All this irritated and perplexed9 D. Philip. He did not wish to vex10 the Pope, whose disinterestedness11 and holy aims he well knew; nor did he wish either to deprive his brother of all hope, because, although he did not doubt D. John's loyalty, he was afraid, having become suspicious, of subjecting it to undue12 proof.
In this difficulty he judged very wisely that the danger would cease with the opportunity, and he resolved to get rid, as far as possible, of "this care and worry of Tunis," and in this sense wrote to D. John the letter which we have already quoted. He also decided13 to follow the advice of Antonio Pérez, appointing Juan de Escovedo as secretary to D. John; and as his natural prudence14 and judgment15 saw no reason for injuring Juan de Soto, or motive16 for depriving himself of Soto's useful services elsewhere, he confirmed him in the appointment of Commissary of the Fleet in Italy, which was both an honourable17 and lucrative18 post.
So Juan de Escovedo set out to join D. John at Naples, bearing express orders from the King and strong recommendations from Antonio Pérez, to moderate D. John's ambitious aspirations19, and reduce him to a mere20 instrument of the policy of his brother, without any views of his own. This man, celebrated21 afterwards for the gloomy drama of which he was the victim, was then between forty-five and fifty years old. He appeared rather a clownish peasant from anywhere than a noble of the Asturias. He was of middle height, thick-set, with heavy shoulders, and so swarthy and bilious-looking, that in the secret correspondence of Philip II and Antonio Pérez he is often designated by the name of "verdinegro" (the dark green one). However, he compensated22 with interest for his rough ways and absolute want of manners by his generous, unselfish nature, his sterling23 honesty, clear understanding, and energetic activity, which rendered him capable of facing all obstacles. Ruy Gómez and Luis Quijada esteemed24 him much and the latter honoured him not a little in his lifetime, and Do?a Magdalena de Ulloa had retained, in her retirement26, such a happy recollection of his honesty and uprightness, that no sooner did she hear of his new appointment than she hastened to write him the following letter:
"Illustrious Sir; I desire to write to you to tell you the pleasure that it gives me to see you in the company of the Lord D. John, because I desire nothing in the world so much as to see such persons about him, for I know the necessity he has of this, and how he will profit by it, and as H.H. does not neglect to keep me informed, I have begged him to make the duty over to you, whom I ask to write by every post whatever you think that I might care to hear about D. John and what he does, and I also beg of you that no post should leave without bringing me information, because if this is not carried out, and the post comes with nothing, it gives me a great shock, and you can send the letters to the house of D. Pedro Manuel, and I will reply by the same means or as you may direct; and because I think that, although it will be a trouble to you, you will do it as a favour to me, I end by praying Our Lord to give you as good a journey and as much success as I wish you. May Our Lord keep and prosper27 your illustrious person as I wish. At your service,
Do?a Magdalena de Ulloa."
Gregory XIII, on his part, never wavered in his ideas, and losing all hope that Philip II would help him in his plans for the kingdom of Tunis, he turned to another scheme which had been a failure in the time of Pius V, but which he desired to resuscitate28 with fresh life and vigour29 by confiding30 its execution to D. John of Austria, "because of his valour and good fortune," quoth the Pontiff, who matured in silence his secret project, which was to bring so much good to Christendom and so much glory to D. John, and until he could divulge31 it he contented32 himself with lavishing33 proofs of esteem25 and affection on him, such as were then only shown to kings and reigning34 princes.
In March of that year, 1574, he sent to Naples by his Chamberlain the Golden Rose, blessed on Palm Sunday, which, according to ancient custom, the Pope was in the habit of sending to the king or queen who had deserved the most gratitude35 from the Holy See during the year. This unusual honour frightened the Viceroy of Naples, Cardinal36 de Granvelle, who was no friend of D. John, and he hastened to apprise37 Philip II of the fact. The Chamberlain arrived at Naples with the Golden Rose on the 24th of March, and on the 25th the solemn presentation took place in the church of St. Clara. The friars of St. Clara, great admirers of D. John, put a crimson38 velvet39 carpet on the Gospel side, to receive him, with a chair and curtain, as they would have done for an Infante of Spain. Granvelle knew of this, but held his tongue and let it pass, in order to have something against D. John, if he had accepted the honour; but he, warned in time, ordered the canopy40 to be removed and another chair to be placed at the left of his own for Granvelle.
Great was the enthusiasm in Naples over the new honour bestowed41 on D. John, and all wished to take part in it. It was a point of honour with the ladies to go to the festival with symbolical42 roses in their head-dresses and at their breasts, and they bombarded everyone, from the Cardinal to the smallest acolyte43, with demands for seats. It was, however, impossible to satisfy them all, and on this day noble ladies were seen in the gutter44, crowded on the stairs, in the doorways45, and even in the recesses46 of the chapel47, anxious to see everything and to be seen.
There were faintings from lack of air, cries of protest, bad-tempered48 pushing, crumpled49 ruffs, crooked50 caps, creased51 petticoats, unfastened shawls, lost jewels, and heaps of petals52 from the roses that had occupied such honourable positions. The necklace of the wife of an important Councillor was broken; it was a string of pearls, and only half a dozen could be recovered.
D. John came between the Cardinal Granvelle and the Archbishop of Monreale, and was followed by all the numerous princes, marquises and counts who were in Naples, and by a crowd of gentlemen. A Bishop53 celebrated the Mass, and the Bishop of Castellamare, who was Chaplain to the King, gave D. John the Pax and presented him with the Gospels to kiss. The Pope's Chamberlain was on the Epistle side, on a seat without a back covered with crimson velvet. He wore a black velvet cassock, and over it a crimson garment. The Golden Rose was displayed on the high altar in a big silver jar. It was of massive gold, with its foliage54 a foot high; it had diamonds sprinkled over it like drops of dew, and the green leaves were made of emeralds, some of enormous size. Mass over, the Chamberlain took a brief of the Pope and gave it to D. John to kiss, and then to a secretary to read aloud. The reading finished, D. John knelt down on a cushion of crimson velvet before the Bishop who had celebrated the Mass, and who, taking the Golden Rose from the hands of an ecclesiastic55, gave it to D. John, saying, "Our Holy Father, Gregory XIII, Very Serene56 Prince, sends you this consecrated57 rose, in token of his benevolence58 and paternal59 love. By his orders I give it to your Highness."
To which D. John replied, "I kiss the feet of His Holiness for so great a favour, and I receive the rose with the veneration60 due to something so sacred, sent by the Vicar of Christ, universal Shepherd and head of the Church."
At this time there broke out in Genoa the famous disturbances61 between the old and the new nobility, called respectively "the Porch of St. Luke" and "the Porch of St. Peter," and Philip II, who held the protectorate of this republic, hastened to send D. John of Austria with a few galleys63 to pacify64 the insurgents65 with skill and cleverness; and if it were not possible to quiet them by any other means, to do so by force of arms. The Pope heard of his passing Gaeta, which was only twenty leagues from Rome, and on the pretext66 of greeting him, sent his son Jacobo Boncompagni, who carried secret instructions to apprise D. John of those mysterious plans over which the Pope had long been meditating67. Marco Antonio Colonna accompanied Jacobo on his own account, as also did the Spanish ambassador in Rome, D. Juan de Zú?iga.
The three illustrious personages came to visit D. John on the 18th of April on board his galley62 with a numerous and brilliant suite68, and the next day D. John landed to give them a royally sumptuous69 banquet in the house of the Governor of Gaeta. The long, wide table was set in the principal saloon, with two places side by side laid with services of rich plate, D. John giving the place of honour to Jacobo. On the right, but at a respectful distance, was a similar place for Marco Antonio Colonna, and at an equal distance on the left another for D. Juan de Zú?iga. One hundred and twenty-three dishes were served with all the viands70 and exquisite71 sauces for which Italian cooking was then so famous, without counting dessert, which covered the table three times, with different conceits72 of towers, tournaments, castles, and wild beasts, with pastry73 and delicious sweetmeats; more than forty kinds of wine were passed round. The merriment and good temper of the illustrious guests never flagged for a moment, and the crowd of noble gentlemen, who stood respectfully watching the banquet, snatched a mouthful at the sideboard, and were satisfied with abundant cups of wine.
At the end of dinner Boncompagni asked D. John's permission to present him with the gift that Gregory XIII had sent: some very rich tournament armour74, a great black velvet pouch75 full of gold medals that had been blessed, which D. John divided among those present, and a little chest of red velvet containing a beautiful group of the Crucifixion, of great artistic76 merit. The Pope kept this chest in his rooms, and it was enriched with numerous indulgences.
In return for these presents D. John gave Boncompagni a horse worth 500 ducats, and its trappings which cost 2500, and a sword ornamented77 with gold worth 800 ducats.
The next day, on board the galley "Real," under the awning78 of striped red and white damask which stretched in front of D. John's cabin, Boncompagni confided79 to him the mysterious enterprise which Gregory XIII proposed to undertake with D. John's help. D. John listened attentively80 in silence, from time to time his blue eyes flashed with enthusiasm. It was a question of setting at liberty a beautiful captive queen and snatching a kingdom from the heretics.
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1
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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2
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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5
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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8
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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9
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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vex
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| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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11
disinterestedness
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12
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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13
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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14
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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15
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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16
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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17
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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18
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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19
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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20
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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21
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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22
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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24
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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25
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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26
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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27
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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28
resuscitate
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| v.使复活，使苏醒 | |
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29
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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30
confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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31
divulge
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| v.泄漏(秘密等)；宣布，公布 | |
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32
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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33
lavishing
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的现在分词 ) | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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36
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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37
apprise
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| vt.通知，告知 | |
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38
crimson
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| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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39
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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40
canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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41
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42
symbolical
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| a.象征性的 | |
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43
acolyte
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| n.助手，侍僧 | |
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44
gutter
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| n.沟，街沟，水槽，檐槽，贫民窟 | |
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45
doorways
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| n.门口，门道( doorway的名词复数 ) | |
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46
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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47
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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48
bad-tempered
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| adj.脾气坏的 | |
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49
crumpled
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| adj. 弯扭的, 变皱的 动词crumple的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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50
crooked
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| adj.弯曲的；不诚实的，狡猾的，不正当的 | |
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51
creased
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| （使…）起折痕，弄皱( crease的过去式和过去分词 )； （皮肤）皱起，使起皱纹； 皱皱巴巴 | |
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52
petals
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| n.花瓣( petal的名词复数 ) | |
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53
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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54
foliage
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| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
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55
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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56
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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57
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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58
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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59
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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60
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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61
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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62
galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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63
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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64
pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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67
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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68
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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69
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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70
viands
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| n.食品，食物 | |
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71
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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72
conceits
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| 高傲( conceit的名词复数 )； 自以为； 巧妙的词语； 别出心裁的比喻 | |
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73
pastry
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| n.油酥面团，酥皮糕点 | |
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74
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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pouch
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| n.小袋，小包，囊状袋；vt.装...入袋中，用袋运输；vi.用袋送信件 | |
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76
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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awning
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| n.遮阳篷；雨篷 | |
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79
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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80
attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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