On the 20th of October he wrote to the King from Ventosa; and again on the 24th from Irun, to announce that he was crossing the frontier alone with Octavio Gonzaga, as he had left Honorato de Silva ill at Fuenterrabia. On the 31st, at six in the morning, he wrote from Paris, complaining of the dreadful roads and bad horses, and of having journeyed two days with a French merchant, who had given him his trunk to carry for three stages, being quite taken in by his disguise of servant. On the 3rd of November they at last reached Luxemburg at night, from where he wrote first to the Council in Brussels, which held the temporary Government, representing the Senate, and afterwards to the Spanish soldiers, notifying them of his arrival and the command he brought from the King. He wrote also to D. Philip, telling him of the dreadful disorder3 of these provinces, of the complete isolation4 of his servants, friends and partisans5, and the difficulties which offered themselves with regard to handing over the command to him.
In truth, the arrival of D. John could not have been at a more difficult or dangerous time. On the 3rd of November, the day he first trod Flemish soil, Antwerp was taken, and its horrible sack by the Spanish and German troops took place. These furious and mutinous6 men then took in a cruel and evil way the pay which the Council of Brussels maliciously7 held back from them. The Council, terrified, authorised all citizens to arm themselves, and ordered the expulsion of all foreign troops from the States. At this juncture8 D. John's letters reached the Council in Brussels and the victorious9 and mutinous troops at Antwerp. These obeyed at once, laying down their arms as their beloved and respected General ordered, and there was great rejoicing among them that he had come as Governor and Captain-General. But the Council was divided within itself, some refusing to hand over the command to D. John; others feared such disobedience against the authority of the King, and they were only agreed in asking the advice of William the Silent, Prince of Orange, the oracle10 and shrewd instigator11 of all these more or less disguised rebels.
The answer of Orange was precise: liberty bought at the price of so much blood could not be given up by making over the command to D. John of Austria; and if the Council lacked the courage to retain it, they were first "with pride and arrogance12" to exact from D. John that he would confirm on oath the "Pacification13 of Ghent," one of whose articles was the expulsion of all foreign troops from Flemish soil. This "Pacification of Ghent" was in itself an act of rebellion and independence, for it was resolved upon at a peace conference between the Prince of Orange and the Council of Brussels, as provisional Government, in the name of the King, but without the knowledge or authority of Philip II.
The Council agreed to the latter part of Orange's answer, not having the courage to oppose D. John openly, and sent it to him by the senator Iskio; but couched in such haughty14 and insolent15 language that the ambassador was in difficulties, not knowing which to fear the more—the wrath16 of the Senate, if he refused to take it, or the anger of D. John, if he did. He took counsel of a guest in his house, who said, "Take my advice, Iskio, for this Gordian knot use the sword of Alexander: when you are alone with the Austrian, draw the steel with dexterity17, and bury it in the body of this man who is fraudulent and baneful18 to Flanders. By his death you will free yourself from his annoyance19, and will be certain of the thanks of the States." Iskio understood with horror that this was the general wish in Flanders, and resolved to take the message to D. John on his own account, softening20 its terms as much as possible. But such was the dignity and politeness of D. John in giving his refusal, and such the graciousness of his reception of Iskio, understanding his good intentions, that the messenger, completely subjugated21 and full of enthusiasm, warmly praised D. John to the Senate when he returned to Brussels, which brought him insults and bad treatment from many, and, over-excited by such conflicting emotions, in a few days he went mad.
His arguments, however, had impressed the Council, and they decided22 to send D. John a second message by John Funk, this time a very respectful and courteous23 one, begging him to deign24 to ratify25 the "Peace of Ghent." D. John answered with equal politeness that he must have time to think it over and to study thoroughly26 the eighteen articles of the said convention: he suspected that there might be something against the Catholic religion, and wished to submit it to the opinion of theologians. D. John was also very perplexed27 about the expulsion of the Spanish troops, and on this subject asked the opinion of the only two confidential28 advisers29 he had there, Octavia Gonzaga and Juan de Escovedo.
Gonzaga replied at once without hesitation30, as a man full of an idea who takes the opportunity of displaying it, that he thought that it was neither prudent31 nor seemly to send away the Spanish regiments32; it was not seemly, as the Governor was the King's representative, and he should submit to no conditions save those imposed by the King; it was not prudent, because once the soldiers had left Flanders, the royal authority and the person of D. John, who represented it, would be helpless, alone and without support in this country of shameless rebels, secret enemies and lukewarm friends who could, with impunity33, laugh at the one and ruin the other whenever they wished. Escovedo, on the other hand, thought that the Spanish regiments should leave Flanders as soon as possible, because the King wished for peace at all costs, giving in to everything which was not against religion or the royal authority; and the expulsion of the Spaniards was against neither the one nor the other, and was necessary to obtain peace in the actual state of affairs. It also seemed to him that the noble confidence with which D. John placed himself in the hands of the Flemings would oblige them the more to act loyally, and in the opposite case that Gonzaga imagined, they were not so badly off for German troops that they would not be able to resist, nor the Spaniards so far off that they could not return there in time. Escovedo also urged secretly, and pressed D. John with this other argument; if, as the Council believed, the expulsion of the Spanish regiments would assure the peace of Flanders, they could at once undertake the expedition to England and use these famous and dreaded34 troops, as Philip II remarked in a letter written from the Pardo which D. John received from him just then.
D. John pondered over and weighed these arguments. He could clearly see that Gonzaga was thinking of the dignity of Spain and Escovedo of his own golden dream, the expedition to England, and he did not dare to decide for himself, fearing lest his own wish and feelings should carry him away, so he loyally submitted it for Philip II to decide. At the same time he sent the opinions of four Bishops36, twelve Abbots, fourteen theologians eminent37 in offices and dignities, nine doctors and professors, and five jurists of Louvain, that there was nothing prejudicial to religion or the royal authority in the eighteen articles of the "Peace of Ghent."
Meanwhile deputations of the clergy38 and nobility of those parts, who publicly acknowledged themselves loyal to Spain and Philip II, came to welcome D. John in Luxemburg, and these also urged that the Spanish troops should be dismissed as soon as possible, adding arguments and proposals, warnings, and presumptuous39, even rude advice, which clearly showed to what an extent the very name of Spain was distasteful and even hated in Flanders. On one of these deputations came the Bishop35 of Arras, with the Baron40 of Liquerque and the Marquis de Havré, who was brother to the Duke of Arschot and had been to Spain several times, and to whom Philip had shown much favour and proof of confidence. When the Marquis saw that his companions were amusing themselves or pretending to do so at the end of the room, he took D. John apart to the opposite end, and there point-blank, without fear of God or respect for himself, proposed that he (D. John) should rise with all and rule over the States, and they would help him. The shame and anger which showed in D. John's face cut the speech short, and mechanically he put his hand to his dagger41, according to what Vander Hammen and Porre?o say, referring to this deed of D. John's, "That, not being able to suffer this blow, which touched his fidelity42 to the quick, he drew out his dagger and wounded him with great indignation."
D. John was more heroic than this, as, from prudence43 and loyalty44 to the King, he was silent and swallowed the affront45; and thus Escovedo refers to it in a letter to the King, written on the 21st of January, 1577: "And to advise Y.M. that Y.M. should see what good and loyal vassals46 Y.M. has here, and how much they love you. Know that the Marquis de Havré, on his own part and that of others, tempted47 the Lord D. John, offering all this for himself, and that he should not lose the chance, and although he tried to change the subject, pretending not to understand, he was so bold and shameless that he repeated it. He answered that God save Y.M., that they had a very good King, and that it would not be well for them to alter, and he swore to me that he was moved to box his ears, and that he would have done so, if it would not have done harm to the main business."
D. John speaks of the matter in a very veiled way in one of his letters to D. Rodrigo de Mendoza:
"Lately came a deputation and embassy from the States, among others the Marquis de Havré, strangely without shame and respect even, since he openly spoke48 of everything, trusting everything and everybody without any respect, as I say."
At last Philip's reply arrived, ordering D. John to sign, without demur49, the "Pacification of Ghent," and to send the Spanish regiments at once away from Flanders. D. John felt greatly humiliated50 and discouraged, because before sending away the regiments it was necessary to pay them, and D. Philip did not mention this or send any money whatever.
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1
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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4
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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6
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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7
maliciously
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| adv.有敌意地 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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instigator
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| n.煽动者 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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17
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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20
softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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subjugated
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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deign
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| v. 屈尊, 惠允 ( 做某事) | |
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ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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32
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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34
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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35
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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40
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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41
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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42
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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43
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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44
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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45
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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46
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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47
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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48
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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49
demur
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| v．表示异议，反对 | |
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50
humiliated
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| 感到羞愧的 | |
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