On the 29th day of December, 1829, an apparently2 innocent resolution was offered by Mr. Foote, of Connecticut, in the following terms:
“Resolved, That the Committee on Public Lands be instructed to inquire into the expediency3 of limiting for a certain period the sales of the public lands to such lands only as have been heretofore offered for sale and are subject to entry at the minimum price; also, whether the office of Surveyor-General may not be abolished without detriment4 to the public interest.”
This resolution called forth5 the celebrated6 debate in which Mr. Webster demolished7 the eloquent8 champion of the South in a speech which will live as long as American history.
Mr. Benton, of Missouri, in an elaborate speech furnished the keynote of the campaign. On Monday, the 18th, he made a speech in which a violent attack was made upon New England, its institutions and its representatives. He was followed by Col. Hayne, who elaborated the comparison drawn9 between the so-called illiberal10 policy of New England and the generous policy of the South towards the growing West. He charged the East with a spirit of jealousy11 and an unwillingness13 that the West should be rapidly settled, taking the resolution of the senator of Connecticut as his text.
This attack excited surprise, not only by its violence and injustice14, but by its suddenness. Mr. Webster shared in the general surprise. It was not long before he was led to suspect that he was aimed at as a well-known defender15 of New England. At any rate, he rose to reply, but a motion for adjournment16 cut him off, and he was obliged to wait for the next day before he could have the opportunity. The speech he then made, though not his great speech, was able and deserves notice. He disproved in the clearest manner the charges which had been made against New England, and showed that her policy had been the direct reverse. He dwelt especially upon the part which the Eastern States had in settling the great State of Ohio, which even then contained a population of a million. Upon this point he spoke17 as follows:
“And here, sir, at the epoch18 of 1794, let us pause and survey the scene. It is now thirty-five years since that scene actually existed. Let us, sir, look back and behold19 it. Over all that is now Ohio there then stretched one vast wilderness20, unbroken, except by two small spots of civilized21 culture, the one at Marietta, the other at Cincinnati. At these little openings, hardly a pin’s point upon the map, the arm of the frontiersman had leveled the forest and let in the sun. These little patches of earth, themselves almost shadowed by the overhanging boughs22 of the wilderness, which had stood and perpetuated23 itself from century to century ever since the Creation, were all that had been rendered verdant24 by the hand of man. In an extent of hundreds and thousands of square miles no other surface of smiling green attested25 the presence of civilization. The hunter’s path crossed mighty26 rivers flowing in solitary27 grandeur28, whose sources lay in remote and unknown regions of the wilderness. It struck, upon the north, on a vast inland sea, over which the wintry tempest raged as upon the ocean; all around was bare creation.
“It was a fresh, untouched, unbounded, magnificent wilderness. And, sir, what is it now? Is it imagination only, or can it possibly be fact, that presents such a change as surprises and astonishes us when we turn our eyes to what Ohio now is? Is it reality or a dream that in so short a period as even thirty-five years there has sprung up on the same surface an independent State, with a million of people? A million of inhabitants! An amount of population greater than all the cantons of Switzerland; equal to one third of all the people of the United States when they undertook to accomplish their independence! If, sir, we may judge of measures by their results, what lessons do these facts read us on the policy of the government? What inferences do they not authorize29 upon the general question of kindness or unkindness? What convictions do they enforce as to the wisdom and ability, on the one hand, or the folly30 and incapacity on the other, of our general management of Western affairs? For my own part, while I am struck with wonder at the success, I also look with admiration31 at the wisdom and foresight32 which originally arranged and prescribed the system for the settlement of the public domain33.”
Mr. Webster said in conclusion: “The Senate will bear me witness that I am not accustomed to allude34 to local opinions, nor to compare, nor to contrast, different portions of the country. I have often suffered things to pass, which I might properly enough have considered as deserving a remark, without any observation. But I have felt it my duty on this occasion to vindicate35 the State which I represent from charges and imputations on her public character and conduct which I know to be undeserved and unfounded. If advanced elsewhere, they might be passed, perhaps, without notice. But whatever is said here is supposed to be entitled to public regard and to deserve public attention; it derives37 importance and dignity from the place where it is uttered. As a true representative of the State which has sent me here it is my duty, and a duty which I shall fulfill38, to place her history and her conduct, her honor and her character, in their just and proper light.
“While I stand here as representative of Massachusetts, I will be her true representative, and, by the blessing39 of God, I will vindicate her character, motives40 and history from every imputation36 coming from a respectable source.”
This was the first reply of Webster to Hayne, and it was able and convincing. But Col. Hayne and his friends had no intention of leaving the matter there. The next day the consideration of the bill was renewed. Mr. Webster’s friends wished to have the discussion postponed41 as he had an important case pending42 in the Supreme43 Court. Mr. Hayne objected, saying in a theatrical44 tone, “that he saw the senator from Massachusetts in his seat, and presumed he could make an arrangement that would enable him to be present during the discussion. He was unwilling12 that the subject should be postponed until he had an opportunity of replying to some of the observations which had fallen from the gentleman yesterday. He would not deny that some things had fallen from the gentleman which rankled45 here [touching his breast], from which he would desire at once to relieve himself. The gentleman had discharged his fire in the face of the Senate. He hoped he would now afford him the opportunity of returning the shot.”
“Then it was,” as a Southern member of Congress afterwards expressed it, “that Mr. Webster’s person seemed to become taller and larger. His chest expanded and his eyeballs dilated46. Folding his arms in a composed, firm and most expressive47 manner, he exclaimed: ‘Let the discussion proceed. I am ready. I am ready now to receive the gentleman’s fire.’”
Col. Hayne’s speech was the great effort of his life. He was a ready, accomplished48 and forcible speaker, and he vainly thought himself a match for the great senator from Massachusetts whose power he was yet to understand. He spoke as one who was confident of victory, with a self-confidence, a swagger, a violence of invective49, which increased as he went on. He was encouraged by the evident delight of his friends, including the Vice-President. He did not finish his speech the first day, but closed with a hint of what he intended to do.
“Sir,” he said, “the gentleman from Massachusetts has thought proper, for purposes best known to himself, to strike the South through me, the most unworthy of her servants. He has crossed the border, he has invaded the State of South Carolina, is making war upon her citizens, and endeavoring to overthrow50 her principles and institutions. Sir, when the gentleman provokes me to such a conflict, I meet him at the threshold, I will struggle while I have life for our altars and our firesides, and if God gives me strength I will drive back the invader51 discomfited52. Nor shall I stop there. If the gentleman provokes war he shall have war. Sir, I will not stop at the border; I will carry the war into the enemy’s territory, and not consent to lay down my arms until I shall have obtained ‘indemnity for the past and security for the future.’ It is with unfeigned reluctance53 that I enter upon the performance of this part of my duty. I shrink, almost instinctively54, from a course, however necessary, which may have a tendency to excite sectional feelings and sectional jealousies55. But, sir, the task has been forced upon me, and I proceed right onward56 to the performance of my duty, be the consequences what they may; the responsibility is with those who have imposed upon me the necessity. The senator from Massachusetts has thought proper to cast the first stone, and, if he shall find, according to a homely57 adage58, that ‘he lives in a glass house,’ on his head be the consequences.”
Brave words these! But brave words do not necessarily win the victory, and Col. Hayne little knew what a foe59 he was challenging to combat.
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1
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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5
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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7
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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8
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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10
illiberal
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| adj.气量狭小的，吝啬的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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12
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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14
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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15
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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16
adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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17
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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18
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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23
perpetuated
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| vt.使永存（perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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verdant
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| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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29
authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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30
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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31
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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32
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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33
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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38
fulfill
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| vt.履行，实现，完成；满足，使满意 | |
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39
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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40
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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41
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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42
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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43
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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44
theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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45
rankled
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
dilated
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| adj.加宽的，扩大的v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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48
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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49
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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50
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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51
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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52
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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53
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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54
instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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55
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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56
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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57
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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58
adage
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| n.格言，古训 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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