Such is a brief sketch4 of the labours and lives of those illustrious men who prepared the science of astronomy for the application of Newton’s genius. Copernicus had determined5 the arrangement and general movements of the planetary bodies: Kepler had proved that they moved in elliptical orbits; that their radii6 vectores described arcs proportional to the times; and that their periodic times were related to their distances. Galileo had added to the universe a whole system of secondary planets; and several astronomers7 had distinctly referred the motion of the heavenly bodies to the power of attraction.
In the year 1666, when the plague had driven Newton from Cambridge, he was sitting alone in the garden at Woolsthorpe, and reflecting on the nature of gravity,—that remarkable9 power which causes all bodies to descend10 towards the centre of the earth. As this power is not found to suffer any sensible diminution11 at the greatest distance from the earth’s centre to which we can reach, being as powerful at the tops of the highest mountains as at the bottom of the deepest mines, he conceived it highly probable, that it must extend much farther than was usually supposed. No sooner had this141 happy conjecture12 occurred to his mind, than he considered what would be the effect of its extending as far as the moon. That her motion must be influenced by such a power he did not for a moment doubt; and a little reflection convinced him that it might be sufficient for retaining that luminary13 in her orbit round the earth. Though the force of gravity suffers no sensible diminution at those small distances from the earth’s centre at which we can place ourselves, yet he thought it very possible, that, at the distance of the moon, it might differ much in strength from what it is on the earth. In order to form some estimate of the degree of its diminution, he considered that, if the moon be retained in her orbit by the force of gravity, the primary planets must also be carried round the sun by the same power; and by comparing the periods of the different planets with their distances from the sun, he found, that if they were retained in their orbits by any power like gravity, its force must decrease in the duplicate proportion,41 or as the squares of their distances from the sun. In drawing this conclusion, he supposed the planets to move in orbits perfectly14 circular, and having the sun in their centre. Having thus obtained the law of the force by which the planets were drawn15 to the sun, his next object was to ascertain16 if such a force, emanating17 from the earth and directed to the moon, was sufficient, when diminished in the duplicate ratio of the distance, to retain her in her orbit. In performing this calculation, it was necessary to compare the space through which heavy bodies fall in a second at a given distance from the centre of the earth, viz. at its surface, with the space through which the moon, as it were, falls to the earth in a second of time while revolving18 in a circular orbit. Being at142 a distance from books when he made this computation, he adopted the common estimate of the earth’s diameter then in use among geographers19 and navigators, and supposed that each degree of latitude20 contained sixty English miles. In this way he found that the force which retains the moon in her orbit, as deduced from the force which occasions the fall of heavy bodies to the earth’s surface, was one-sixth greater than that which is actually observed in her circular orbit. This difference threw a doubt upon all his speculations; but, unwilling21 to abandon what seemed to be otherwise so plausible22, he endeavoured to account for the difference of the two forces, by supposing that some other cause42 must have been united with the force of gravity in producing so great a velocity23 of the moon in her circular orbit. As this new cause, however, was beyond the reach of observation, he discontinued all further inquiries24 into the subject, and concealed25 from his friends the speculations in which he had been employed.
After his return to Cambridge in 1666, his attention was occupied with those optical discoveries of which we have given an account in a preceding chapter; but he had no sooner brought them to a close than his mind reverted27 to the great subject of the planetary motions. Upon the death of Oldenburg in August, 1678, Dr. Hooke was appointed secretary to the Royal Society; and as this learned body had requested the opinion of Newton about a system of physical astronomy, he addressed a letter to Dr. Hooke on the 28th November, 1679. In this letter he proposed a direct experiment for verifying the motion of the earth, viz. by observing whether or not bodies that fall from a considerable height descend in a vertical28 direction, for if the earth were at rest the body would describe exactly a vertical143 line, whereas if it revolved29 round its axis31, the falling body must deviate32 from the vertical line towards the east. The Royal Society attached great value to the idea thus casually33 suggested; and Dr. Hooke was appointed to put it to the test of experiment. Being thus led to consider the subject more attentively34, he wrote to Newton, that wherever the direction of gravity was oblique35 to the axis on which the earth revolved, that is, in every part of the earth except the equator, falling bodies should approach to the equator, and the deviation36 from the vertical, in place of being exactly to the east, as Newton maintained, should be to the south-east of the point from which the body began to move. Newton acknowledged that this conclusion was correct in theory, and Dr. Hooke is said to have given an experimental demonstration37 of it before the Royal Society in December, 1679.43 Newton had erroneously concluded that the path of the falling body would be a spiral; but Dr. Hooke, on the same occasion on which he made the preceding experiment, read a paper to the Society, in which he proved that the path of the body would be an eccentric ellipse in vacuo, and an ellipti-spiral, if the body moved in a resisting medium.44
This correction of Newton’s error, and the discovery that a projectile38 would move in an elliptical orbit when under the influence of a force varying in the inverse39 ratio of the square of the distance, led Newton, as he himself informs us in his letter to Halley,45 to discover “the theorem by which he afterward40 examined the ellipsis,” and to demonstrate the celebrated41 proposition, that a planet acted upon by an attractive force varying inversely42 as the squares of the distances will describe an elliptical orbit, in one of whose foci the attractive force resides.
144 But though Newton had thus discovered the true cause of all the celestial43 motions, he did not yet possess any evidence that such a force actually resided in the sun and planets. The failure of his former attempt to identify the law of falling bodies at the earth’s surface with that which guided the moon in her orbit threw a doubt over all his speculations, and prevented him from giving any account of them to the public.
An accident, however, of a very interesting nature induced him to resume his former inquiries, and enabled him to bring them to a close. In June, 1682, when he was attending a meeting of the Royal Society of London, the measurement of a degree of the meridian44, executed by M. Picard in 1679, became the subject of conversation. Newton took a memorandum45 of the result obtained by the French astronomer8, and having deduced from it the diameter of the earth, he immediately resumed his calculation of 1665, and began to repeat it with these new data. In the progress of the calculation he saw that the result which he had formerly46 expected was likely to be produced, and he was thrown into such a state of nervous irritability47 that he was unable to carry on the calculation. In this state of mind he intrusted it to one of his friends, and he had the high satisfaction of finding his former views amply realized. The force of gravity which regulated the fall of bodies at the earth’s surface, when diminished as the square of the moon’s distance from the earth, was found to be almost exactly equal to the centrifugal force of the moon as deduced from her observed distance and velocity.
The influence of such a result upon such a mind may be more easily conceived than described. The whole material universe was spread out before him;—the sun with all his attending planets;—the planets with all their satellites;—the comets wheeling in every direction in their eccentric orbits;—and the145 systems of the fixed48 stars stretching to the remotest limits of space. All the varied49 and complicated movements of the heavens, in short, must have been at once presented to his mind, as the necessary result of that law which he had established in reference to the earth and the moon.
After extending this law to the other bodies of the system, he composed a series of propositions on the motion of the primary planets about the sun, which were sent to London about the end of 1683, and were soon afterward communicated to the Royal Society.46
About this period other philosophers had been occupied with the same subject. Sir Christopher Wren50 had many years before endeavoured to explain the planetary motions “by the composition of a descent towards the sun, and an impressed motion; but he at length gave it over, not finding the means of doing it.” In January, 1683–4, Dr. Halley had concluded, from Kepler’s Law of the Periods and Distances, that the centripetal51 force decreased in the reciprocal proportion of the squares of the distances, and having one day met Sir Christopher Wren and Dr. Hooke, the latter affirmed that he had demonstrated upon that principle all the laws of the celestial motions. Dr. Halley confessed that his attempts were unsuccessful, and Sir Christopher, in order to encourage the inquiry52, offered to present a book of forty shillings’ value to either of the two philosophers who should, in the space of two months, bring him a convincing demonstration of it. Hooke persisted in the declaration that he possessed53 the method, but avowed54 it to be his intention to conceal26 it for some time. He promised, however, to show it to Sir Christopher; but there is every reason to believe that this promise was never fulfilled.
In August, 1684, Dr. Halley went to Cambridge146 for the express purpose of consulting Newton on this interesting subject. Newton assured him that he had brought this demonstration to perfection, and promised him a copy of it. This copy was received in November by the doctor, who made a second visit to Cambridge, in order to induce its author to have it inserted in the register book of the society. On the 10th of December, Dr. Halley announced to the society, that he had seen at Cambridge Mr. Newton’s treatise55 De Motu Corporum, which he had promised to send to the society to be entered upon their register; and Dr. Halley was desired to unite with Mr. Paget, master of the mathematical school in Christ’s Hospital, in reminding Mr. Newton of his promise “for securing the invention to himself till such time as he can be at leisure to publish it.” On the 25th February Mr. Aston, the secretary, communicated a letter from Mr. Newton, in which he expressed his willingness “to enter in the register his notions about motion, and his intentions to fit them suddenly for the press.” The progress of his work was, however, interrupted by a visit of five or six weeks which he made in Lincolnshire; but he proceeded with such diligence on his return, that he was able to transmit the manuscript to London before the end of April. This manuscript, entitled Philosophi? Naturalis Principia Mathematica, and dedicated56 to the society, was presented by Dr. Vincent on the 28th April, 1686, when Sir John Hoskins, the vice-president, and the particular friend of Dr. Hooke, was in the chair. Dr. Vincent passed a just encomium57 on the novelty and dignity of the subject; and another member added, that “Mr. Newton had carried the thing so far, that there was no more to be added.” To these remarks the vice-president replied, that the method “was so much the more to be prized as it was both invented and perfected at the same time.” Dr. Hooke took offence at these remarks, and blamed Sir John for147 not having mentioned “what he had discovered to him;” but the vice-president did not seem to recollect58 any such communication, and the consequence of this discussion was, that “these two, who till then were the most inseparable cronies, have since scarcely seen one another, and are utterly59 fallen out.” After the breaking up of the meeting, the society adjourned60 to the coffee-house, where Dr. Hooke stated that he not only had made the same discovery, but had given the first hint of it to Newton.
An account of these proceedings was communicated to Newton through two different channels. In a letter dated May 22d, Dr. Halley wrote to him “that Mr. Hooke has some pretensions61 upon the invention of the rule of the decrease of gravity being reciprocally as the squares of the distances from the centre. He says you had the notion from him, though he owns the demonstration of the curves generated thereby62 to be wholly your own. How much of this is so you know best, as likewise what you have to do in this matter. Only Mr. Hooke seems to expect you would make some mention of him in the preface, which it is possible you may see reason to prefix63.”
This communication from Dr. Halley induced our author, on the 20th June, to address a long letter to him, in which he gives a minute and able refutation of Hooke’s claims; but before this letter was despatched, another correspondent, who had received his information from one of the members that were present, informed Newton “that Hooke made a great stir, pretending that he had all from him, and desiring they would see that he had justice done him.” This fresh charge seems to have ruffled64 the tranquillity65 of Newton; and he accordingly added an angry and satirical postscript66, in which he treats Hooke with little ceremony, and goes so far as to conjecture that Hooke might have acquired his knowledge of the law from a letter of his own148 to Huygens, directed to Oldenburg, and dated January 14th, 1672–3. “My letter to Hugenius was directed to Mr. Oldenburg, who used to keep the originals. His papers came into Mr. Hooke’s possession. Mr. Hooke, knowing my hand, might have the curiosity to look into that letter, and there take the notion of comparing the forces of the planets arising from their circular motion; and so what he wrote to me afterward about the rate of gravity might be nothing but the fruit of my own garden.”
In replying to this letter, Dr. Halley assured him that Hooke’s “manner of claiming the discovery had been represented to him in worse colours than it ought, and that he neither made public application to the society for justice, nor pretended that you had all from him.” The effect of this assurance was to make Newton regret that he had written the angry postscript to his letter; and in replying to Halley on the 14th July, 1686, he not only expresses his regret, but recounts the different new ideas which he had acquired from Hooke’s correspondence, and suggests it as the best method “of compromising the present dispute,” to add a scholium, in which Wren, Hooke, and Halley are acknowledged to have independently deduced the law of gravity from the second law of Kepler.47
At the meeting of the 28th April, at which the manuscript of the Principia was presented to the Royal Society, it was agreed that the printing of it should be referred to the council; that a letter of thanks should be written to its author; and at a meeting of the council on the 19th May, it was resolved that the MSS. should be printed at the society’s expense, and that Dr. Halley should superintend it while going through the press. These resolutions were communicated by Dr. Halley in a letter dated the 22d May; and in Newton’s reply on the 20th June already mentioned, he makes the following149 observations: “The proof you sent me I like very well. I designed the whole to consist of three books; the second was finished last summer, being short, and only wants transcribing67, and drawing the cuts fairly. Some new propositions I have since thought on, which I can as well let alone. The third wants the theory of comets. In autumn last I spent two months in calculation to no purpose for want of a good method, which made me afterward return to the first book, and enlarge it with diverse propositions, some relating to comets, others to other things found out last winter. The third I now design to suppress. Philosophy is such an impertinently litigious lady, that a man had as good be engaged in lawsuits68 as have to do with her. I found it so formerly, and now I can no sooner come near her again but she gives me warning. The first two books without the third will not so well bear the title of Philosophi? Naturalis Principia Mathematica; and therefore I had altered it to this, De Motu Corporum Libri duo. But after second thoughts I retain the former title. It will help the sale of the book, which I ought not to diminish now ’tis yours.”
In replying to this letter on the 29th June, Dr. Halley regrets that our author’s tranquillity should have been thus disturbed by envious69 rivals; and implores70 him in the name of the society not to suppress the third book. “I must again beg you,” says he, “not to let your resentments71 run so high as to deprive us of your third book, wherein your applications of your mathematical doctrine72 to the theory of comets, and several curious experiments, which, as I guess by what you write ought to compose it, will undoubtedly73 render it acceptable to those who will call themselves philosophers without mathematics, which are much the greater number.”
To these solicitations Newton seems to have readily yielded. His second book was sent to the society, and presented on the 2d March, 1686–7.150 The third book was also transmitted, and presented on the 6th April, and the whole work was completed and published in the month of May, 1687.
Such is a brief account of the publication of a work which is memorable74, not only in the annals of one science or of one country, but which will form an epoch75 in the history of the world, and will ever be regarded as the brightest page in the records of human reason. We shall endeavour to convey to the reader some idea of its contents, and of the brilliant discoveries which it disseminated76 over Europe.
The Principia consists of three books. The first and second, which occupy three-fourths of the work, are entitled, On the Motion of Bodies; and the third bears the title, On the System of the World. The first two books contain the mathematical principles of philosophy, namely, the laws and conditions of motions and forces; and they are illustrated77 with several philosophical78 scholia, which treat of some of the most general and best established points in philosophy, such as the density79 and resistance of bodies, spaces void of matter, and the motion of sound and light. The object of the third book is to deduce from these principles the constitution of the system of the world; and this book has been drawn up in as popular a style as possible, in order that it may be generally read.
The great discovery which characterizes the Principia is that of the principle of universal gravitation, as deduced from the motion of the moon, and from the three great facts or laws discovered by Kepler. This principle is, that every particle of matter is attracted by, or gravitates to, every other particle of matter, with a force inversely proportional to the squares of their distances. From the first law of Kepler, namely, the proportionality of the areas to the times of their description, Newton inferred that the force which kept the planet in its orbit was always directed to the sun; and from the second151 law of Kepler, that every planet moves in an ellipse with the sun in one of its foci, he drew the still more general inference, that the force by which the planet moves round that focus varies inversely as the square of its distance from the focus. As this law was true in the motion of satellites round their primary planets, Newton deduced the equality of gravity in all the heavenly bodies towards the sun, upon the supposition that they are equally distant from its centre; and in the case of terrestrial bodies, he succeeded in verifying this truth by numerous and accurate experiments.
By taking a more general view of the subject, Newton demonstrated that a conic section was the only curve in which a body could move when acted upon by a force varying inversely as the square of the distance; and he established the conditions depending on the velocity and the primitive80 position of the body, which were requisite81 to make it describe a circular, an elliptical, a parabolic, or a hyperbolic orbit.
Notwithstanding the generality and importance of these results, it still remained to be determined whether the force resided in the centres of the planets, or belonged to each individual particle of which they were composed. Newton removed this uncertainty82 by demonstrating, that if a spherical83 body acts upon a distant body with a force varying as the distance of this body from the centre of the sphere, the same effect will be produced as if each of its particles acted upon the distant body according to the same law. And hence it follows that the spheres, whether they are of uniform density, or consist of concentric layers, with densities84 varying according to any law whatever, will act upon each other in the same manner as if their force resided in their centres alone. But as the bodies of the solar system are very nearly spherical, they will all act upon one another, and upon bodies placed on152 their surface, as if they were so many centres of attraction; and therefore we obtain the law of gravity which subsists85 between spherical bodies, namely, that one sphere will act upon another with a force directly proportional to the quantity of matter, and inversely as the square of the distance between the centres of the spheres. From the equality of action and reaction, to which no exception can be found, Newton concluded that the sun gravitated to the planets, and the planets to their satellites; and the earth itself to the stone which falls upon its surface; and, consequently, that the two mutually gravitating bodies approached to one another with velocities87 inversely proportional to their quantities of matter.
Having established this universal law, Newton was enabled, not only to determine the weight which the same body would have at the surface of the sun and the planets, but even to calculate the quantity of matter in the sun, and in all the planets that had satellites, and even to determine the density or specific gravity of the matter of which they were composed. In this way he found that the weight of the same body would be twenty-three times greater at the surface of the sun than at the surface of the earth, and that the density of the earth was four times greater than that of the sun, the planets increasing in density as they receded88 from the centre of the system.
If the peculiar89 genius of Newton has been displayed in his investigation90 of the law of universal gravitation, it shines with no less lustre91 in the patience and sagacity with which he traced the consequences of this fertile principle.
The discovery of the spheroidal form of Jupiter by Cassini had probably directed the attention of Newton to the determination of its cause, and consequently to the investigation of the true figure of the earth. The spherical form of the planets have been ascribed by Copernicus to the gravity or natural153 appetency of their parts; but upon considering the earth as a body revolving upon its axis, Newton quickly saw that the figure arising from the mutual86 attraction of its parts must be modified by another force arising from its rotation92. When a body revolves93 upon an axis, the velocity of rotation increases from the poles, where it is nothing, to the equator, where it is a maximum. In consequence of this velocity the bodies on the earth’s surface have a tendency to fly off from it, and this tendency increases with the velocity. Hence arises a centrifugal force which acts in combination with a force of gravity, and which Newton found to be the 289th part of the force of gravity at the equator, and decreasing, as the cosine of the latitude, from the equator to the poles. The great predominance of gravity over the centrifugal force prevents the latter from carrying off any bodies from the earth’s surface, but the weight of all bodies is diminished by the centrifugal force, so that the weight of any body is greater at the poles than it is at the equator. If we now suppose the waters at the pole to communicate with those at the equator by means of a canal, one branch of which goes from the pole to the centre of the earth, and the other from the centre of the earth to the equator, then the polar branch of the canal will be heavier than the equatorial branch, in consequence of its weight not being diminished by the centrifugal force, and, therefore, in order that the two columns may be in equilibrio, the equatorial one must be lengthened94. Newton found that the length of the polar must be to that of the equatorial canal as 229 to 230, or that the earth’s polar radius95 must be seventeen miles less than its equatorial radius; that is, that the figure of the earth is an oblate spheroid, formed by the revolution of an ellipse round its lesser96 axis. Hence it follows, that the intensity97 of gravity at any point of the earth’s surface is in the inverse ratio of the distance of that154 point from the centre, and, consequently, that it diminishes from the equator to the poles,—a result which he confirmed by the fact, that clocks required to have their pendulums98 shortened in order to beat true time when carried from Europe towards the equator.
The next subject to which Newton applied99 the principle of gravity was the tides of the ocean. The philosophers of all ages have recognised the connexion between the phenomena100 of the tides and the position of the moon. The College of Jesuits at Coimbra, and subsequently Antonio de Dominis and Kepler, distinctly referred the tides to the attraction of the waters of the earth by the moon, but so imperfect was the explanation which was thus given of the phenomena, that Galileo ridiculed101 the idea of lunar attraction, and substituted for it a fallacious explanation of his own. That the moon is the principal cause of the tides is obvious from the well-known fact, that it is high water at any given place about the time when she is in the meridian of that place; and that the sun performs a secondary part in their production may be proved from the circumstance, that the highest tides take place when the sun, the moon, and the earth are in the same straight line, that is, when the force of the sun conspires102 with that of the moon, and that the lowest tides take place when the lines drawn from the sun and moon to the earth are at right angles to each other, that is, when the force of the sun acts in opposition to that of the moon. The most perplexing phenomenon in the tides of the ocean, and one which is still a stumbling-block to persons slightly acquainted with the theory of attraction, is the existence of high water on the side of the earth opposite to the moon, as well as on the side next the moon. To maintain that the attraction of the moon at the same instant draws the waters of the ocean towards herself, and also draws them from the earth in an opposite155 direction, seems at first sight paradoxical; but the difficulty vanishes when we consider the earth, or rather the centre of the earth, and the water on each side of it as three distinct bodies placed at different distances from the moon, and consequently attracted with forces inversely proportional to the squares of their distances. The water nearest the moon will be much more powerfully attracted than the centre of the earth, and the centre of the earth more powerfully than the water farthest from the moon. The consequence of this must be, that the waters nearest the moon will be drawn away from the centre of the earth, and will consequently rise from their level, while the centre of the earth will be drawn away from the waters opposite the moon, which will, as it were, be left behind, and consequently be in the same situation as if they were raised from the earth in a direction opposite to that in which they are attracted by the moon. Hence the effect of the moon’s action upon the earth is to draw its fluid parts into the form of an oblong spheroid, the axis of which passes through the moon. As the action of the sun will produce the very same effect, though in a smaller degree, the tide at any place will depend on the relative position of these two spheroids, and will be always equal either to the sum or to the difference of the effects of the two luminaries103. At the time of new and full moon the two spheroids will have their axes coincident, and the height of the tide, which will then be a spring one, will be equal to the sum of the elevations104 produced in each spheroid considered separately, while at the first and third quarters the axes of the spheroids will be at right angles to each other, and the height of the tide, which will then be a neap one, will be equal to the difference of the elevations produced in each separate spheroid. By comparing the spring and neap tides, Newton found that the force with which the sun acted upon the156 waters of the earth was to that with which the sun acted upon them as 4.48 to 1;—that the force of the moon produced a tide of 8.63 feet;—that of the sun one of 1.93 feet;—and both of them combined, one of 10? French feet,—a result which in the open sea does not deviate much from observation. Having thus ascertained105 the force of the moon on the waters of our globe, he found that the quantity of matter in the moon was to that in the earth as 1 to 40, and the density of the moon to that of the earth as 11 to 9.
The motions of the moon, so much within the reach of our own observation, presented a fine field for the application of the theory of universal gravitation. The irregularities exhibited in the lunar motions had been known in the time of Hipparchus and Ptolemy. Tycho had discovered the great inequality called the variation, amounting to 37′, and depending on the alternate acceleration106 and retardation107 of the moon in every quarter of a revolution, and he had also ascertained the existence of the annual equation. Of these two inequalities Newton gave a most satisfactory explanation. The action of the sun upon the moon may be always resolved into two, one acting109 in the direction of the line joining the moon and earth, and consequently tending to increase or diminish the moon’s gravity to the earth, and the other in a direction at right angles to this, and consequently tending to accelerate or retard108 the motion in her orbit. Now, it was found by Newton that this last force was reduced to nothing, or vanished at the syzigies or quadratures, so that at these four points the moon described areas proportional to the times. The instant, however, that the moon quits these positions, the force under consideration, which we may call the tangential110 force, begins, and it reaches its maximum in the four octants. The force, therefore, compounded of these two elements of the solar force, or the diagonal of157 the parallelogram which they form, is no longer directed to the earth’s centre, but deviates111 from it at a maximum about 30 minutes, and therefore affects the angular motion of the moon, the motion being accelerated in passing from the quadratures to the syzigies, and retarded112 in passing from the syzigies to the quadratures. Hence the velocity is in its mean state in the octants, a maximum in the syzigies, and a minimum in the quadratures.
Upon considering the influence of the solar force in diminishing or increasing the moon’s gravity to the earth, Newton saw that her distance and her periodic time must from this cause be subject to change, and in this way he accounted for the annual equation observed by Tycho. By the application of similar principles, he explained the cause of the motion of the apsides, or of the greater axis of the moon’s orbit, which has an angular progressive motion of 3° 4′ nearly in the course of one lunation; and he showed that the retrogradation of the nodes, amounting to 3′ 10″ daily, arose from one of the elements of the solar force being exerted in the plane of the ecliptic, and not in the plane of the moon’s orbit, the effect of which was to draw the moon down to the plane of the ecliptic, and thus cause the line of the nodes, or the intersection113 of these two planes, to move in a direction opposite to that of the moon. The lunar theory thus blocked out by Newton, required for its completion the labours of another century. The imperfections of the fluxionary calculus114 prevented him from explaining the other inequalities of the moon’s motions, and it was reserved to Euler, D’Alembert, Clairaut, Mayer, and Laplace to bring the lunar tables to a high degree of perfection, and to enable the navigator to determine his longitude115 at sea with a degree of precision which the most sanguine116 astronomer could scarcely have anticipated.
By the consideration of the retrograde motion of158 the moon’s nodes, Newton was led to discover the cause of the remarkable phenomenon of the precession of the equinoctial points, which moved 50″ annually117, and completed the circuit of the heavens in 25,920 years. Kepler had declared himself incapable118 of assigning any cause for this motion, and we do not believe that any other astronomer ever made the attempt. From the spheroidal form of the earth, it may be regarded as a sphere with a spheroidal ring surrounding its equator, one-half of the ring being above the plane of the ecliptic and the other half below it. Considering this excess of matter as a system of satellites adhering to the earth’s surface, Newton saw that the combined actions of the sun and moon upon these satellites tended to produce a retrogradation in the nodes of the circles which they described in their diurnal119 rotation, and that the sum of all the tendencies being communicated to the whole mass of the planet, ought to produce a slow retrogradation of the equinoctial points. The effect produced by the motion of the sun he found to be 40″, and that produced by the action of the moon 10″.
Although there could be little doubt that the comets were retained in their orbits by the same laws which regulated the motions of the planets, yet it was difficult to put this opinion to the test of observation. The visibility of comets only in a small part of their orbits rendered it difficult to ascertain their distance and periodic times, and as their periods were probably of great length, it was impossible to correct approximate results by repeated observation. Newton, however, removed this difficulty, by showing how to determine the orbit of a comet, namely, the form and position of the orbit and the periodic time, by three observations. By applying this method to the comet of 1680, he calculated the elements of its orbit, and from the agreement of the computed120 places with those which159 were observed, he justly inferred that the motions of comets were regulated by the same laws as those of the planetary bodies. This result was one of great importance; for as the comets enter our system in every possible direction, and at all angles with the ecliptic, and as a great part of their orbits extend far beyond the limits of the solar system, it demonstrated the existence of gravity in spaces far removed beyond the planet, and proved that the law of the inverse ratio of the squares of the distance was true in every possible direction, and at very remote distances from the centre of our system.48
Such is a brief view of the leading discoveries which the Principia first announced to the world. The grandeur121 of the subjects of which it treats, the beautiful simplicity122 of the system which it unfolds, the clear and concise123 reasoning by which that system is explained, and the irresistible124 evidence by which it is supported might have ensured it the warmest admiration125 of contemporary mathematicians126, and the most welcome reception in all the schools of philosophy throughout Europe. This, however, is not the way in which great truths are generally received. Though the astronomical128 discoveries of Newton were not assailed129 by the class of ignorant pretenders who attacked his optical writings, yet they were every where resisted by the errors and prejudices which had taken a deep hold even of the strongest minds. The philosophy of Descartes was predominant throughout Europe. Appealing to the imagination, and not to the reason of mankind, it was quickly received into popular favour, and the same causes which facilitated its introduction extended its influence, and completed its dominion130 over the human mind. In explaining all the movements of the heavenly bodies by a system160 of vortices in a fluid medium diffused131 through the universe, Descartes had seized upon an analogy of the most alluring132 and deceitful kind. Those who had seen heavy bodies revolving in the eddies133 of a whirlpool, or in the gyrations of a vessel134 of water thrown into a circular motion, had no difficulty in conceiving how the planets might revolve30 round the sun by analogous135 movements. The mind instantly grasped at an explanation of so palpable a character, and which required for its development neither the exercise of patient thought nor the aid of mathematical skill. The talent and perspicuity136 with which the Cartesian system was expounded137, and the show of experiments with which it was sustained, contributed powerfully to its adoption138, while it derived139 a still higher sanction from the excellent character and the unaffected piety140 of its author.
Thus intrenched, as the Cartesian system was, in the strongholds of the human mind, and fortified141 by its most obstinate142 prejudices, it was not to be wondered at that the pure and sublime143 doctrines144 of the Principia were distrustfully received and perseveringly145 resisted. The uninstructed mind could not readily admit the idea, that the great masses of the planets were suspended in empty space, and retained in their orbits by an invisible influence residing in the sun; and even those philosophers who had been accustomed to the rigour of true scientific research, and who possessed sufficient mathematical skill for the examination of the Newtonian doctrines, viewed them at first as reviving the occult qualities of the ancient physics, and resisted their introduction with a pertinacity146 which it is not easy to explain. Prejudiced, no doubt, in favour of his own metaphysical views, Leibnitz himself misapprehended the principles of the Newtonian philosophy, and endeavoured to demonstrate the truths in the Principia by the application of different principles. Huygens, who above all other men was qualified147 to appreciate the new philosophy,161 rejected the doctrine of gravitation as existing between the individual particles of matter, and received it only as an attribute of the planetary masses. John Bernouilli, one of the first mathematicians of his age, opposed the philosophy of Newton. Mairan, in the early part of his life, was a strenuous148 defender149 of the system of vortices. Cassini and Maraldi were quite ignorant of the Principia, and occupied themselves with the most absurd methods of calculating the orbits of comets long after the Newtonian method had been established on the most impregnable foundation; and even Fontenelle, a man of liberal views and extensive information, continued, throughout the whole of his life, to maintain the doctrines of Descartes.
The Chevalier Louville of Paris had adopted the Newtonian philosophy before 1720. S’Gravesande had introduced it into the Dutch universities at a somewhat earlier period, and Maupertuis, in consequence of a visit which he paid to England in 1728, became a zealous150 defender of it; but notwithstanding these and some other examples that might be quoted, we must admit the truth of the remark of Voltaire, that though Newton survived the publication of the Principia more than forty years, yet at the time of his death he had not above twenty followers151 out of England.
With regard to the progress of the Newtonian philosophy in England, some difference of opinion has been entertained. Professor Playfair gives the following account of it. “In the universities of England, though the Aristotelian physics had made an obstinate resistance, they had been supplanted152 by the Cartesian, which became firmly established about the time when their foundation began to be sapped by the general progress of science, and particularly by the discoveries of Newton. For more than thirty years after the publication of these discoveries, the system of vortices kept its ground; and162 a translation from the French into Latin of the Physics of Rohault, a work entirely154 Cartesian, continued at Cambridge to be the text for philosophical instruction. About the year 1718, a new and more elegant translation of the same book was published by Dr. Samuel Clarke, with the addition of notes, in which that profound and ingenious writer explained the views of Newton on the principal objects of discussion, so that the notes contained virtually a refutation of the text; they did so, however, only virtually, all appearance of argument and controversy155 being carefully avoided. Whether this escaped the notice of the learned doctor or not is uncertain, but the new translation, from its better Latinity, and the name of the editor, was readily admitted to all the academical honours which the old one had enjoyed. Thus the stratagem156 of Dr. Clarke completely succeeded; the tutor might prelect from the text, but the pupil would sometimes look into the notes; and error is never so sure of being exposed as when the truth is placed close to it, side by side, without any thing to alarm prejudice, or awaken157 from its lethargy the dread158 of innovation. Thus, therefore, the Newtonian philosophy first entered the university of Cambridge under the protection of the Cartesian.” To this passage Professor Playfair adds the following as a note:—
“The universities of St. Andrew’s and Edinburgh were, I believe, the first in Britain where the Newtonian philosophy was made the subject of the academical prelections. For this distinction they are indebted to James and David Gregory, the first in some respects the rival, but both the friends of Newton. Whiston bewails, in the anguish159 of his heart, the difference, in this respect, between those universities and his own. David Gregory taught in Edinburgh for several years prior to 1690, when he removed to Oxford160; and Whiston says, ‘He had already caused several of his scholars to keep acts,163 as we call them, upon several branches of the Newtonian philosophy, while we at Cambridge, poor wretches161, were ignominiously162 studying the fictitious163 hypotheses of the Cartesians.’49 I do not, however, mean to say, that from this date the Cartesian philosophy was expelled from those universities; the Physics of Rohault were still in use as a text-book,—at least occasionally, to a much later period than this, and a great deal, no doubt, depended on the character of the individual. Professor Keill introduced the Newtonian philosophy in his lectures at Oxford in 1697; but the instructions of the tutors, which constitute the real and efficient system of the university, were not cast in that mould till long afterward.” Adopting the same view of the subject, Mr. Dugald Stewart has stated, “that the philosophy of Newton was publicly taught by David Gregory at Edinburgh, and by his brother, James Gregory, at St. Andrew’s,50 before it was able to supplant153 the vortices of Descartes in that very university of which Newton was a member. It was in the Scottish universities that the philosophy of Locke, as well as that of Newton, was first adopted as a branch of academical education.”
Anxious as we should have been to have awarded to Scotland the honour of having first adopted the Newtonian philosophy, yet a regard for historical truth compels us to take a different view of the subject. It is well known that Sir Isaac Newton delivered lectures on his own philosophy from the Lucasian chair before the publication of the Principia; and in the very page of Whiston’s life quoted by Professor Playfair, he informs us that he had heard him read such lectures in the public schools,164 though at that time he did not at all understand them. Newton continued to lecture till 1699, and occasionally, we presume, till 1703, when Whiston became his successor, having been appointed his deputy in 1699. In both of these capacities Whiston delivered in the public schools a course of lectures on astronomy, and a course of physico-mathematical lectures, in which the mathematical philosophy of Newton was explained and demonstrated, and both these courses were published, the one in 1707, and the other in 1710, “for the use of the young men in the university.” In 1707, the celebrated blind mathematician127 Nicholas Saunderson took up his residence in Christ’s College without being admitted a member of that body. The society not only allotted164 to him apartments, but gave him the free use of their library. With the concurrence165 of Whiston he delivered a course of lectures “on the Principia, Optics, and Universal Arithmetic of Newton,” and the popularity of these lectures was so great, that Sir Isaac corresponded on the subject of them with their author; and on the ejection of Whiston from the Lucasian chair in 1711, Saunderson was appointed his successor. In this important office he continued to teach the Newtonian philosophy till the time of his death, which took place in 1739.
But while the Newtonian philosophy was thus regularly taught in Cambridge, after the publication of the Principia, there were not wanting other exertions166 for accelerating its progress. About 1694, the celebrated Dr. Samuel Clarke, while an under-graduate, defended, in the public schools, a question taken from the Newtonian philosophy; and his translation of Rohault’s Physics, which contains references in the notes to the Principia, and which was published in 1697 (and not in 1718, as stated by Professor Playfair), shows how early the Cartesian system was attacked by the disciples168 of Newton. The author of the Life of Saunderson informs us, that165 public exercises or acts founded on every part of the Newtonian system were very common about 1707, and so general were such studies in the university, that the Principia rose to four times its original price.51 One of the most ardent169 votaries170 of the Newtonian philosophy was Dr. Laughton, who had been tutor in Clare Hall from 1694, and it is probable that during the whole, or at least a greater part, of his tutorship he had inculcated the same doctrines. In 1709–10, when he was proctor of that college, instead of appointing a moderator, he discharged the office himself, and devoted171 his most active exertions to the promotion172 of mathematical knowledge. Previous to this, he had even published a paper of questions on the Newtonian philosophy, which appear to have been used as theses for disputations; and such was his ardour and learning that they powerfully contributed to the popularity of his college. Between 1706 and 1716, the year of his death, the celebrated Roger Cotes, the friend and disciple167 of Newton, filled the Plumian chair of astronomy and experimental philosophy at Cambridge. During this period he edited the second edition of the Principia, which he enriched with an admirable preface, and thus contributed, by his writings as well as by his lectures, to advance the philosophy of his master. About the same time, the learned Dr. Bentley, who first made known the philosophy of his friend to the readers of general literature, filled the high office of master of Trinity College, and could not fail to have exerted his utmost influence in propagating doctrines which he so greatly admired. Had any opposition been offered to the introduction of the true system of the universe, the talents and influence of these individuals would have immediately suppressed it; but no such opposition seems to have been made;166 and though there may have been individuals at Cambridge ignorant of mathematical science, who adhered to the system of Descartes, and patronised the study of the Physics of Rohault, yet it is probable that similar persons existed in the universities of Edinburgh and St. Andrew’s; and we cannot regard their adherence173 to error as disproving the general fact, that the philosophy of Newton was quickly introduced into all the universities of Great Britain.
But while the mathematical principles of the Newtonian system were ably expounded in our seats of learning, its physical truths were generally studied, and were explained and communicated to the public by various lecturers on experimental philosophy. The celebrated Locke, who was incapable of understanding the Principia from his want of mathematical knowledge, inquired of Huygens if all the mathematical propositions in that work were true. When he was assured that he might depend upon their certainty, he took them for granted, and carefully examined the reasonings and corollaries deduced from them. In this manner he acquired a knowledge of the physical truths in the Principia, and became a firm believer in the discoveries which it contained. In the same manner he studied the treatise on Optics, and made himself master of every part of it which was not mathematical.52 From a manuscript of Sir Isaac Newton’s, entitled “A demonstration that the planets, by their gravity towards the sun, may move in ellipses,53 found among the papers of Mr. Locke, and published by Lord King,” it would appear that he himself had been at considerable trouble in explaining to his friend that interesting doctrine. This manuscript is endorsed174, “Mr. Newton, March, 1689.” It begins with three hypotheses167 (the first two being the two laws of motion, and the third the parallelogram of motion), which introduce the proposition of the proportionality of the areas to the times in motions round an immoveable centre of attraction.54 Three lemmas, containing properties of the ellipse, then prepare the reader for the celebrated proposition, that when a body moves in an ellipse,55 the attraction is reciprocally as the square of the distance of the body from the focus to which it is attracted. These propositions are demonstrated in a more popular manner than in the Principia, but there can be no doubt that, even in their present modified form, they were beyond the capacity of Mr. Locke.
Dr. John Keill was the first person who publicly taught natural philosophy by experiments. Desaguliers informs us that this author “laid down very simple propositions, which he proved by experiments, and from these he deduced others more compound, which he still confirmed by experiments, till he had instructed his auditors175 in the laws of motion, the principles of hydrostatics and optics, and some of the chief propositions of Sir Isaac Newton concerning light and colours. He began these courses in Oxford about the year 1704 or 1705, and in that way introduced the love of the Newtonian philosophy.” When Dr. Keill left the university, Desaguliers began to teach the Newtonian philosophy by experiments. He commenced his lectures at Harthall in Oxford, in 1710, and delivered more than a hundred and twenty courses; and when he went to settle in London in 1713, he informs us that he found “the Newtonian philosophy generally received among persons of all ranks and professions, and even among the ladies by the help of experiments.” Such were the steps by which the Newtonian philosophy was established in Great Britain. From168 the time of the publication of the Principia, its mathematical doctrines formed a regular part of academical education; and before twenty years had elapsed, its physical truths were communicated to the public in popular lectures illustrated by experiments, and accommodated to the capacities of those who were not versed176 in mathematical knowledge. The Cartesian system, though it may have lingered for a while in the recesses177 of our universities, was soon overturned; and long before his death, Newton enjoyed the high satisfaction of seeing his philosophy triumphant178 in his native land.
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1
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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radii
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| n.半径；半径（距离）( radius的名词复数 )；用半径度量的圆形面积；半径范围；桡骨 | |
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astronomers
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| n.天文学者，天文学家( astronomer的名词复数 ) | |
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astronomer
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| n.天文学家 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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luminary
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| n.名人，天体 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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emanating
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的现在分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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revolving
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| adj.旋转的，轮转式的；循环的v.（使）旋转( revolve的现在分词 )；细想 | |
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geographers
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| 地理学家( geographer的名词复数 ) | |
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latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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velocity
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| n.速度，速率 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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vertical
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| adj.垂直的，顶点的，纵向的；n.垂直物，垂直的位置 | |
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revolved
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| v.（使）旋转( revolve的过去式和过去分词 )；细想 | |
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revolve
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| vi.(使)旋转；循环出现 | |
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axis
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| n.轴，轴线，中心线；坐标轴，基准线 | |
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deviate
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| v.(from)背离，偏离 | |
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casually
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| adv.漠不关心地，无动于衷地，不负责任地 | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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oblique
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| adj.斜的，倾斜的，无诚意的，不坦率的 | |
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deviation
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| n.背离，偏离；偏差，偏向；离题 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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projectile
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| n.投射物，发射体；adj.向前开进的；推进的；抛掷的 | |
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inverse
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| adj.相反的，倒转的，反转的；n.相反之物；v.倒转 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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inversely
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| adj.相反的 | |
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celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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meridian
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| adj.子午线的；全盛期的 | |
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memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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irritability
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| n.易怒 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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wren
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| n.鹪鹩；英国皇家海军女子服务队成员 | |
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51
centripetal
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| adj.向心的 | |
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52
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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53
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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54
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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55
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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56
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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encomium
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| n.赞颂；颂词 | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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prefix
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| n.前缀；vt.加…作为前缀；置于前面 | |
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64
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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postscript
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| n.附言，又及；(正文后的)补充说明 | |
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transcribing
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的现在分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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68
lawsuits
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| n.诉讼( lawsuit的名词复数 ) | |
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envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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70
implores
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的第三人称单数 ) | |
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resentments
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| （因受虐待而）愤恨，不满，怨恨( resentment的名词复数 ) | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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75
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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76
disseminated
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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78
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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79
density
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| n.密集，密度，浓度 | |
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80
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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81
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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82
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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83
spherical
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| adj.球形的；球面的 | |
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84
densities
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| 密集( density的名词复数 )； 稠密； 密度（固体、液体或气体单位体积的质量）； 密度（磁盘存贮数据的可用空间） | |
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85
subsists
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 ) | |
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86
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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87
velocities
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| n.速度( velocity的名词复数 )；高速，快速 | |
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88
receded
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的过去式和过去分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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89
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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90
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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91
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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92
rotation
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| n.旋转；循环，轮流 | |
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93
revolves
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| v.（使）旋转( revolve的第三人称单数 )；细想 | |
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94
lengthened
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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radius
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| n.半径，半径范围；有效航程，范围，界限 | |
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96
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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97
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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98
pendulums
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| n.摆，钟摆( pendulum的名词复数 )；摇摆不定的事态（或局面） | |
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99
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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100
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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101
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
conspires
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| 密谋( conspire的第三人称单数 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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103
luminaries
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| n.杰出人物，名人（luminary的复数形式） | |
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104
elevations
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| （水平或数量）提高( elevation的名词复数 )； 高地； 海拔； 提升 | |
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105
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
acceleration
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| n.加速，加速度 | |
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107
retardation
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| n.智力迟钝，精神发育迟缓 | |
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108
retard
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| n.阻止，延迟；vt.妨碍，延迟，使减速 | |
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109
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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tangential
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| adj.离题的，切线的 | |
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111
deviates
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| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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112
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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113
intersection
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| n.交集，十字路口，交叉点；[计算机] 交集 | |
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114
calculus
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| n.微积分；结石 | |
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115
longitude
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| n.经线，经度 | |
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116
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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117
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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118
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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119
diurnal
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| adj.白天的，每日的 | |
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120
computed
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| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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122
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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123
concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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124
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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125
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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126
mathematicians
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| 数学家( mathematician的名词复数 ) | |
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127
mathematician
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| n.数学家 | |
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128
astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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129
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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130
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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131
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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132
alluring
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| adj.吸引人的，迷人的 | |
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133
eddies
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| （水、烟等的）漩涡，涡流( eddy的名词复数 ) | |
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134
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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135
analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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136
perspicuity
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| n.（文体的）明晰 | |
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137
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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139
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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140
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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141
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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142
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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143
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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144
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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145
perseveringly
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| 坚定地 | |
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146
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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147
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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148
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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149
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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150
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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151
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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152
supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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154
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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155
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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156
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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157
awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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158
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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159
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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160
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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161
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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162
ignominiously
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| adv.耻辱地，屈辱地，丢脸地 | |
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163
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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164
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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166
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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167
disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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168
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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169
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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170
votaries
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| n.信徒( votary的名词复数 )；追随者；（天主教）修士；修女 | |
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171
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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172
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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173
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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174
endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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175
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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176
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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177
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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178
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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