From the optical labours of Newton we now proceed to the history of his astronomical discoveries—those transcendent deductions3 of human reason by which he has secured to himself an immortal4 name, and vindicated5 the intellectual dignity of his species. Pre-eminent6 as his triumphs have been, it would be unjust to affirm that they were achieved by his single arm. The torch of many a preceding age had thrown its light into the strongholds of the material universe, and the grasp of many a powerful hand had pulled down the most impregnable of its defences. An alliance, indeed, of many kindred spirits had been long struggling in this great cause, and Newton was but the leader of their mighty7 phalanx,—the director of their combined genius,—the general who won the victory, and therefore wears its laurels8.
The history of science presents us with no example of an individual mind throwing itself far in advance of its contemporaries. It is only in the career of crime and ambition that reckless man takes the start of his species, and, uncurbed by moral and religious restraint, erects9 an unholy dynasty upon the ruins of ancient and venerable institutions. The achievements of intellectual power, though often begun by one mind and completed by another, have ever been the results of combined exertions10. Slow in their growth, they gradually approximate to a more perfect condition:—the variety111 in the phenomena11 of nature call forth12 a variety of intellectual gifts;—the powers of analysis and combination are applied13 to the humbler labours of observation and experiment, and in the ordeal15 of rival inquiry16 truth is finally purified from error. How different is it with those systems which the imagination rears,—those theories of wild import which are directed against the consciences and hopes of man. The fatal upas-tree distils17 its poison in the spring as well as the autumn of its growth, but the fruit which sustains life must have its bud prepared before the approach of winter, its blossom expanded in the spring, and its juices elaborated by the light and heat of the summer and the autumnal sun.
In the century which preceded the birth of Newton the science of astronomy advanced with the most rapid steps. Emerging from the darkness of the middle ages, the human mind seemed to rejoice in its new-born strength, and to apply itself with elastic19 vigour20 to unfold the mechanism21 of the heavens. The labours of Hipparchus and Ptolemy had indeed furnished many important epochs and supplied many valuable data; but the cumbrous appendages22 of cycles and epicycles with which they explained the stations and retrogradations of the planets, and the vulgar prejudices which a false interpretation23 of Scripture24 had excited against a belief in the motion of the earth, rendered it difficult even for great minds to escape from the trammels of authority, and appeal to the simplicity25 of nature.
The sovereign of Castile, the generous and noble-minded Alphonso, had long before proscribed26 the rude expedients27 of his predecessors28; and when he declared that if the heavens were thus constituted, he could have given the Deity29 good advice, he must not only have felt the absurdity30 of the prevailing31 system, but must have obtained some foresight32 of a more simple arrangement. But neither he nor the astronomers33 whom he so liberally protected seem to112 have established a better system, and it was left to Copernicus to enjoy the dignity of being the restorer of astronomy.
This great man, a native of Thorn in Prussia, following his father’s profession, began his career as a doctor of medicine, but an accidental attendance on the mathematical lectures of Brudzevius excited a love for astronomy, which became the leading passion of his life. Quitting a profession uncongenial to such pursuits, he went to Bologna to study astronomy under Dominic Maria; and after having enjoyed the friendship and instruction of that able philosopher, he established himself at Rome in the humble14 situation of a teacher of mathematics. Here he made numerous astronomical observations which served him as the basis of future researches; but an event soon occurred which, though it interrupted for a while his important studies, placed him in a situation for pursuing them with new zeal35. The death of one of the canons enabled his uncle, who was Bishop36 of Ermeland, to appoint him to a canonry in the chapter of Frauenburg, where, in a house situated37 on the brow of a mountain, he continued, in peaceful seclusion38, to carry on his astronomical observations. During his residence at Rome his talents had been so well appreciated, that the Bishop of Fossombrona, who presided over the council for reforming the calendar, solicited39 the aid of Copernicus in this desirable undertaking40. At first he entered warmly into the views of the council, and charged himself with the determination of the length of the year and of the month, and of the other motions of the sun and moon that seemed to be required; but he found the task too irksome, and probably felt that it would interfere41 with those interesting discoveries which had already begun to dawn upon his mind.
Copernicus is said to have commenced his inquiries42 by an historical examination of the opinions of113 ancient authors on the system of the universe; but it is more likely that he sought for the authority of their great names to countenance43 his peculiar44 views, and that he was more desirous to present his own theory as one that he had received, rather than as one which he had invented. His mind had been long imbued45 with the idea that simplicity and harmony should characterize the arrangements of the planetary system, and, in the complication and disorder46 which reigned47 in the hypothesis of Ptolemy, he saw insuperable objections to its being regarded as a representation of nature. In the opinions of the Egyptian sages49, in those of Pythagoras, Philolaus, Aristarchus, and Nicetas, he recognised his own earliest conviction that the earth was not the centre of the universe; but he appears to have considered it as still possible that our globe might perform some function in the system more important than that of the other planets; and his attention was much occupied with the speculation50 of Martianus Capella, who placed the sun between Mars and the moon, and made Mercury and Venus revolve51 round him as a centre; and with the system of Apollonius Perg?us, who made all the planets revolve round the sun, while the sun and moon were carried round the earth in the centre of the universe. The examination, however, of these hypotheses gradually dispelled52 the difficulties with which the subject was beset53; and after the labours of more than thirty years, he was permitted to see the true system of the heavens. The sun he considered as immoveable in the centre of the system, while the earth revolved54 between the orbits of Venus and Mars, and produced by its rotation55 about its axis56 all the diurnal57 phenomena of the celestial58 sphere. The precession of the equinoxes was thus referred to a slight motion of the earth’s axis, and the stations and retrogradations of the planets were the necessary consequence of their own motions combined114 with that of the earth about the sun. These remarkable59 views were supported by numerous astronomical observations; and in 1530 Copernicus brought to a close his immortal work on the Revolutions of the Heavenly Bodies.
But while we admire the genius which triumphed over so many difficulties, we cannot fail to commend the extraordinary prudence60 with which he ushered61 his new system into the world. Aware of the prejudices, and even of the hostility62 with which such a system would be received, he resolved neither to startle the one nor provoke the other. He allowed his opinions to circulate in the slow current of personal communication. The points of opposition63 which they presented to established doctrines64 were gradually worn down, and they insinuated66 themselves into reception among the ecclesiastical circles by the very reluctance68 of their author to bring them into notice. In the year 1534, Cardinal69 Schonberg, Bishop of Capua, and Gyse, Bishop of Culm, exerted all their influence to induce Copernicus to lay his system before the world; but he resisted their solicitations; and it was not till 1539 that an accidental circumstance contributed to alter his resolution. George Rheticus, professor of mathematics at Wirtemberg, having heard of the labours of Copernicus, resigned his chair, and repaired to Frauenberg to make himself master of his discoveries. This zealous70 disciple71 prevailed upon his master to permit the publication of his system; and they seem to have arranged a plan for giving it to the world without alarming the vigilance of the church, or startling the prejudices of individuals. Under the disguise of a student of mathematics, Rheticus published in 1540 an account of the manuscript volume of Copernicus. This pamphlet was received without any disapprobation, and its author was encouraged to reprint it at Basle, in 1541, with his own name. The success of these publications, and the flattering115 manner in which the new astronomy was received by several able writers, induced Copernicus to place his MSS. in the hands of Rheticus. It was accordingly printed at the expense of Cardinal Schonberg, and appeared at Nuremberg in 1543. Its illustrious author, however, did not live to peruse72 it. A complete copy was handed to him in his last moments, and he saw and touched it a few hours before his death. This great work was dedicated73 to the Holy Pontiff, in order, as Copernicus himself says, that the authority of the head of the church might silence the calumnies74 of individuals who had attacked his views by arguments drawn75 from religion. Thus introduced, the Copernican system met with no ecclesiastical opposition, and gradually made its way in spite of the ignorance and prejudices of the age.
Among the astronomers who provided the materials of the Newtonian philosophy the name of Tycho Brahe merits a conspicuous76 place. Descended77 from an ancient Swedish family, he was born at Knudstorp, in Norway, in 1546, three years after the death of Copernicus. The great eclipse of the sun which happened on the 26th August, 1560, while he was at the University of Copenhagen, attracted his notice: and when he found that all its phenomena had been accurately78 predicted, he was seized with the most irresistible79 passion to acquire the knowledge of a science so infallible in its results. Destined80 for the profession of the law, his friends discouraged the pursuit which now engrossed81 his thoughts; and such were the reproaches and even persecutions to which he was exposed, that he quitted his country with the design of travelling through Germany. At the very commencement of his journey, however, an event occurred in which the impetuosity of his temper had nearly cost him his life. At a wedding-feast in Rostock, a questionable83 point in geometry involved him in a dispute116 with a Danish nobleman of the same temperament84 with himself; and the two mathematicians85 resolved to settle the difference by the sword. Tycho, however, seems to have been second in the conflict, for he lost the greater part of his nose, and was obliged to supply its place by a substitute of gold and silver, which a cement of glue attached to his face. During his stay at Augsburg he inspired the burgomaster of the city, Peter Hainzell, with a love of astronomy. This public-spirited citizen erected87 an excellent observatory88 at his own expense, and here Tycho began that distinguished89 career which has placed him in the first rank of practical astronomers.
Upon his return to Copenhagen in 1570, he was received with every mark of respect. The king invited him to court, and persons of all ranks harassed90 him with their attentions. At Herritzvold, near his native place, the house of his maternal91 uncle afforded him a retreat from the gayeties of the capital, and he was there offered every accommodation for the prosecution92 of his astronomical studies. Here, however, the passion of love and the pursuits of alchymy distracted his thoughts; but though the peasant girl of whom he was enamoured was of easier attainment93 than the philosopher’s stone, the marriage produced an open quarrel with his relations, which it required the interference of the king to allay94. In the tranquillity95 of domestic happiness, Tycho resumed his study of the heavens, and in 1572 he enjoyed the singular good fortune of observing, through all its variations, the new star in Cassiopeia, which appeared with such extraordinary splendour as to be visible in the daytime, and which gradually disappeared in the following year.
Dissatisfied with his residence in Denmark, Tycho resolved to settle in some distant country; and having gone as far as Venice in search of a suitable residence, he at last fixed96 upon Basle, in Switzerland.117 The King of Denmark, however, had learned his intention from the Prince of Hesse; and when Tycho returned to Copenhagen to remove his family and his instruments, his sovereign announced to him his resolution to detain him in his kingdom. He presented him with the canonry of Roschild, with an income of 2000 crowns per annum. To this he added a pension of 1000 crowns; and he promised to give him the island of Huen, with a complete observatory erected under his own eye. This generous offer was instantly accepted. The celebrated97 observatory of Uraniburg was established at the expense of about 20,000l.; and in this magnificent retreat Tycho continued for twenty-one years to enrich astronomy with the most valuable observations. Admiring disciples98 crowded to this sanctuary99 of the sciences to acquire the knowledge of the heavens; and kings34 and princes felt themselves honoured by becoming the guests of the great astronomer34 of the age.
One of the principal discoveries of Tycho was that of the inequality of the moon’s motion, called the variation. He detected, also, the annual equation which affects the place of her apogee100 and nodes, and he determined101 the greatest and the least inclination102 of the lunar orbit. His observations on the planets were numerous and precise, and have formed the data of the present generalizations103 in astronomy.118 Though thus skilful104 in the observation of phenomena, his mind was but little suited to investigate their cause, and it was probably owing to this defect that he rejected the system of Copernicus. The vanity of giving his own name to another system was not likely to actuate a mind such as his, and it was more probable that he was led to adopt the immobility of the earth, and to make the sun, with all his attendant planets, circulate round it, from the great difficulty which still presented itself by comparing the apparent diameter of the stars with the annual parallax of the earth’s orbit.
The death of Frederick in 1588 proved a severe calamity105 to Tycho, and to the science which he cultivated. During the first years of the minority of Christian106 IV. the regency continued the royal patronage107 to the observatory of Uraniburg; and in 1592 the young king paid a visit of some days to Tycho, and left him a gold chain in token of his favour. The astronomer, however, had made himself enemies at court, and the envy of his high reputation had probably added fresh malignity108 to the irritation109 of personal feelings. Under the ministry110 of Wolchendorf, a name for ever odious111 to science, Tycho’s pension was stopped;—he was in 1597 deprived of the canonry of Roschild, and was thus forced, with his wife and children, to seek an asylum112 in a foreign land. His friend, Henry Rantzau, of Wansbeck, under whose roof he found a hospitable113 shelter, was fortunately acquainted with the emperor Rodolph II., who, to his love of science, added a passion for alchymy and astrology. The reputation of Tycho having already reached the imperial ear, the recommendation of Rantzau was scarcely necessary to ensure him his warmest friendship. Invited by the emperor, he repaired in 1599 to Prague, where he met with the kindest reception. A pension of three thousand crowns was immediately settled upon him, and a commodious114 observatory erected for his use119 in the vicinity of that city. Here the exiled astronomer renewed with delight his interrupted labours, and the gratitude115 which he cherished for the royal favour increased the satisfaction which he felt in having so unexpectedly found a resting-place for approaching age. These prospects116 of better days were enhanced by the good fortune of receiving two such men as Kepler and Longomontanus for his pupils; but the fallacy of human anticipation117 was here, as in so many other cases, strikingly displayed. Tycho was not aware of the inroads which both his labours and his disappointments had made upon his constitution. Though surrounded with affectionate friends and admiring disciples, he was still an exile in a foreign land. Though his country had been base in its ingratitude118, it was yet the land which he loved,—the scene of his earliest affection,—the theatre of his scientific glory. These feelings continually preyed119 upon his mind, and his unsettled spirit was ever hovering120 among his native mountains. In this condition he was attacked with a disease of the most painful kind, and though the paroxysms of its agonies had lengthened121 intermissions, yet he saw that death was approaching. He implored122 his pupils to persevere123 in their scientific labours. He conversed124 with Kepler on some of the profoundest points of astronomy, and with these secular126 occupations he mingled127 frequent acts of piety128 and devotion. In this happy condition he expired without pain at the age of fifty-five, the unquestionable victim of the councils of Christian IV.
Notwithstanding the accessions which astronomy had received from the labours of Copernicus and Tycho, no progress was yet made in developing the general laws of the system, and scarcely an idea had been formed of the power by which the planets were retained in their orbits. The labours of assiduous observers had supplied the materials for this120 purpose, and Kepler arose to lay the foundations of physical astronomy.
John Kepler was born at Wiel, in Wirtemberg, in 1571. He was educated for the church, and discharged even some of the clerical functions; but his devotion to science withdrew him from the study of theology. Having received mathematical instruction from the celebrated M?stlinus, he had made such progress in the science, that he was invited in 1594 to fill the mathematical chair of Gratz in Styria. Endowed with a fertile imagination, his mind was ever intent upon subtle and ingenious speculations129. In the year 1596 he published his peculiar views in a work on the Harmonies and Analogies of Nature. In this singular production, he attempts to solve what he calls the great cosmographical mystery of the admirable proportion of the planetary orbits; and by means of the six regular geometrical solids,35 he endeavours to assign a reason why there are six planets, and why the dimensions of their orbits and the time of their periodical revolutions were such as Copernicus had found them. If a cube, for example, were inserted in a sphere, of which Saturn130’s orbit was one of the great circles, it would, he supposed, touch by its six planes the lesser131 sphere of Jupiter; and, in like manner, he proposes to determine, by the aid of the other geometrical solids, the magnitude of the spheres of the other planets. A copy of this work was presented by its author to Tycho Brahe, who had been too long versed125 in the severe realities of observation to attach any value to such wild theories. He advised his young friend “first to lay a solid foundation for his views by actual observation, and then, by ascending132 from these, to strive to reach the causes of things;” and there is reason to think that, by the aid of the whole Baconian philosophy, thus compressed121 by anticipation into a single sentence, he abandoned for a while his visionary inquiries.
In the year 1598 Kepler suffered persecution82 for his religious principles, and was compelled to quit Gratz; but though he was recalled by the States of Styria, he felt his situation insecure, and accepted of a pressing invitation from Tycho to settle at Prague, and assist him in his calculations. Having arrived in Bohemia in 1600, he was introduced by his friends to the Emperor Rodolph, from whom he ever afterward133 received the kindest attention. On the death of Tycho in 1601, he was appointed mathematician86 to the emperor,—a situation in which he was continued during the successive reigns134 of Matthias and Ferdinand; but what was of more importance to science, he was put in possession of the valuable collection of Tycho’s observations. These observations were remarkably135 numerous; and as the orbit of Mars was more oval than that of any of the other planets, they were peculiarly suitable for determining its real form. The notions of harmony and symmetry in the construction of the solar system, which had filled the mind of Kepler, necessarily led him to believe that the planets revolved with a uniform motion in circular orbits. So firm, indeed, was this conviction, that he made numerous attempts to represent the observations of Tycho by this hypothesis. The deviations136 were too great to be ascribed to errors of observation; and in trying various other curves, he was led to the discovery that Mars revolved round the sun in an elliptical orbit, in one of the foci of which the sun itself was placed. The same observations enabled him to determine the dimensions of the planet’s orbit, and by comparing together the times in which Mars passed over different portions of its orbit, he found that they were to one another as the areas described by the lines drawn from the centre of the planet to the centre of the sun, or, in more technical terms, that122 the radius137 vector describes equal areas in equal times. These two remarkable discoveries, the first that were ever made in physical astronomy, were extended to all the other planets of the system, and were communicated to the world in 1609, in his “Commentaries on the Motions of the Planet Mars, as deduced from the observations of Tycho Brahe.”
Although our author was conducted to these great laws by the patient examination of well-established facts, his imagination was ever hurrying him among the wilds of conjecture138. Convinced that the mean distances of the planets from the sun bore to one another some mysterious relation, he not only compared them with the regular geometrical solids, but also with the intervals139 of musical tones; an idea which the ancient Pythagoreans had suggested, and which had been adopted by Archimedes himself. All these comparisons were fruitless; and Kepler was about to abandon an inquiry of about seventeen years’ duration, when, on the 8th March, 1618, he conceived the idea of comparing the powers of the different members which express the planetary distances, in place of the numbers themselves. He compared the squares and the cubes of the distances with the same powers of the periodic times; nay140, he tried even the squares of the times with the cubes of the distances; but his hurry and impatience141 led him into an error of calculation, and he rejected this law as having no existence in nature! On the 15th May, his mind again reverted142 to the same notion, and upon making the calculations anew, and free from error, he discovered the great law, that the squares of the periodic times of any two planets are to one another as the cubes of their distances from the sun. Enchanted143 with this unexpected result, he could scarcely trust his calculations; and, to use his own language, he at first believed that he was dreaming, and had taken for granted the very truth of which he was in search. This brilliant discovery was published123 in 1619, in his “Harmony of the World;” a work dedicated to James VI. of Scotland. Thus were established what have been called the three laws of Kepler,—the motion of the planets in elliptical orbits,—the proportionality between the areas described and their times of description,—and the relations between the squares of the periodic times and the cubes of the distances.
The relation of the movements of the planets to the sun, as the general centre of all their orbits, could not fail to suggest to Kepler that some power resided in that luminary144 by which these various motions were produced; and he went so far as to conjecture that this power diminishes as the square of the distance of the body on which it was exerted; but he immediately rejects this law, and prefers that of the simple distances. In his work on Mars, he speaks of gravity as a mutual145 and corporeal146 affection between similar bodies. He maintained that the tides were occasioned by the moon’s attraction, and that the irregularities of the lunar motions, as detected by Tycho, were owing to the joint147 actions of the sun and the earth; but the relation between gravity, as exhibited on the earth’s surface, and as conducting the planets in their orbits, required more patience of thought than he could command, and was accordingly left for the exercise of higher powers.
The misery148 in which Kepler lived forms a painful contrast with the services which he performed to science. The pension on which he subsisted149 was always in arrears150, and though the three emperors whose reigns he adorned151 directed their ministers to be more punctual in its payment, the disobedience of their commands was a source of continued vexation to Kepler. When he retired153 to Sagan, in Silesia, to spend in retirement154 the remainder of his days, his pecuniary155 difficulties became still more harassing156. Necessity at last compelled him to apply124 personally for the arrears which were due; and he accordingly set out in 1630 for Ratisbon; but in consequence of the great fatigue157 which so long a journey on horseback produced, he was seized with a fever, which carried him off on the 30th November, 1630, in the 59th year of his age.
While Kepler was thus laying the foundation of physical astronomy, Galileo was busily employed in extending the boundaries of the solar system. This distinguished philosopher was born at Pisa in 1564. He was the son of a Florentine nobleman, and was educated for the medical profession; but a passion for geometry took possession of his mind, and called forth all his powers. Without the aid of a master, he studied the writings of Euclid and of Archimedes; and such were his acquirements, that he was appointed by the Grand-duke of Tuscany to the mathematical chair of Pisa in the twenty-fifth year of his age. His opposition to the Aristotelian philosophy gained him many enemies, and at the end of three years he quitted Pisa, and accepted of an invitation to the professorship of mathematics at Padua. Here he continued for eighteen years adorning158 the university by his name, and diffusing159 around him a taste for the physical sciences. With the exception of some contrivances of inferior importance, Galileo had distinguished himself by no discovery till he had reached the forty-fifth year of his age. In the year 1609, the same year in which Kepler published his celebrated commentary on Mars, Galileo paid a visit to Venice, where he heard, in the course of conversation, that a Dutchman of the name of Jansens had constructed and presented to Prince Maurice an instrument through which he saw distant objects magnified and rendered more distinct, as if they had been brought nearer to the observer. This report was credited by some and disbelieved by others; but, in the course of a few days, Galileo received a letter from James Badovere at Paris,125 which placed beyond a doubt the existence of such an instrument. The idea instantly filled his mind as one of the utmost importance to science; and so thoroughly160 was he acquainted with the properties of lenses, that he not only discovered the principle of its construction, but was able to complete a telescope for his own use. Into one end of a leaden tube he fitted a spectacle-glass plane on one side and convex on the other, and in the other end he placed another spectacle-glass concave on one side and plane on the other. He then applied his eye to the concave glass, and saw objects “pretty large and pretty near him.” They appeared three times nearer, and nine times larger in surface, than to the naked eye. He soon after made another, which represented objects above sixty times larger; and, sparing neither labour nor expense, he finally constructed an instrument so excellent, as “to show things almost a thousand times larger, and above thirty times nearer to the naked eye.”
There is, perhaps, no invention that science has presented to man so extraordinary in its nature, and so boundless161 in its influence, as that of the telescope. To the uninstructed mind, the power of seeing an object a thousand miles distant, as large and nearly as distinct as if it were brought within a mile of the observer, must seem almost miraculous162; and to the philosopher, even, who thoroughly comprehends the principles upon which it acts, it must ever appear one of the most elegant applications of science. To have been the first astronomer in whose hands such a gift was placed was a preference to which Galileo owed much of his future reputation.
No sooner had he completed his telescope than he applied it to the heavens, and on the 7th January, 1618, the first day of its use, he saw round Jupiter three bright little stars lying in a line parallel to the ecliptic, two to the east, and one to the126 west of the planet. Regarding them as ordinary stars, he never thought of estimating their distances. On the following day, when he accidentally directed his telescope to Jupiter, he was surprised to see the three stars to the west of the planet. To produce this effect it was requisite163 that the motion of Jupiter should be direct, though, according to calculation, it was actually retrograde. In this dilemma164 he waited with impatience for the evening of the 9th, but unfortunately the sky was covered with clouds. On the 10th he saw only two stars to the east—a circumstance which he was no longer able to explain by the motion of Jupiter. He was therefore compelled to ascribe the change to the stars themselves; and upon repeating his observations on the 11th, he no longer doubted that he had discovered three planets revolving165 round Jupiter. On the 13th January he for the first time saw the fourth satellite.36
This discovery, though of the utmost importance in itself, derived166 an additional value from the light which it threw on the true system of the universe. While the earth was the only planet enlightened by a moon, it might naturally be supposed that it alone was habitable, and was therefore entitled to the pre-eminence of occupying the centre of the system; but the discovery of four moons round a much larger planet deprived this argument of its force, and created a new analogy between the earth and the other planets. When Kepler received the “Sidereal Messenger,” the work in which Galileo announced his discovery in 1610, he perused167 it with the deepest interest; and while it confirmed and extended his substantial discoveries, it dispelled at the same time some of those harmonic dreams which still hovered168 among his thoughts. In the “Dissertation169”127 which he published on the discovery of Galileo, he expresses his hope that satellites will be discovered round Saturn and Mars,—he conjectures170 that Jupiter has a motion of rotation about his axis,—and states his surprise, that, after what had been written on the subject of telescopes by Baptista Porta, they had not been earlier introduced into observatories171.
In continuing his observations, Galileo applied his telescope to Venus, and in 1610 he discovered the phases of that planet, which exhibited to him the various forms of the waxing and the waning172 moon. This fact established beyond a doubt that the planet revolved round the sun, and thus gave an additional blow to the Ptolemaic system. In his observations on the sun, Galileo discovered his spots, and deduced from them the rotation of the central luminary. He observed that the body of Saturn had handles attached to it; but he was unable to detect the form of its ring, or render visible its minute satellites. On the surface of the moon he discovered her mountains and valleys, and determined the curious fact of her libration, in virtue173 of which parts of the margin174 of her disk occasionally appear and disappear. In the Milky175 Way he descried176 numerous minute stars which the unassisted eye was unable to perceive; and as the largest fixed stars, in place of being magnified by the telescope, became actually minute brilliant points, he inferred their immense distance as rendered necessary by the Copernican hypothesis. All his discoveries, indeed, furnished fresh arguments in favour of the new system; and the order of the planets and their relation to a central sun may now be considered as established by incontrovertible evidence.
While Galileo was occupied with these noble pursuits at Pisa, to which he had been recalled in 1611, his generous patron, Cosmo II. Grand-duke of Tuscany, invited him to Florence, that he might pursue128 with uninterrupted leisure his astronomical observations, and carry on his correspondence with the German astronomers. His fame had now resounded177 through all Europe;—the strongholds of prejudice and ignorance were unbarred;—and the most obstinate178 adherents179 of ancient systems acknowledged the meridian180 power of the day-star of science. Galileo was ambitious of propagating the great truths which he contributed so powerfully to establish. He never doubted that they would received with gratitude by all,—by the philosopher as the consummation of the greatest efforts of human genius,—and by the Christian as the most transcendent displays of Almighty182 power. But he had mistaken the disposition183 of his species, and the character of the age. That same system of the heavens which had been discovered by the humble ecclesiastic67 of Frauenberg, which had been patronised by the kindness of a bishop, and published at the expense of a cardinal, and which the pope himself had sanctioned by the warmest reception, was, after the lapse184 of a hundred years, doomed185 to the most violent opposition, as subversive186 of the doctrines of the Christian faith. On no former occasion has the human mind exhibited such a fatal relapse into intolerance. The age itself had improved in liberality;—the persecuted187 doctrines themselves had become more deserving of reception;—the light of the Reformed faith had driven the Catholics from some of their most obnoxious188 positions;—and yet, under all these circumstances, the church of Rome unfurled her banner of persecution against the pride of Italy, against the ornament189 of his species, and against truths immutable190 and eternal.
In consequence of complaints laid before the Holy Inquisition, Galileo was summoned to appear at Rome in 1615, to answer for the heretical opinions which he had promulgated191. He was charged with “maintaining as true the false doctrine65 held by129 many, that the sun was immoveable in the centre of the world, and that the earth revolved with a diurnal motion;—with having certain disciples to whom he taught the same doctrine;—with keeping up a correspondence on the subject with several German mathematicians;—with having published letters on the solar spots, in which he explained the same doctrine as true;—and with having glossed192 over with a false interpretation the passages of Scripture which were urged against it.” The consideration of these charges came before a meeting of the Inquisition, which assembled on the 25th February, 1616; and the court, declaring their disposition to deal gently with the prisoner, pronounced the following decree:—“That Cardinal Bellarmine should enjoin193 Galileo to renounce194 entirely195 the above-recited false opinions; that, on his refusal to do so, he should be commanded by the commissary of the Inquisition to abandon the said doctrine, and to cease to teach and defend it; and that, if he did not obey this command, he should be thrown into prison.” On the 26th of February Galileo appeared before Cardinal Bellarmine, and, after receiving from him a gentle admonition, he was commanded by the commissary, in the presence of a notary196 and witnesses, to desist altogether from his erroneous opinions; and it was declared to be unlawful for him in future to teach them in any way whatever, either orally or in his writings. To these commands Galileo promised obedience152, and was dismissed from the Inquisition.
The mildness of this sentence was no doubt partly owing to the influence of the Grand-duke of Tuscany, and other persons of rank and influence at the papal court, who took a deep interest in the issue of the trial. Dreading197, however, that so slight a punishment might not have the effect of putting down the obnoxious doctrines, the Inquisition issued a decree denouncing the new opinions as false and130 contrary to the sacred writings, and prohibiting the sale of every book in which they should be maintained.
Thus liberated198 from his persecutors, Galileo returned to Florence, where he pursued his studies with his wonted diligence and ardour. The recantation of his astronomical opinions was so formal and unreserved, that ordinary prudence, if not a sense of personal honour, should have restrained him from unnecessarily bringing them before the world. No anathema199 was pronounced against his scientific discoveries; no interdict200 was laid upon the free exercise of his genius. He was prohibited merely from teaching a doctrine which the church of Rome considered to be injurious to its faith. We might have expected, therefore, that a philosopher so conspicuous in the eyes of the world would have respected the prejudices, however base, of an institution whose decrees formed part of the law of the land, and which possessed201 the power of life and death within the limits of its jurisdiction202. Galileo, however, thought otherwise. A sense of degradation37 seems to have urged him to retaliate203, and before six years had elapsed, he began to compose his “Cosmical System, or Dialogues on the two greatest Systems of the World, the Ptolemean and the Copernican,” the concealed204 object of which is to establish the opinions which he had promised to abandon. In this work the subject is discussed by three speakers, Sagredo, Salviatus, and Simplicius, a peripatetic205 philosopher, who defends the system of131 Ptolemy with much skill against the overwhelming arguments of the rival disputants. Galileo hoped to escape notice by this indirect mode of propagating the new system, and he obtained permission to publish his work, which appeared at Florence in 1632.
The Inquisition did not, as might have been expected, immediately summon Galileo to their presence. Nearly a year elapsed before they gave any indication of their design; and, according to their own statement, they did not even take the subject under consideration till they saw that the obnoxious tenets were every day gaining ground, in consequence of the publication of the Dialogues. They then submitted the work to a careful examination, and having found it to be a direct violation206 of the injunction which had been formerly207 intimated to its author, they again cited him before their tribunal in 1633. The venerable sage48, now in his seventieth year, was thus compelled to repair to Rome, and when he arrived he was committed to the apartments of the Fiscal208 of the Inquisition. The unchangeable friendship, however, of the Grand-duke of Tuscany obtained a remission of this severity, and Galileo was allowed to reside at the house of the Tuscan ambassador during the two months which the trial occupied. When brought before the Inquisition, and examined upon oath, he acknowledged that the Dialogues were written by himself, and that he obtained permission to publish them without notifying to the person who gave it that he had been prohibited from holding, defending, or teaching the heretical opinions. He confessed also that the Dialogues were composed in such a manner, that the arguments in favour of the Copernican system, though given as partly false, were yet managed in such a manner that they were more likely to confirm than overturn its doctrines; but that this error, which was not intentional209, arose from the natural desire of making an ingenious defence of false propositions,132 and of opinions that had the semblance210 of probability.
After receiving these confessions211 and excuses, the Inquisition allowed Galileo a proper time for giving in his defence; but this seems to have consisted solely212 in bringing forward the certificate of Cardinal Bellarmine already mentioned, which made no allusion213 to the promise under which Galileo had come never to defend, nor teach in any way whatever, the Copernican doctrines. The court held this defence to be an aggravation214 of the crime rather than an excuse for it, and proceeded to pronounce a sentence which will be ever memorable215 in the history of the human mind.
Invoking216 the name of our Saviour217, they declare, that Galileo had made himself liable to the suspicion of heresy218, by believing the doctrine, contrary to Scripture, that the sun was the centre of the earth’s orbit, and did not move from east to west; and by defending as probable the opinion that the earth moved, and was not the centre of the world; and that he had thus incurred219 all the censures220 and penalties which were enacted221 by the church against such offences;—but that he should be absolved222 from these penalties, provided he sincerely abjured223 and cursed all the errors and heresies224 contained in the formula of the church, which should be submitted to him. That so grave and pernicious a crime should not pass altogether unpunished, that he might become more cautious in future, and might be an example to others to abstain225 from such offences, they decreed that his Dialogues should be prohibited by a formal edict,—that he should be condemned226 to the prison of the Inquisition during pleasure,—and that, during the three following years, he should recite once a week the seven penitential psalms227.
This sentence was subscribed228 by seven cardinals229; and on the 22d June, 1633, Galileo signed an abjuration230 humiliating to himself and degrading to philosophy.133 At the age of seventy, on his bended knees, and with his right hand resting on the Holy Evangelists, did this patriarch of science avow231 his present and his past belief in all the dogmas of the Romish Church, abandon as false and heretical the doctrine of the earth’s motion and of the sun’s immobility, and pledge himself to denounce to the Inquisition any other person who was even suspected of heresy. He abjured, cursed, and detested232 those eternal and immutable truths which the Almighty had permitted him to be the first to establish. What a mortifying233 picture of moral depravity and intellectual weakness! If the unholy zeal of the assembly of cardinals has been branded with infamy234, what must we think of the venerable sage whose gray hairs were entwined with the chaplet of immortality235, quailing236 under the fear of man, and sacrificing the convictions of his conscience and the deductions of his reason at the altar of a base superstition237? Had Galileo but added the courage of the martyr238 to the wisdom of the sage,—had he carried the glance of his indignant eye round the circle of his judges,—had he lifted his hands to heaven, and called the living God to witness the truth and immutability239 of his opinions, the bigotry240 of his enemies would have been disarmed241, and science would have enjoyed a memorable triumph.
The great truths of the Copernican system, instead of being considered as heretical, had been actually adopted by many pious242 members of the Catholic church, and even some of its dignitaries did not scruple243 to defend it openly. Previous to the first persecution of Galileo in 1615, a Neapolitan nobleman, Vincenzio Caraffa, a person equally distinguished by his piety and birth, had solicited Paul Anthony Foscarinus, a learned Carmelite monk244, to illustrate245 and defend the new system of the universe. With this request the ecclesiastic speedily complied; and in the pamphlet which he completed on the 6th134 January, 1615, he defends the Copernican system with much boldness and ingenuity246; he reconciles the various passages of Scripture with the new doctrine, and he expresses the hope that such an attempt, now made for the first time, will prove agreeable to philosophers, but particularly to those very learned men, Galileo Galilei, John Kepler, and all the members of the Lyncean Academy, who, he believes, entertain the same opinion. This remarkable production, written from the convent of the Carmelites at Naples, is dedicated to the very Reverend Sebastian Fantoni, general of the order of Carmelites, and was published at Florence, with the sanction of the ecclesiastical authorities, in 1630; three years before the second persecution of Galileo.
It would be interesting to know the state of public feeling in Italy when Galileo was doomed to the prisons of the Inquisition. No appeal seems to have been made against so cruel a sentence; and neither in remonstrance247 nor in derision does an individual voice seem to have been raised. The master spirits of the age looked with sullen248 indifference249 on the persecution of exalted250 genius; and Galileo lay in chains, deserted251 and unpitied. This unrebuked triumph of his enemies was perhaps favourable252 to the object of their vengeance253. Resistance might have heightened the rigour of a sentence, which submission254 seems to have alleviated255. The interference of some eminent individuals of Rome, among whom we have no doubt that the Grand-duke of Tuscany was the most influential256, induced Pope Urban VIII., not only to shorten the period, but to soften257 the rigour of Galileo’s imprisonment258. From the dungeon259 of the Inquisition, where he had remained only four days, he was transported to the ambassador’s palace in the Garden de Medici at Rome; and when his health had begun to suffer, he was permitted to leave the metropolis260; and would have been allowed to return to Florence, but as the plague raged in135 that city, he was sent, in July, 1633, to the archiepiscopal palace of Sienna, the residence of the Archbishop Piccolimini, where he carried on and completed his valuable investigations261 respecting the resistance of solids. Here he continued five months, when, in consequence of the disappearance262 of the plague at Florence, he was allowed to retire to his villa263 at Bellosguardo, and afterward to that of Arcetri in the vicinity of Florence.
Though Galileo was now, to a certain degree, liberated from the power of man, yet the afflicting264 dispensations of Providence265 began to fall thickly around him. No sooner had he returned to Arcetri, than his favourite daughter, Maria, was seized with a dangerous illness, which soon terminated in her death. He was himself attacked with hernia, palpitation of the heart, loss of appetite, and the most oppressive melancholy266; and though he solicited permission to repair to Florence for medical assistance, yet this deed of mercy was denied him. In 1638, however, the pope permitted him to pay a visit to Florence, and his friend, Father Castelli, was allowed to visit him in the company of an officer of the Inquisition. But this indulgence was soon withdrawn267, and at the end of a few months he was remanded to Arcetri. The sight of his right eye had begun to fail in 1636, from an opacity268 of the cornea. In 1637 his left eye was attacked with the same complaint; so that in a few months he was affected269 with total and incurable270 blindness. Before this calamity had supervened, he had noticed the curious phenomenon of the moon’s libration, in consequence of which, parts of her visible disk that are exposed to view at one time are withdrawn at another. He succeeded in explaining two of the causes of this curious phenomenon, viz. the different distances of the observer from the line joining the centre of the earth and the moon, which produces the diurnal libration, and the unequal motion of the moon in her136 orbit, which produces the libration in longitude271. It was left, however, to Hevelius to discover the libration in latitude272, which arises from the inclination of her axis being a little less than a right angle to the ecliptic; and to Lagrange to discover the spheroidal libration, or that which arises from the action of the earth upon the lunar spheroid.
The sorrows with which Galileo was now beset, seemed to have disarmed the severity of the Inquisition. He was freely permitted to enjoy the society of his friends, who now thronged273 around him to express their respect and their sympathy. The Grand-duke of Tuscany was his frequent visiter, and Gassendi, Deodati, and our countryman Milton went to Italy for the purpose of visiting him. He entertained his friends with the warmest hospitality, and though simple and abstemious274 in his diet, yet he was fond of good wine, and seems even in his last days to have paid particular attention to the excellence275 of his cellar.
Although Galileo had nearly lost his hearing as well as his sight, yet his intellectual faculties276 were unimpaired; and while his mind was occupied in considering the force of percussion277, he was seized with fever and palpitation of the heart, which, after two months’ illness, terminated his life on the 8th of January, 1642.
Among the predecessors of Newton in astronomical research we must not omit the names of Bouillaud (Bullialdus), Borelli, and Dr. Hooke. Ismael Bouillaud, a native of Laon in France, and the author of several valuable astronomical works, has derived more reputation from a single sentence in his Astronomica Philolaica, published in 1645, than from all the rest of his labours. He was not a believer in the doctrine of attraction, which, as we have already seen, had been broached278 by Copernicus, and discovered by Kepler; but in speaking of that power as the cause of the planetary motions, he137 remarks, “that if attraction existed, it would decrease as the square of the distance.” The influence of gravity was still more distinctly developed by Borelli, a Neapolitan philosopher, who published in 1666 a work on Jupiter’s satellites.38 In this work he maintains, that all the planets perform their motions round the sun according to a general law; that the satellites of Jupiter and of Saturn move round their primary planets in the same manner as the moon does round the earth, and that they all revolve round the sun, which is the only source of any virtue, and that this virtue attaches them, and unites them so that they cannot recede18 from their centre of action.39
Our countryman Dr. Robert Hooke seems to have devoted279 much of his attention to the cause of the planetary motions. On the 21st March, 1666, he read to the Royal Society an account of a series of experiments for determining if bodies experience any variation in their weight at different distances from the centre of the earth. His experiments, as Hooke himself saw, were by no means satisfactory, and hence he was led to the ingenious idea of measuring the force of gravity by observing, at different altitudes, the rate of a pendulum280 clock. About two months afterward, he exhibited to the Society an approximate representation of the forces which retain the planets in their orbits, in the paths described by a circular pendulum impelled281 with different138 degrees of force; but though this experiment illustrated282 the production of a curvilineal motion, by combining a tangential283 force with a central power of attraction, yet it was only an illustration, and could not lead to the true cause of the planetary motions. At a later period, however, viz. in 1674, Hooke resumed the subject in a dissertation entitled “An Attempt to prove the Motion of the Earth from Observation,” which contains the following remarkable observations upon gravity:—
“I shall hereafter explain a system of the world differing in many particulars from any yet known, answering in all things to the common rules of mechanical motions. This depends upon three suppositions:—first, that all celestial bodies whatsoever284 have an attraction or gravitating power towards their own centres, whereby they attract, not only their own parts, and keep them from flying from them, as we may observe the earth to do, but that they also do attract all the other celestial bodies that are within the sphere of their activity, and consequently, that not only the sun and moon have an influence upon the body and motion of the earth, and the earth upon them, but that Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, also, by their attractive powers, have a considerable influence upon its motion, as in the same manner the corresponding attractive power of the earth hath a considerable influence upon every one of their motions also. The second supposition is this, that all bodies whatsoever that are put into a direct and simple motion will so continue to move forward in a straight line, till they are, by some other effectual powers, deflected285, and sent into a motion describing a circle, ellipsis286, or some other more compounded curve line. The third supposition is, that those attractive powers are so much the more powerful in operating by how much the nearer the body wrought287 upon is to their own centres. Now, what these several degrees are I139 have not yet experimentally verified; but it is a notion which, if fully181 prosecuted288, as it ought to be, will mightily289 assist the astronomers to reduce all the celestial motions to a certain rule, which I doubt will never be done without it. He that understands the nature of the circular pendulum and circular motion will easily understand the whole of this principle, and will know where to find directions in nature for the true stating thereof. This I only hint at present to such as have ability and opportunity of prosecuting290 this inquiry, and are not wanting of industry for observing and calculating, wishing heartily291 such may be found, having myself many other things in hand, which I would first complete, and therefore cannot so well attend it. But this I do not promise the undertaker, that he will find all the great motions of the world to be influenced by this principle, and that the true understanding thereof will be the true perfection of astronomy.”
This passage, which has been considered as a remarkable one by the philosophers of every country, has, we think, been misapprehended by M. Delambre, when he asserts that every thing which it contains “is to be found expressly in Kepler.”
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1
astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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deductions
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| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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erects
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的第三人称单数 )；建立 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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distils
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| v.蒸馏( distil的第三人称单数 )；从…提取精华 | |
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recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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mechanism
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| n.机械装置；机构，结构 | |
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appendages
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| n.附属物( appendage的名词复数 )；依附的人；附属器官；附属肢体（如臂、腿、尾等） | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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astronomers
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| n.天文学者，天文学家( astronomer的名词复数 ) | |
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astronomer
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| n.天文学家 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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sages
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| n.圣人( sage的名词复数 )；智者；哲人；鼠尾草（可用作调料） | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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revolve
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| vi.(使)旋转；循环出现 | |
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dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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revolved
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| v.（使）旋转( revolve的过去式和过去分词 )；细想 | |
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rotation
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| n.旋转；循环，轮流 | |
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axis
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| n.轴，轴线，中心线；坐标轴，基准线 | |
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diurnal
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| adj.白天的，每日的 | |
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celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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61
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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63
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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64
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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65
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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66
insinuated
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| v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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67
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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68
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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69
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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70
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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71
disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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72
peruse
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| v.细读，精读 | |
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73
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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74
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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75
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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76
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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77
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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78
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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79
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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80
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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81
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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82
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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83
questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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84
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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85
mathematicians
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| 数学家( mathematician的名词复数 ) | |
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86
mathematician
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| n.数学家 | |
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87
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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88
observatory
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| n.天文台，气象台，瞭望台，观测台 | |
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89
distinguished
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|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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90
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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91
maternal
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| adj.母亲的，母亲般的，母系的，母方的 | |
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92
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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93
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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94
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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95
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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96
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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97
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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98
disciples
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|
| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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99
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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100
apogee
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| n.远地点；极点；顶点 | |
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101
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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102
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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103
generalizations
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| 一般化( generalization的名词复数 )； 普通化； 归纳； 概论 | |
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104
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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105
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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106
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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107
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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108
malignity
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| n.极度的恶意，恶毒；（病的）恶性 | |
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109
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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110
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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111
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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112
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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113
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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114
commodious
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| adj.宽敞的；使用方便的 | |
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115
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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116
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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117
anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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118
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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119
preyed
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| v.掠食( prey的过去式和过去分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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120
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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121
lengthened
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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124
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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125
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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126
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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127
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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128
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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129
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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130
Saturn
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| n.农神，土星 | |
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131
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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132
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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133
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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134
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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135
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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136
deviations
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| 背离，偏离( deviation的名词复数 )； 离经叛道的行为 | |
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137
radius
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| n.半径，半径范围；有效航程，范围，界限 | |
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138
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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139
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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140
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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141
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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142
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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143
enchanted
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| adj. 被施魔法的，陶醉的，入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
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144
luminary
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| n.名人，天体 | |
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145
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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146
corporeal
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| adj.肉体的，身体的；物质的 | |
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147
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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148
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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149
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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150
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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151
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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152
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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153
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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154
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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155
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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156
harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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157
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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158
adorning
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| 修饰，装饰物 | |
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159
diffusing
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| （使光）模糊，漫射，漫散( diffuse的现在分词 )； （使）扩散； （使）弥漫； （使）传播 | |
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160
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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161
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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162
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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163
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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164
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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165
revolving
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| adj.旋转的，轮转式的；循环的v.（使）旋转( revolve的现在分词 )；细想 | |
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166
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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167
perused
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的过去式和过去分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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168
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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169
dissertation
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| n.（博士学位）论文，学术演讲，专题论文 | |
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170
conjectures
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| 推测，猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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171
observatories
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| n.天文台，气象台( observatory的名词复数 ) | |
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172
waning
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| adj.（月亮）渐亏的，逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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173
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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174
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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175
milky
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| adj.牛奶的，多奶的；乳白色的 | |
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176
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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177
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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178
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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179
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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180
meridian
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| adj.子午线的；全盛期的 | |
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181
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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182
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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183
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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184
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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185
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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186
subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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187
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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188
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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189
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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190
immutable
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| adj.不可改变的，永恒的 | |
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191
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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192
glossed
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| v.注解( gloss的过去式和过去分词 )；掩饰（错误）；粉饰；把…搪塞过去 | |
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193
enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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194
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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195
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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196
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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197
dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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198
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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199
anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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200
interdict
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| v.限制；禁止；n.正式禁止；禁令 | |
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201
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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202
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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203
retaliate
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| v.报复，反击 | |
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204
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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205
peripatetic
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| adj.漫游的，逍遥派的，巡回的 | |
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206
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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207
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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208
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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209
intentional
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| adj.故意的，有意（识）的 | |
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210
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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211
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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212
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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213
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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214
aggravation
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| n.烦恼，恼火 | |
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215
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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216
invoking
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| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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217
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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218
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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219
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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220
censures
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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221
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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222
absolved
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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223
abjured
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| v.发誓放弃( abjure的过去式和过去分词 )；郑重放弃（意见）；宣布撤回（声明等）；避免 | |
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224
heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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225
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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226
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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227
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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228
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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229
cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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230
abjuration
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| n.发誓弃绝 | |
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231
avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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232
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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233
mortifying
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| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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234
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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235
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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236
quailing
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| 害怕，发抖，畏缩( quail的现在分词 ) | |
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237
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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238
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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239
immutability
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| n.不变(性) | |
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240
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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241
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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242
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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243
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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244
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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245
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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246
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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247
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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248
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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249
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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250
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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251
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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252
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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253
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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254
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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255
alleviated
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| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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256
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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257
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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258
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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259
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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260
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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261
investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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262
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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263
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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264
afflicting
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| 痛苦的 | |
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265
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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266
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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267
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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268
opacity
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| n.不透明；难懂 | |
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269
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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270
incurable
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| adj.不能医治的，不能矫正的，无救的；n.不治的病人，无救的人 | |
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271
longitude
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| n.经线，经度 | |
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272
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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273
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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274
abstemious
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| adj.有节制的，节俭的 | |
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275
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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276
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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277
percussion
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| n.打击乐器；冲突，撞击；震动，音响 | |
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278
broached
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| v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
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279
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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280
pendulum
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| n.摆，钟摆 | |
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281
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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282
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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283
tangential
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| adj.离题的，切线的 | |
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284
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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285
deflected
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| 偏离的 | |
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286
ellipsis
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| n.省略符号，省略(语法结构上的) | |
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287
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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288
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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289
mightily
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| ad.强烈地；非常地 | |
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290
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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291
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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