands; although, so far as is known, he avoided debts and promptly19 paid his bills. He had great ideas as to the exalted20 nature of his position and the dignity of the country he represented, and he did not stint21 himself in anything. It was an expensive court, and he ruffled22 it royally with the best. He moved as an equal in an extravagant23 and gay society, and he allowed no considerations as to economy to restrain him from standing24 among the freest and highest. We need not censure25 him too severely26 in the premises27, for the account was afterward28 investigated by Congress and his expenditures29 approved.
During his long stay in France the fertile mind of the chevalier was busied with various projects to advance his fortunes, among which was a design which he conceived in conjunction with the famous navigator and explorer Ledyard, who had gone around the world with the more famous Captain Cook. The two men proposed to engage in the fur trade in the then comparatively unexplored and unknown waters of the Pacific Ocean. The affair assumed a considerable state of forwardness, but was finally dropped on account of lack of necessary funds, the expenses proving much greater than either of the projectors30 had imagined they would be. In view of the vast fortunes which have been made subsequently in pursuance of this very idea, the conception throws an interesting light upon the keen business quality of the commodore's mind.[40] As a light relaxation31 he had his bust32 made by the celebrated33 sculptor34 Houdon, copies of which he presented, with wide generosity35, to a number of his friends. The bust was made at the instance of the French Masonic lodge36 of Three Sisters, of which he was an honored member.
Early in 1787, upon the advice of Jefferson, he determined37 to repair to Denmark to see what he could do to further the payment of the claim for indemnity38, amounting to forty thousand pounds, caused by the delivery of the prizes of his famous squadron to the English at Bergen. He had reached Brussels on his journey to Copenhagen when he decided39 to return to America for two reasons: In the first place, Jefferson had no authority to approve the account of the commodore in the matter of prize money recently received from France. He had simply acted as a medium of transmittal of the balance handed him to the United States. The Treasury40 Board of Audit12, to which the account and the accompanying balance had been submitted, strongly disapproved41 of the large item covering personal expenses, and Jones, when he heard their views, felt it incumbent42 upon him to return to America immediately to insure the acceptance of his statement and the adjustment of the account. In the second place, another motive43 for his return was on account of lack of funds. He had expected to receive at Brussels remittances45 from some investments in bank stock in the United States to enable him to proceed to Copenhagen, but they were not forthcoming. It would appear that he had spent all of his prize money, etc., which indicates his careless extravagance in monetary47 matters.[41] Accordingly, he abandoned his Danish trip for the time, and returned to the United States in the spring of 1787.
His explanations of his personal expenditures, while they may not have convinced the auditors48, were apparently49 satisfactory to Congress, to which the matter had been referred, for his accounts were soon approved, and Congress did him a singular honor in passing the following resolutions, which certainly could never have been adopted if there had been in the minds of any of the members the least cloud upon his financial reputation:
"Resolved, That a medal of gold be struck, and presented to the Chevalier Paul Jones in commemoration of the valor50 and brilliant service of that officer in the command of a squadron of American and French ships under the flag and commission of the United States, off the coast of Great Britain, in the late war; and that the Honourable51 Mr. Jefferson, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the court of Versailles, have the same executed with the proper devices."
The fact that eight years had elapsed since the event commemorated52 shows that this action of Congress was not the result of any sudden enthusiasm, but was deliberate and therefore more valuable. In addition to this unique tribute to his worth and services, the same august body addressed the following personal letter to the king, Louis XVI:
"Great and beloved Friend: We, the United States, in Congress assembled, in consideration of the distinguished53 mark of approbation54 with which your Majesty55 has been pleased to honour the Chevalier John Paul Jones, as well as from a sense of his merit, have unanimously directed a medal of gold to be struck and presented to him, in commemoration of his valour and brilliant services while commanding a squadron of French and American ships, under our flag and commission, off the coast of Great Britain in the late war.
"As it is his earnest desire to acquire knowledge in his profession, we cannot forbear requesting your Majesty to permit him to embark56 in your fleets of evolution, where only it will be probably in his power to acquire that knowledge, which may hereafter render him most extensively useful.
"Permit us to repeat to your Majesty our sincere assurances that the various and important benefits for which we are indebted to your friendship will never cease to interest us in whatever may concern the happiness of your Majesty, your family, and people. We pray God to keep you, our great and beloved friend, under his holy protection.
"Done at the City of New York, the sixteenth day of October, in the year of our Lord 1787, and of our sovereignty and independence the twelfth."
This was presumably a reply to the official communication of De Sartine which has been cited before. So far as I know, Jones remains57 to this day the only officer so commended. Before this action of Congress he had written the following letter to Jay, the Secretary of State, which may have suggested the official letter to the French king:
"... My private business here being already finished, I shall in a few days re-embark for Europe, in order to proceed to the court of Denmark. It is my intention to go by the way of Paris, in order to obtain a letter to the French Minister at Copenhagen, from the Count de Montmorin, as the one I obtained is from the Count de Vergennes. It would be highly flattering to me if I could carry a letter with me from Congress to his most Christian58 Majesty, thanking him for the squadron he did us the honour to support under our flag. And on this occasion, sir, permit me, with becoming diffidence, to recall the attention of my sovereign to the letter of recommendation I brought with me from the court of France dated 30th of May, 1780. It would be pleasing to me if that letter should be found to merit a place on the journals of Congress. Permit me also to entreat59 that Congress will be pleased to read the letter I received from the Minister of Marine, when his Majesty deigned60 to bestow61 on me a golden-hilted sword, emblematical62 of the happy alliance, an honour which his Majesty never conferred on any other foreign officer. . . .
"It is certain that I am much flattered by receiving a gold sword from the most illustrious monarch63 now living; but I had refused to accept his commission on two occasions before that time, when some firmness was necessary to resist the temptation; he was not my sovereign. I served the cause of freedom, and honours from my sovereign would be more pleasing. Since the year 1775, when I displayed the American flag for the first time with my own hands, I have been constantly devoted64 to the interests of America. Foreigners have, perhaps, given me too much credit, and this may have raised my ideas of my services above their real value; but my zeal65 can never be overrated.
"I should act inconsistently if I omitted to mention the dreadful situation of our unhappy fellow citizens in slavery at Algiers. Their almost hopeless fate is a deep reflection on our national character in Europe. I beg leave to influence the humanity of Congress in their behalf, and to propose that some expedient66 may be adopted for their redemption. A fund might be raised for that purpose by a duty of a shilling per month from seamen's wages throughout the continent, and I am persuaded that no difficulty would be made to that requisition."
This is the first mention of a matter which had recently come to his notice, and ever after engaged his attention--the dreadful situation of the Americans held captive in the Barbary States. The first public agitation67 for the amelioration of their unfortunate condition came from him, and the glorious little struggle by which the United States, a few years after his death, broke the power of these pirates, and alone among the nations of the world made them respect a national flag, had its origin in the love and sympathy of Paul Jones for the prisoner wherever he might be--a significant fact generally forgotten.
On the 25th of October Congress passed some strong resolutions on the subject of the failure of Denmark to pay the claim referred to above, and instructed Jefferson to dispatch the Chevalier Paul Jones to prosecute68 the claim at the Danish court, stating, however, that no final settlement or adjustment must be made without the approval of the minister. There was a decided difference between the two commissions with which Congress honored Jones.
In the first instance, in France, he was simply to obtain what had been actually received by the French Government from the sale of certain prizes; the amount in question was not in negotiation69 save for some allowances or deductions which did not greatly affect the total one way or the other. In other words, he was simply to collect, if he could, a just and admitted debt, and, after deducting70 expenses, divide it in accordance with a certain recognized principle so far as his own share, or the share of any one in Europe, was concerned, and remit44 the balance to Congress for action. In the second instance, he was charged with the more delicate and responsible work of pressing a claim for heavy damages based on the estimated value of prizes which the Danish Government had illegally returned to their original owners, the whole transaction on their part constituting an unfriendly and unlawful act, which could easily be magnified into a casus belli. In the first case he was to collect a bill for forty thousand dollars; in the second, to secure an admittance of obligation, establish the justice of a claim for five times the first amount, and force a payment. The second commission was the more honorable because the more responsible, and is another proof of the continued and, in fact, increased confidence in him which was felt by Congress.
The propriety72, therefore, of associating him with Thomas Jefferson, by requiring the approval of the latter to any final settlements, can not be questioned. It can not be considered in any sense as a reflection upon Jones. It was the usual and common practice under such important circumstances to associate several negotiators to conduct the affair. The action was unfortunate, however, as it was made a pretext by the Danish Government for delaying the settlement. They had already compromised their contention73 of the legality of their action in giving up the ships by offering to settle with Franklin for ten thousand pounds, which offer had been refused.
One other incident of his stay in his country--the last visit he was destined74 to pay to it, by the way--brings upon the scene for the last time one of the principal actors in the drama of Jones' life. During his stay in New York, in the month of October, he was conversing75 with a friend while standing on Water Street, when Captain Landais, who had made his home in Brooklyn since his dismissal from the navy, approached them. Jones' back was turned, and when Mr. Milligan, his friend, told him of the advent76 of the Frenchman, he continued his conversation without turning around. Landais approached slowly, wearing a vindictive77 smile. When a few yards away from the two gentlemen, he halted, spat2 upon the pavement, remarked, "I spit in his face," and passed on. Mr. Milligan asked Jones if he had heard Landais' remark, and he replied that he had not. Nothing further was said about the incident at that time. Landais, however, circulated reports of the meeting derogatory to Jones' character, and in reply the chevalier published a statement of the occurrence signed by Mr. Milligan, and added that his respect for the public had induced him to establish the falsity of Landais' report by the testimony78 of the only witness present; he also stated that he should not condescend79 to take notice of anything further which might be said or done by his antagonist80. From this circumstance arose the rumor81 that he had been publicly insulted--caned, in fact--without resenting it![42]
During this period Jones, as usual, kept up his correspondence, especially with Madame de Telison, with whom his relations had evidently reached that intimate point to which I have referred on page 276. On June 23d she advised him of the death of her friend and protectress at court, the Marquise de Marsan. He wrote immediately, commending her to Jefferson, and at once dispatched the following letter to the lady herself:
"New York, September 4, 1787.
"No language can convey to my fair mourner the tender sorrow I feel on her account! The loss of our worthy82 friend is indeed a fatal stroke! It is an irreparable misfortune, which can only be alleviated83 by this one reflection, that it is the will of God, whose providence84 has, I hope, other blessings85 in store for us. She was a tried friend, and more than a mother to you! She would have been a mother to me also had she lived. We have lost her! Let us cherish her memory, and send up grateful thanks to the Almighty86 that we once had such a friend. I can not but flatter myself that you have yourself gone to the king in July, as he had appointed. I am sure your loss will be a new inducement for him to protect you, and render you justice. He will hear you, I am sure; and you may safely unbosom yourself to him and ask his advice, which can not but be flattering to him to give you. Tell him you must look on him as your father and protector. If it were necessary, I think, too, that the Count d'A----, his brother, would, on your personal application, render you good services by speaking in your favour. I should like it better, however, if you can do without him. Mr. Jefferson will show you my letter of this date to him. You will see by it how disgracefully I have been detained here by the Board of Treasury. It is impossible for me to stir from this place till I obtain their settlement on the business I have already performed; and, as the season is already far advanced, I expect to be ordered to embark directly for the place of my destination in the north. Mr. Jefferson will forward me your letters. I am almost without money, and much puzzled to obtain a supply. I have written to Dr. Bancroft to endeavour to assist me. I mention this with infinite regret, and for no other reason than because it is impossible for me to transmit you a supply under my present circumstances. This is my fifth letter to you since I left Paris. The two last were from France, and I sent them by duplicates. But you say nothing of having received any letters from me! Summon, my dear friend, all your resolution! Exert yourself, and plead your own cause. You can not fail of success; your cause would move a heart of flint! Present my best respects to your sister. You did not mention her in your letter, but I persuade myself she will continue her tender care of her sweet godson, and that you will cover him all over with kisses from me; they come warm to you both from the heart!"
The Count d'A---- referred to was the Count d'Artois, subsequently King Charles X. Madame de Telison was his natural aunt, and that Jones should fear any evil consequence to her from her speaking to him is a hideous87 commentary on the morals of the times. Mackenzie infers the possibility that the Marchioness de Marsan was really the mother of Madame de Telison, and from the assurance that she would have been a mother to him also, had she lived, he thinks it possible that Jones might have contemplated88 marrying his correspondent. The godson was possibly Jones' own child. Shortly after this, correspondence with Madame de Telison ceased temporarily. But when Jones finally returned to France their relations were resumed. Before he died he provided for her, and she was with him to the end.
On the 11th of November Jones left America for the last time, taking passage at New York on a vessel89 bound for Holland. He was landed in England, however, and after another interview with Adams at London, he repaired to Paris on the 11th of December, and presented his dispatches to Jefferson. Jefferson now communicated to him a project which had been under discussion between himself and de Simolin, the Russian ambassador at Versailles, looking to a demand for the services of Jones by the Empress Catherine II of Russia. Some recent disasters to the Russian fleet in the Black Sea in the war which she had been waging against the Turks had caused the minister to consider the possibility of securing the services of the distinguished sea captain. No definite action was taken by either party at that time, although Jones, after some persuasion90, expressed his willingness at least to consider the situation. Indeed, the prospects92 were sufficiently93 brilliant to have dazzled any man; but nothing came of the matter then. Jones had other business to attend to. At the close of January, 1788, he received his credentials94 from Jefferson, and on the morning of the 2d of February, the day of his departure for Denmark, he breakfasted with a Mr. Littlepage, chamberlain to the King of Poland, and the Russian Minister, who informed him that he had seriously proposed to his sovereign that Jones be intrusted with the command of the Black Sea fleet. He had, in fact, written to her as follows:
"That if her Imperial Majesty should confide71 to Jones the chief command of her fleet on the Black Sea, with carte blanche, he would answer for it that in less than a year Jones would make Constantinople tremble."
He also informed the commodore that the empress had been much impressed with the proposition, and was disposed to look favorably upon it.
Jones in reply said that he would undertake the command, under certain conditions, if the empress continued in the same mind, and set out with high hopes for Copenhagen. He reached that city on the 4th of March, and was royally received by the king and queen and principal people of the country; but in spite of every effort he found it utterly95 impossible to procure96 a satisfactory settlement of the claim. The shuffling97 Danish Government seized upon the flimsy pretext that he was not a plenipotentiary, since his powers were limited by the clause referred to above, and that since Congress had required that everything be referred to Paris, and final action should be taken at that point, there was no use negotiating with an agent. Completely thwarted98 in his attempts by this unfortunate clause, and having received a definite summons through Baron99 Krudner, the Russian ambassador at Copenhagen, to repair to Russia, Jones transferred the negotiations100 to Jefferson at Paris, which was, in fact, all he could do under the circumstances, and prepared to assume his new command.[43] On the 8th of April, 1788, he wrote to Jefferson as follows:
"Sir: By my letters to the Count de Bernstorf, and his excellency's answer, you see that my business here is at an end. If I have not finally concluded the object of my mission, it is neither your fault nor mine; the powers I received are found insufficient101, and you could not act otherwise than was prescribed in your instructions. Thus it frequently happens that good opportunities are lost when the supreme17 power does not place a sufficient confidence in the distant operations of public officers, whether civil or military. I have, however, the melancholy102 satisfaction to reflect that I have been received and treated here with a distinction far above the pretensions103 of my public mission, and I felicitate myself sincerely on being, at my own expense (and even at the peril104 of my life, for my sufferings from the inclemency105 of the weather, and my want of proper means to guard against it on the journey, were inexpressible; and I believe, from what I yet feel, will continue to affect my constitution), the instrument to renew the negotiation between this country and the United States; the more so as the honour is now reserved for you to display your great abilities and integrity by the completion and improvement of what Dr. Franklin had wisely begun. I have done, then, what perhaps no other person would have undertaken under the same circumstances; and while I have the consolation106 to hope that the United States will derive107 solid advantages from my journey and efforts here, I rest perfectly108 satisfied that the interests of the brave men I commanded will experience in you parental109 attention, and that the American flag can lose none of its lustre110, but the contrary, while its honour is confided111 to you. America being a young nation, with an increasing commerce, which will naturally produce a navy, I please myself with the hope that in the treaty you are about to conclude with Denmark you will find it easy and highly advantageous112 to include certain articles for admitting America into the armed neutrality. I persuade myself beforehand that this would afford pleasure to the Empress of Russia, who is at the head of that noble and humane113 combination; and as I shall now set out immediately for St. Petersburg, I will mention the idea to her Imperial Majesty and let you know her answer.
"If Congress should think I deserve the promotion114 that was proposed when I was last in America, and should condescend to confer on me the grade of rear admiral from the day I took the Serapis (23d of September, 1779), I am persuaded it would be very agreeable to the empress, who now deigns115 to offer me an equal rank in her service, although I never yet had the honour to draw my sword in her cause, nor to do any other act that could directly merit her imperial benevolence116. While I express, in the warm effusion of a grateful heart, the deep sense I feel of my eternal obligation to you as the author of the honourable prospect91 that is now before me, I must rely on your friendship to justify117 to the United States the important step I now take, conformable to your advice. You know I had no idea of this new fortune when I found that you had put it in train, before my last return to Paris from America. I have not forsaken118 a country that has had many disinterested119 and difficult proofs of my steady affection, and I can never renounce120 the glorious title of a citizen of the United States!
"It is true I have not the express permission of the sovereignty to accept the offer of her Imperial Majesty; yet America is independent, is in perfect peace, has no public employment for my military talents; but why should I excuse a conduct which I should rather hope would meet with general approbation? In the latter part of the year 1782 Congress passed an act for my embarkation121 in the fleet of his most Christian Majesty; and when, a few months ago, I left America to return to Europe, I was made the bearer of a letter to his most Christian Majesty requesting me to be permitted to embark in the fleets of evolution. Why did Congress pass those acts? To facilitate my improvement in the art of conducting fleets and military operations. I am, then, conforming myself to the views of Congress; but the role allotted me is infinitely122 more high and difficult than Congress intended. Instead of receiving lessons from able masters in the theory of war, I am called to immediate3 practice, where I must command in chief, conduct the most difficult operations, be my own preceptor, and instruct others. Congress will allow me some merit in daring to encounter such multiplied difficulties. The mark I mentioned of the approbation of that honourable body would be extremely flattering to me in the career I am now to pursue, and would stimulate123 all my ambition to acquire the necessary talents to merit that, and even greater favours, at a future day. I pray you, sir, to explain the circumstances of my situation, and be the interpreter of my sentiments to the United States in Congress. I ask for nothing; and beg leave to be understood only as having hinted, what is natural to conceive, that the mark of approbation I mentioned could not fail to be infinitely serviceable to my views and success in the country where I am going.
"The prince royal sent me a messenger, requesting me to come to his apartment. His royal highness said a great many civil things to me--told me the king thanked me for my attention and civil behaviour to the Danish flag while I commanded in the European seas, and that his Majesty wished for occasions to testify to me his personal esteem124, etc. I was alone with the prince half an hour. I am, with perfect esteem, etc."
It is a quaint125 letter, but not conspicuous126 for modesty127 on the part of the writer. But it is memorable128 for its passionate129 and determined assertion of citizenship130, and evidence that his entry into the Russian service, temporarily, was due not to his own motion, but to the suggestion of Thomas Jefferson, who highly approved of his acceptance of the offer of Catherine. Inasmuch as his action has been called in question, such approbation as that of Jefferson is of great value. Congress did not confer upon him the desired rank, as should have been done, and, besides, his statement was not quite correct.
Krudner had offered him the rank of captain commandant, equal to that of major general in the army, and placed at his disposal one thousand ducats for the expenses of his journey. He promptly demurred131 at the proposed rank of captain commandant, or major general, and refused to accept the sum offered for his traveling expenses. It was forced upon him by the insistence132 of Krudner, however, and he finally received it. He made no use of it at that time, keeping the money intact, and intending to return it in case he should find it necessary on his arrival in Russia to decline the proffered133 station. He made but few stipulations with her Majesty's agent before entering upon the journey to St. Petersburg, and these were that in the service of the empress he should never be compelled to bear arms against either the United States or France; that he should be at all times subject to recall by Congress; and, as we have seen in his letter to Jefferson, he was particular to assert that under no circumstances would he renounce "the glorious title of a citizen of the United States." The man of the world and the disinterested lover of human liberty had long since come to a local habitation and name, and henceforth he never failed to assert his citizenship in America.
As he left the court of Denmark and entered upon his journey to Russia he carried in his pocket a patent for a pension issued to him by the Danish Government for the sum of fifteen hundred crowns a year, which was presented to him as an acknowledgment of the "respect he had shown to the Danish flag while he commanded in the North Sea," etc.! Curiously135 enough, the pension is dated the day it was decided to transfer to Paris the negotiations which he had come to further. The transaction is a most peculiar136 one. The coincidence of dates is, to say the least, unfortunate. The reasons assigned are inadequate137, and the statement of cause is puerile138. For a negotiator to accept pecuniary139 reward from the person against whom he presses a claim is a very remarkable140 thing to do.
It has been urged in justification141 of his acceptance: First, that he never received any money from it, for the pension was never paid; that, however, was a fact which, while it was potential, was not then actual, and has no bearing upon his acceptance. Second, it has also been claimed that the pension was given because the Danish Government supposed such an evidence of appreciation142 of the qualities of her appointee would be acceptable to the empress; but if a nice sense of honor would dictate143 a refusal of the pension, the bestowal144 could not be considered a compliment, therefore the acceptance could not enhance his reputation. Third, it has been ingeniously surmised145 that his acceptance of the pension was for the purpose of committing the Danish Government to the payment of the claim; but if that were true, he should have communicated his acceptance and his reasons to Jefferson at once. The fact that the government absolutely refused to conclude negotiations with him, and that he was of necessity obliged to permit the transfer of the negotiations to Paris, takes away some of the odium which attaches to his action, yet it does not completely clear him. As the Russian prospect had matured he was more and more desirous of quitting Denmark, and the transfer of the claim to Paris quite accorded with his wishes.
This is the most painful incident in his career, and I am extremely sorry that it occurred. I do not suppose that he realized the situation quite as it is presented in these pages, or that he imagined it would have so damaging an effect upon his reputation when it became known. His valuation of his own services was so high that it was not difficult to persuade him--or for him to persuade himself--that he was entitled to a pension, or at least that it was not out of keeping with his merits. Though how he had ever shown any particular respect for the Danish flag when he commanded the Bon Homme Richard is a question.
Two circumstances incline me to believe that he was ashamed of it, however, and that he had no primary intention of making use of it. His vanity might lead him to treasure it as an evidence of appreciation, where his sense of honor would restrain him from enjoying it. Of these two circumstances, the first is that he never mentioned it to anybody for three years, and he was never chary146 of letting the news of evidences of appreciation be disseminated147; the second is that he made no attempt to draw anything on it until he was a sick, worn-out, broken man, some years after, when he looked at life under different circumstances and with different eyes. His letter to Jefferson, when he finally did communicate the news to him three years after, is as follows:
"The day before I left Copenhagen the Prince Royal had desired to speak with me in his apartment. His Royal Highness was extremely polite, and after saying many civil things remarked he hoped I was satisfied with the attention that had been shown to me since my arrival, and that the king would wish to give me some mark of his esteem. 'I have never had the happiness to render any service to his Majesty!' 'That is nothing; a man like you ought to be excepted from ordinary rules. You could not have shown yourself more delicate as regards our flag, and every person here loves you.' I took leave without further explanation. I have felt myself in an embarrassing situation with regard to the king's patent, and I have not yet made use of it, though three years have nearly elapsed since I received it."
It is all that he could say for himself. I am glad he had the grace at last to be ashamed. That is the best defense148 that I can make for him, and I can only close the reference to this unpleasant incident by saying again that I am very sorry indeed that it occurred.
About the middle of April, 1788, he set forth46 for Stockholm, where, on account of his desire to reach St. Petersburg without delay, he remained but a few hours, and then pressed on to Grislehamn (Gresholm), Sweden, the nearest port to the Aland Islands, via which he hoped to cross the Gulf149 of Bothnia and reach Russia. The ice, however, was so thick that he found it impossible to cross the gulf or even to reach the islands, so he determined to pass through the open Baltic Sea to the southward. He hired an open boat about thirty feet long, and, taking a smaller boat in tow, to be used in case of emergency, he started upon a journey which proved to be one of the most romantic and adventurous150 of his whole career. Realizing that in the severe winter weather prevailing151 it would be impossible to get boatmen to attempt the passage, he carefully concealed152 his destination from the men whom he had employed to ferry him over.
Having first attempted once more to reach the Aland Islands, and thence proceed to the Gulf of Finland, and being balked153 as before by heavy masses of drifting ice, he started to the southward between the Swedish shore and the ice floes, which, being driven toward Sweden by a strong east wind, scarcely left him a sufficient channel to pass in safety. By nightfall he was nearly opposite Stockholm, and the water seemed clear enough to seaward for him to attempt to cross. The men, by this time alarmed for their safety, determined, in defiance154 of his orders, to put into Stockholm; but Jones, seizing the helm himself and drawing his pistols, resolutely155 commanded them to beat out to sea and obey his orders under pain of instant death. He was not a man to be trifled with by a few Swedish boatmen, and by his directions the terrified men headed the boat offshore156. The wind fortunately shifted to the westward157, and during the whole of the long night, in the midst of a driving snowstorm, they threaded their way through the floating ice, steering158 for the Gulf of Finland.
Jones had a pocket compass, and the lantern from his traveling carriage enabled him to choose the course. He naturally took command of the boats himself. The next day, baffled again by the ice in an attempt to land on the north shore of the Gulf of Finland, they continued to the westward and southward under circumstances of extreme danger and hardship. The second night was worse than the first. The wind came in violent squalls, and the cold was intense. The second boat was crushed in the ice floes, and the men in it rescued with great difficulty. Their own boat narrowly escaped being crushed between the huge pieces of ice or swamped in the squalls on several occasions. Only by Jones' seamanship and rare skill did they avoid one or the other danger. The men were so terrified as to be helpless between the storm, the cold, and the thought of the incarnate159 little demon160 who sat grimly in the stern sheets, pistol in hand, and neither slept nor took rest apparently, and who handled the boat with as much dexterity161 as if it had been a toy. One thinks instinctively162 of the little bark which could not sink because it carried C?sar and his fortunes.
At any rate, after four days of incredible difficulties the passage was made, and the boat landed at Reval, a Russian port on the southern shore of the Gulf of Finland. They had sailed in one way and another about five hundred miles. Those who had known of his departure from Sweden had no thought but that he and all with him had perished in the attempt. He was, as he stated to Jefferson, in wretched health, and the exposure alone might have killed him. That he went on is highly characteristic of him, and exhibits his entire indifference163 to personal hardships. The passage presents a fine evidence of his audacity164. When he determined to do a thing, he never allowed anything to stop him. Having paid the boatmen for the loss of their boat, and remunerated them handsomely for their labors165, he dismissed them to return at their leisure, and proceeded to the Russian court, where he arrived on the fourth day of May. His great reputation, his adventurous passage, his strange and attractive personality, and the fact that he stood high in the good graces and enjoyed the favor of the empress, rendered him an object of universal interest and attraction.
On the 6th of May he was presented to the empress, who immediately conferred upon him the rank he coveted166, of rear admiral. Catherine treated him with such distinction that he states in his journal that "I was overcome by her courtesies (je me laissai seduire), and put myself into her hands without making any stipulation134 for my personal advantage. I demanded but one favor, that I should never be condemned167 unheard." Poor fellow! It was the one right--not favor, but rights went by favor then in Russia--which was not accorded him. He little knew what the future that looked so promising168 had in store for him, but for the present everything was most delightful169. He remained, recuperating170 and preparing for his command, for two weeks, during which period he was magnificently entertained by the highest nobility of Russia and the distinguished foreigners in attendance at the court. Among his papers the cards of many of them are still preserved. There was one exception to his welcome. The English officers in the service of Catherine, and they were many in number and high in quality, affected171 to describe him as a pirate and a smuggler172, and are said to have threatened to resign in a body rather than serve under his command. While I have no doubt as to their feelings, I think it improbable that the threat was ever seriously meant, or that it reached the ears of the empress, for two reasons: first, it was apparently never contemplated that Jones should command the Cronstadt fleet, in which those Englishmen who were highest in rank and reputation were stationed--he had been designated for the Black Sea fleet, and specifically called into service to war against the Turks; and second, it is extremely unlikely that they should have carried such a threat to the throne, for Catherine was not one whom it was safe to threaten for a moment. Such an action in all probability would have resulted in an apology and retraction173, or a call for a resignation. It is most improbable that the English protesters would have relinquished174 the honorable and lucrative175 positions to which they had attained176 in the Russian service, with the great opportunities of advancement177 and pecuniary reward presented, for such a cause. As a matter of fact, Englishmen did serve with credit under Jones' command in the Black Sea, and we hear of no resignations from his squadron there. The story may have gained currency by the gossipy repetition of indiscreet remarks about the court, and from the fact that thirty of the English-Russian officers signed a memorial addressed to Admiral Grieg, their senior in rank, threatening various things if they were associated with Jones. It is hardly possible, however, that Catherine ever saw or heard the petition. At any rate, nothing came of it. Jones enjoyed the anger of the English--he would not have been human if he had not--but as for the rest, he snapped his fingers at them. He could afford to defy them at that hour. He was then in the "high topgallant of his fortunes." In a letter to Lafayette he writes, apropos178 of this feeling:
"The empress received me with a distinction the most flattering that perhaps any stranger can boast of. On entering into the Russian service her Majesty conferred on me immediately the grade of rear admiral. I was detained against my will a fortnight, and continually feasted at court, and in the first society. This was a cruel grief to the English, and I own that their vexation, which I believe was general in and about St. Petersburg, gave me no pain."
As I have said, I have no doubt as to the feelings of the English officers.
On the 18th of May the admiral left St. Petersburg for Elizabethgrad, the headquarters of Patiomkine. In addition to the sum recently received from Krudner, he was provided with an other purse of two thousand ducats for the expenses of his journey, and his salary was fixed179 at eighteen hundred roubles a year.[44] As he started for the Black Sea, Catherine handed him this letter:
"Sir: A courier from Paris has just brought from my envoy180 in France, M. de Simolin, the inclosed letter to Count Besborodko. As I believe that this letter may help to confirm to you what I have already told you verbally, I have sent it, and beg you to return it, as I have not even had it copied, so anxious am I that you should see it. I hope that it will efface181 all doubts from your mind, and prove to you that you are to be connected only with those who are most favorably disposed toward you. I have no doubt that, on your side, you will fully7 justify the opinion which we have formed of you, and apply yourself with zeal to support the reputation you have acquired, for valor and skill, on the element on which you are to serve.
"Adieu! I wish you happiness and health.
"Catherine."
The letter to Besborodko referred to by Catherine was a request from Patiomkine that Jones might be induced to come immediately to his headquarters, that his talents might be employed in the approaching campaign. Patiomkine promised to to do all in his power to give him an opportunity for displaying his ability and courage,[45] Jones had protested against being under anybody; Catherine refused to consider his protest, hence the reason for her farewell epistle and her inclosure of Patiomkine's promise to be all that he should be to Jones. He arrived at Elizabethgrad on the 30th of May and was most kindly received. But before entering upon the story of his campaign it will be well to consider the situation of the country in which he found himself, and the characters of those with whom he was to be associated in service.
Note with reference to the Danish pension.
The most recent biographer of Paul Jones, whose book was issued simultaneously182 with this one, makes no mention of the Danish pension, and states that his reasons for omitting any reference to it were "because it was never accepted, never paid, and never was intended to be paid." I am forced to disagree with this statement. Certainly, it never was paid, though what the Danish government may have intended it is impossible to say. Probably if Jones had continued in favor in Russia the pension would have been paid. Certainly the commodore accepted the pension, and he endeavored to procure its payment, and estimated it as an asset in the schedule of property which accompanied his will. See Appendix V, page 473.
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1
blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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2
spat
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| n.口角，掌击；v.发出呼噜呼噜声 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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7
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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deductions
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| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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auditor
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| n.审计员，旁听着 | |
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12
audit
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| v.审计；查帐；核对；旁听 | |
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13
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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14
insinuated
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| v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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15
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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16
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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17
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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18
supremely
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| adv.无上地，崇高地 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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20
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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21
stint
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| v.节省，限制，停止；n.舍不得化，节约，限制；连续不断的一段时间从事某件事 | |
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22
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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23
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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25
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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expenditures
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| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
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30
projectors
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| 电影放映机，幻灯机( projector的名词复数 ) | |
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31
relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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bust
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| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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sculptor
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| n.雕刻家，雕刻家 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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41
disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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43
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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44
remit
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| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
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45
remittances
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| n.汇寄( remittance的名词复数 )；汇款，汇款额 | |
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46
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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47
monetary
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| adj.货币的，钱的；通货的；金融的；财政的 | |
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48
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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49
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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50
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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51
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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52
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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54
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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55
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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56
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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57
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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58
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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59
entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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60
deigned
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| v.屈尊，俯就( deign的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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62
emblematical
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| adj.标志的，象征的，典型的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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64
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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66
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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67
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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68
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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70
deducting
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| v.扣除，减去( deduct的现在分词 ) | |
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71
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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72
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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73
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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74
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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76
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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78
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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79
condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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80
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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81
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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82
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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83
alleviated
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| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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85
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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86
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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87
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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88
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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89
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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90
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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91
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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92
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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93
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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94
credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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95
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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96
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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97
shuffling
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| adj. 慢慢移动的, 滑移的 动词shuffle的现在分词形式 | |
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98
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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99
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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100
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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101
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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102
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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103
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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104
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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105
inclemency
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| n.险恶，严酷 | |
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106
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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107
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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108
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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109
parental
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| adj.父母的；父的；母的 | |
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110
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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111
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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112
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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113
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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114
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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115
deigns
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| v.屈尊，俯就( deign的第三人称单数 ) | |
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116
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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117
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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118
Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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119
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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120
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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121
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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122
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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123
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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124
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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125
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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126
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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127
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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128
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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129
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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130
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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131
demurred
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| v.表示异议，反对( demur的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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133
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
stipulation
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| n.契约，规定，条文；条款说明 | |
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135
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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136
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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137
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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138
puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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139
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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140
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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141
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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142
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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143
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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144
bestowal
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| 赠与，给与； 贮存 | |
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145
surmised
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的过去式和过去分词 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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146
chary
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| adj.谨慎的，细心的 | |
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147
disseminated
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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148
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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149
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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150
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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151
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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152
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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153
balked
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| v.畏缩不前，犹豫( balk的过去式和过去分词 )；（指马）不肯跑 | |
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154
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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155
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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156
offshore
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| adj.海面的，吹向海面的；adv.向海面 | |
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157
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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158
steering
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| n.操舵装置 | |
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159
incarnate
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| adj.化身的，人体化的，肉色的 | |
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160
demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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161
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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162
instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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163
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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164
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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165
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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166
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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167
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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168
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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169
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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170
recuperating
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| v.恢复（健康、体力等），复原( recuperate的现在分词 ) | |
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171
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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172
smuggler
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| n.走私者 | |
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173
retraction
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| n.撤消；收回 | |
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174
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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175
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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176
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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177
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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178
apropos
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| adv.恰好地；adj.恰当的；关于 | |
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179
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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180
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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181
efface
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| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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182
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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