At the beginning of May, 1574, D. John received an urgent message from Gabrio Cervelloni, to say that the Turks were preparing a very powerful fleet; that it was feared that they would fall suddenly upon Tunis, and that, in consequence of this, funds should be sent as quickly as possible to finish the new fort, which was not yet completed. D. John was at Genoa, quieting the disturbances8 there, and he hastened to send the Commissary of the Fleet Juan de Soto to Madrid, to warn Philip II of the danger which threatened. The King was not much alarmed about this, and, perhaps, saw a prompt and certain opportunity of ridding himself of this care and worry of Tunis. At any rate, his answer makes it clear that this new conquest was the least of his cares, and while writing to Cardinal9 Granvelle, Viceroy of Naples, and to the Duque de Terranova, Regent of Sicily, that they were to guard the ports and reinforce the garrisons11, especially in Messina, Augusta, Syracuse, Trapani and Palermo, he contented12 himself with adding that they were not to forget to help his brother, and to look after the coast of Barbary. He also ordered D. García de Toledo and the Marqués de Santa Cruz to watch how D. John was garrisoning13 Goletta, and to the latter the King wrote that he was to do what he judged best in the matter, but that he was to remember that he had said that 2000 foot soldiers were enough to defend Goletta. D. John then sent D. Juan de Cardona with all the galleys14 under his command to Tunis without loss of time, taking the help for which Gabrio Cervelloni craved16. This was not sufficient, and those in Tunis reiterated17 their request. D. John then exhausted18 all his resources, and sent D. Bernardino de Velasco with twenty Neapolitan galleys and four companies of Italian infantry19. With these comings and goings summer was getting old, and on the 13th of August, at the Cape20 of Carthage, appeared the dreaded21 Turkish fleet of 300 ships and 60,000 soldiers, the fleet being commanded by Aluch Ali, and the troops by Selim's son-in-law Sinan Pasha, the renegade.
A great outcry arose at the extreme peril22 of the Barbary Christians23, and by every means in their power they sent to ask help from Granvelle, Terranova, and, above all, from D. John of Austria, in virtue24 of his office and Christian piety25. He wished to fly to their aid, abandoning everything. He wrote first, however, to the Duque de Sesa, "To urge the Cardinal to send people to help Goletta, as that province was in his charge." But the imperturbable26 Granvelle replied coldly, "That he had much to guard in the Kingdom, and that it did not suit him to divide his forces." "This was," says Vander Hammen, commenting on the fact, "to give colour to the excuse. The real reason was Granvelle's dislike to support D. John, jealous of his favours with Mars and Venus, and because he was a foreigner, and because his brothers conspired27 in the Flemish rebellion;" and Luis Cabrera de Córdoba expresses himself in similar words, equally severe, not forgetting Mars and Venus. And D. John himself wrote to his sister Donna Margarita: "In short, Lady, everything goes badly; and in truth it is not entirely28 the fault of His Majesty29, except for permitting those who govern his States to forget that those in their vicinity, or those that are not, are as much His Majesty's as those which each minister has charge of."
Meanwhile D. John, tired of waiting for orders, troops and money which did not come, and making it a point of honour to go to Tunis, moved with desperate activity from Genoa to Naples, Messina and Palermo, recruiting soldiers everywhere, chartering ships, and pledging for all this his plate, his jewels, and even his word, until he had collected at Messina a moderate fleet with no lack of fighting men. He was all ready to sail for Africa, when he met with another obstacle, more powerful than the calculated coldness of Philip II, or the jealous hatred30 of the Cardinal. The sea! The terrible sea which rose in a furious storm which threw him to Trapani, much against his will, and kept him there days and days, giving time for Christians to perish and for the Turks to become victorious31. Three times he tried to leave the port, defying the storm, and as often had to retire before the surging waves. Then he sent four galleys without quarter-decks and platforms on the forecastles to take the mere hope of help to Goletta, but the implacable tempest prevented this by destroying two of them. At last the weather improved; but before D. John could put to sea, a French galley15, without masts and knocked about by the storm, was driven into the port of Trapani. On board of her was D. Juan Zagonera, with fifty soldiers, all that remained at liberty of the garrison10 that D. John had left in Barbary. From them he heard of the terrible disaster. The Turks were in possession of Tunis; three thousand soldiers were dead, and the rest wounded or captives; Pagano Doria had been beheaded; Gabrio Cervelloni, D. Pedro Portocarrero and D. Francisco de Avila were the slaves of Sinan; the new fort razed32 before it was finished; and Goletta, the glorious legacy33 of Charles V, blown up by mines, and erased34 from the African soil by Aluch Ali, as the wind of the desert obliterates35 footprints.
Those who were jealous of D. John blamed him for this catastrophe36, with which he had had nothing to do; the sensible public opinion, at times so right and sharp, blamed Granvelle, and songs, which have come down to us, were sung on the subject in the streets. A few, but very few, said in a whisper, as in those days it was necessary to do, that the Cardinal was not responsible, since in refusing aid to Goletta he had obeyed secret orders from Madrid. Of this, however, absolutely no proof exists.
The energetic nature of D. John was not depressed37 by this bad news; but it awoke a thousand different sentiments in his mind, and under the impression of disgust, sorrow and wounded dignity, and, above all, his loyal frankness, which always urged him to treat questions openly and in a straightforward38 manner, he resolved to go to Spain to confer with his brother Philip II face to face about three different questions which were connected with each other—as to his remaining permanently39 in Italy as Lieutenant-Governor of those States, his recognition as Infante of Castille, and the mysterious scheme that Gregory XIII had proposed to him.
So it fell out, and by January, 1575, D. John was already in Madrid. On the 15th of February he wrote to his sister Donna Margarita:
"Lady, I, praised be God, arrived a few days ago at this Court, where I have received such kindness from His Majesty that only to have gained this I consider that I have spent my life well. Since my arrival I think that he understands Italian affairs very differently from what he did before. I had thought, as I had prayed His Majesty, to stay some time in Madrid; but in the end he is resolved to order me to return to those parts, and is in a great hurry to send me off. I think that I shall start in the middle of the coming month, and I also think that I go to begin a new sort of service according to what suits His Majesty. Meanwhile one has to overcome difficulties and hasten on the things required for this summer's campaign.
"To all this I pay so much attention that each day, in councils and out of them, I do nothing else. It is already drawing so near summer, that I am satisfied with nothing that I do not see. Here, Lady, everything is councils; every day I hold two, besides a thousand other occupations, which leave me no time that I can call my own."
D. Philip was under the spell of the fascination40 that D. John always exercised, and, notwithstanding the groundless suspicions of Antonio Pérez, he received his brother with loving affection and the gratitude41 and graciousness due to a leader who had added such lustre42 and glory to the arms and name of Spain. He listened long, and with great interest, to D. John's information about Italian affairs, changing his opinion much about them. He agreed with D. John in blaming the Ministers and Viceroys of those States, especially Granvelle and the Duque de Terranova. He talked over and fixed43 the loans which should be made to the various councils to enable them to guard themselves that summer against the Turk, whose pride had to be humbled44 after the recent capture of Tunis; and finally appointed him, with the approval of the whole council, and to the secret horror of Antonio Pérez, his Lieutenant-General of all Italy, with authority over all the Viceroys and Ministers who governed those States. This, however, was to remain a secret, to spare the reputations and prestige of these functionaries45, and was only to be manifested in case of abuse of authority or boast of independence. "This for Y. Highness only, I beg for many reasons," wrote D. John from Naples to Donna Margarita. "I also bring an order that everyone has to act with obedience46; but this is only to be used when some Minister persuades himself to the contrary, which I do not think will happen, as by letters they have learnt what concerns them."
D. John, encouraged by this, dared to present the second part of his programme, which was that, in order to wound no one and to give an outward sign of this supremacy47 over the Italian Ministers, the King should concede to him the rank and title of Infante, which was spontaneously given him by all, great and small. D. Philip did not like to refuse this well-deserved favour, but with excuses made D. John understand that the time was not ripe for this. He did not do this out of ill-will, or from miserly stinginess, or still less from jealousy48 of his fame and renown, as some say, but because it was one of the maxims49 of this prudent50 King, inherited from his father Charles V, to stimulate51 the services of the Grandees52 with a reward in proportion to their rank; and without giving D. John a crown, which Philip did not wish to do, there remained no other reward worthy53 of him but the title of Infante, and it seemed premature54 to give him this now, considering the many and important services Philip hoped to obtain from him in the future.
As to the project of Gregory XIII, D. John did not have to broach55 the subject to his brother. D. Philip himself began it, having already talked over and settled it with the Nuncio Ormanetto.
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1
titanic
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| adj.巨人的，庞大的，强大的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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5
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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8
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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12
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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garrisoning
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的现在分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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14
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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15
galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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16
craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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17
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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21
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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22
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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imperturbable
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| adj.镇静的 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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30
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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31
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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32
razed
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| v.彻底摧毁，将…夷为平地( raze的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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34
erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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35
obliterates
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| v.除去( obliterate的第三人称单数 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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36
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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38
straightforward
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| adj.正直的，坦率的；易懂的，简单的 | |
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39
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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40
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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41
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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42
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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43
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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44
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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45
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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46
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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47
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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48
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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49
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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50
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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51
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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52
grandees
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| n.贵族，大公，显贵者( grandee的名词复数 ) | |
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53
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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54
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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55
broach
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| v.开瓶，提出(题目) | |
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