It will be easily seen that this was a most dangerous doctrine to hold, one which if allowed would everywhere subject the national authority to contempt. The United States never had an external foe9 half so insidious10 or half so dangerous as this assumption which had grown up within its own borders.
To return to the great debate. When Col. Hayne took his seat at the close of his second speech his friends gathered round him in warm congratulation. Mr. Webster’s friends were sober. Much as they admired him, they did not see how he was going to answer that speech. They knew that he would have little or no time for preparation, and it would not do for him to make an ordinary or commonplace reply to such a dashing harangue11. So on the evening of Monday the friends of Mr. Webster walked about the streets gloomy and preoccupied12. They feared for their champion.
But how was it with him? During Col. Hayne’s speech he calmly took notes. Occasionally there was a flash from the depths of his dark eyes as a hint or a suggestion occurred to him, but he seemed otherwise indifferent and unmoved, He spent the evening as usual, and enjoyed a refreshing13 night’s sleep.
In the morning of the eventful day three hours before the hour of meeting crowds set their faces towards the Capitol. At twelve o’clock the Senate Chamber—its galleries, floors and even lobbies—was filled to overflowing14. The Speaker retained his place unwillingly15 in the House, but hardly enough members were present to transact16 business.
When the fitting time came Mr. Webster rose. He was in the full vigor17 of a magnificent manhood, the embodiment of conscious strength. He gazed around him, never more self-possessed18 than at that moment. He saw his adversaries19 with their complacent20 faces already rejoicing in his anticipated discomfiture21; he looked in the faces of his friends, and he noted22 their looks of anxious solicitude23; but he had full confidence in his own strength, and his deep cavernous eyes glowed with “that stern joy which warriors24 feel in foemen worthy25 of their steel.”
There was a hush26 of expectation and a breathless silence as those present waited for his first words.
He began thus: “Mr. President, when the mariner28 has been tossed for many days, in thick weather, and on an unknown sea, he naturally avails himself of the first pause in the storm, the earliest glance of the sun, to take his latitude29, and ascertain30 how far the elements have driven him from his true course. Let us imitate this prudence31, and before we float further on the waves of this debate, refer to the point from which we departed, that we may at least be able to form some conjecture32 where we now are. I ask for the reading of the resolution.”
This was felt to be a happy exordium, and was sufficient to rivet33 the attention of the vast audience.
After the resolution was read Mr. Webster continued: “We have thus heard, sir, what the resolution is which is actually before us for consideration; and it will readily occur to every one that it is almost the only subject about which something has not been said in the speech, running through two days, by which the Senate has been now entertained by the gentleman from South Carolina. Every topic in the wide range of our public affairs, whether past or present, everything, general or local, whether belonging to national politics or party politics, seems to have attracted more or less of the honorable members attention, save only the resolution before the Senate. He has spoken of everything but the public lands; they have escaped his notice. To that subject in all his excursions he has not paid even the cold respect of a passing glance.
“When this debate, sir, was to be resumed on Thursday morning, it so happened that it would have been convenient for me to be elsewhere. The honorable member, however, did not incline to put off the discussion to another day. He had a shot, he said, to return, and he wished to discharge it. That shot, which it was kind thus to inform us was coming, that we might stand out of the way, or prepare ourselves to fall before it and die with decency34, has now been received. Under all advantages, and with expectation awakened35 by the tone which preceded it, it has been discharged and has spent its force. It may become me to say no more of its effect than that, if nobody is found, after all, either killed or wounded by it, it is not the first time in the history of human affairs that the vigor and success of the war have not quite come up to the lofty and sounding phrase of the manifesto36.”
Referring to Col. Hayne’s statement that there was something rankling37 here (indicating his heart) which he wished to relieve, Mr. Webster said: “In this respect, sir, I have a great advantage over the honorable gentleman. There is nothing here, sir, which gives me the slightest uneasiness; neither fear nor anger, nor that which is sometimes more troublesome than either, the consciousness of having been in the wrong.... I must repeat, also, that nothing has been received here which rankles38 or in any way gives me annoyance39. I will not accuse the honorable gentleman of violating the rules of civilized40 war; I will not say he poisoned his arrows. But whether his shafts41 were, or were not, dipped in that which would have caused rankling if they had reached, there was not, as it happened, quite strength enough in the bow to bring them to their mark. If he wishes now to gather up these shafts he must look for them elsewhere; they will not be found fixed42 and quivering in the object at which they were aimed.”
Col. Hayne and his friends, as they listened to these words, breathing a calm consciousness of power not unmixed with a grand disdain43, must have realized that they had exulted44 too soon. Indeed Hayne’s friends had not all looked forward with confidence to his victory. Senator Iredell, of North Carolina, to a friend of Hayne’s who was praising his speech, had said the evening previous, “He has started the lion—but wait till we hear his roar, or feel his claws.”
While I do not propose to give an abstract of this famous oration45, I shall quote some of the most brilliant and effective passages, well known and familiar though they are, because they will be re-read with fresh and added interest in this connection. There was not a son of Massachusetts, nay46, there was not a New Englander, whose heart was not thrilled by the splendid tribute to Massachusetts.
“Mr. President, I shall enter upon no encomium47 on Massachusetts; she needs none. There she is. Behold48 her and judge for yourselves. There is her history; the world knows it by heart. The past, at least, is secure. There is Boston, and Concord49, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill; and there they will remain forever. The bones of her sons, falling in the great struggle for independence, now lie mingled50 with the soil of every State from New England to Georgia, and there they will lie forever. And, sir, where American liberty raised its first voice, and where its youth was nurtured51 and sustained, there it still lives, in the strength of its manhood and full of its original spirit. If discord52 and disunion shall wound it, if party strife53 and blind ambition shall hawk54 at and tear it, if folly55 and madness, if uneasiness under salutary and necessary restraint, shall succeed in separating it from that union by which alone its existence is made sure, it will stand, in the end, by the side of that cradle in which its infancy56 was rocked; it will stretch forth57 its arm with whatever of vigor it may still retain over the friends who gather round it; and it will fall at last, if fall it must, amidst the proudest monuments of its own glory, and on the very spot of its origin.”
Mr. Webster shows his magnanimity by pronouncing, in like manner, an eulogium upon his opponent’s native State, which is in bright contrast with the mean and unjust attacks of Col. Hayne upon Massachusetts. This is what he says:
“Let me observe that the eulogium pronounced on the character of South Carolina by the honorable gentleman for her Revolutionary and other merits meets my hearty58 concurrence59. I shall not acknowledge that the honorable member goes before me in regard for whatever of distinguished60 talent, of distinguished character, South Carolina has produced. I claim part of the honor. I partake in the pride of her great names. I claim them for countrymen, one and all, the Laurenses, the Rutledges, the Pinkneys, the Sumters, the Marions, Americans all, whose fame is no more to be hemmed61 in by State lines than their talents and patriotism62 were capable of being circumscribed63 within the same narrow limits. In their day and generation they served and honored the country, and the whole country; and their renown64 is one of the treasures of the whole country. Him whose honored name the gentleman himself bears—does he esteem65 me less capable of gratitude66 for his patriotism, or sympathy for his sufferings, than if his eyes had first opened upon the light of Massachusetts instead of South Carolina? Sir, does he suppose it in his power to exhibit a Carolina name so bright as to produce envy in my bosom67? No, sir; increased gratification rather. I thank God that, if I am gifted with little of the spirit which is able to raise mortals to the skies, I have yet none, as I trust, of that other spirit which would drag angels down. When I shall be found, sir, in my place here in the Senate, or elsewhere, to sneer68 at public merit because it happens to spring up beyond the little limits of my own State or neighborhood; when I refuse, for any such cause, or for any cause, the homage69 due to American talent, to elevated patriotism, to sincere devotion to liberty and the country; or, if I see an uncommon70 endowment of Heaven, if I see extraordinary capacity and virtue71 in any son of the South, and if, moved by local prejudice or gangrened by State jealousy72, I get up here to abate73 the tithe74 of a hair from his just character and just fame, may my tongue cleave75 to the roof of my mouth!”
It must not be supposed that Mr. Webster’s speech was merely of a personal character. In a sound and logical manner he discussed the limits of constitutional authority, and combated the pernicious doctrine of State supremacy77, which thirty years later was to kindle78 a civil war of vast proportions, the starting-point being South Carolina. At the risk of quoting paragraphs which my young readers may skip, I proceed to introduce an extract which may give an idea of this part of the oration.
“We approach at length, sir, to a more important part of the honorable gentleman’s observations. Since it does not accord with my views of justice and policy to give away the public lands altogether, as mere76 matter of gratuity79, I am asked by the honorable gentleman on what ground it is that I consent to vote them away in particular instances. How, he inquires, do I reconcile with these profound sentiments my support of measures appropriating portions of the land to particular roads, particular canals, particular rivers, and particular institutions of education in the West? This leads, sir, to the real and wide difference in political opinion between the honorable gentleman and myself. On my part, I look upon all these objects as connected with the common good, fairly embraced in its object and terms; he, on the contrary, deems them all, if good at all, only local good.
“This is our difference.
“The interrogatory which he proceeded to put at once explains this difference. ‘What interest,’ asks he, ‘has South Carolina in a canal in Ohio?’ Sir, this very question is full of significance. It develops the gentleman’s whole political system, and its answer expounds80 mine. Here we differ. I look upon a road over the Alleghanies, a canal round the Falls of the Ohio, or a canal or railway from the Atlantic to the Western waters, as being an object large and extensive enough to be fairly said to be for the common benefit. The gentleman thinks otherwise, and this is the key to his construction of the powers of the government. He may well ask what interest has South Carolina in a canal in Ohio. On his system, it is true, she has no interest. On that system, Ohio and South Carolina are different governments and different countries; connected here, it is true, by some slight and ill-defined bond of union, but in all main respects separate and diverse. On that system South Carolina has no more interest in a canal in Ohio than in Mexico. The gentleman, therefore, only follows out his own principles; he does no more than arrive at the natural conclusions of his own doctrines81; he only announces the true results of that creed82 which he has adopted himself, and would persuade others to adopt, when he thus declares that South Carolina has no interest in a public work in Ohio.
“Sir, we narrow-minded people of New England do not reason thus. Our notion of things is entirely83 different. We look upon the States not as separated but united. We love to dwell on that union, and on the mutual84 happiness which it has so much promoted, and the common renown which it has so greatly contributed to acquire. In our contemplation South Carolina and Ohio are parts of the same country, States united under the same general government, having interests common, associated, intermingled. In whatever is within the proper sphere of the constitutional power of this government we look upon the States as one. We do not impose geographical85 limits to our patriotic feelings or regard; we do not follow rivers and mountains and lines of latitude to find boundaries beyond which public improvements do not benefit us.
“We who come here, as agents and representatives of these narrow-minded and selfish men of New England, consider ourselves as bound to regard with an equal eye the good of the whole in whatever is within our power of legislation. Sir, if a railroad or canal, beginning in South Carolina and ending in South Carolina, appeared to me to be of national importance and national magnitude, believing, as I do, that the power of government extends the encouragement of works of that description, if I were to stand up here and ask, What interest has Massachusetts in a railroad in South Carolina? I should not be willing to face my constituents86. These same narrow-minded men would tell me that they had sent me to act for the whole country, and that one who possessed too little comprehension either of intellect or feeling, one who was not large enough both in mind and in heart to embrace the whole, was not fit to be intrusted with the interests of our part.”
This will give an idea of the broad national sentiments entertained and expressed by the senator from Massachusetts. It is certainly in strong contrast to the narrow sectional views of Col. Hayne and John C. Calhoun.
Towards the close of his speech Mr. Webster describes in an amusing way a supposed conflict in South Carolina between the customs officers of the government and a local force led by his opponent. It was playful, but Col. Hayne was moved by the ridicule87 with which it covered him more than by any of Mr. Webster’s arguments.
It need hardly be said that the entire address was listened to with rapt attention. As it proceeded those friends of Mr. Webster who doubted his ability to cope with the Southern champion, and who had listened to his first words with feelings of anxious solicitude, became cheerful and even jubilant. In fact they changed aspects with Hayne’s friends who had awaited the opening of the speech with supercilious88 disdain. The calm power, the humorous contempt, with which Mr. Webster handled the doughty89 champion annoyed them not a little.
I do not mean to underrate the ability or eloquence90 of Col. Hayne. Upon this point it is sufficient to quote the opinion of Mr. Everett, the tried and intimate friend of Daniel Webster, who says: “It is unnecessary to state, except to those who have come forward quite recently, that Col. Hayne was a gentleman of ability very far above the average, a highly accomplished91 debater, an experienced politician, a person possessing the full confidence of his friends, and entirely familiar with the argument on which the theory controverted92 in Mr. Webster’s speech rests.”
Mr. March, in his “Reminiscences of Congress,” a book from which I have received valuable help in the composition of this chapter, describes Hayne’s oratory93 in these terms:
“Hayne dashed into debate like the Mameluke cavalry94 upon a charge. There was a gallant95 air about him that could not but win admiration96. He never provided for retreat; he never imagined it. He had an invincible97 confidence in himself, which arose partly from constitutional temperament98, partly from previous success. His was the Napoleonic warfare99: to strike at once for the capital of the enemy, heedless of danger or cost to his own forces. Not doubting to overcome all odds100, he feared none, however seemingly superior. Of great fluency101 and no little force of expression, his speech never halted, and seldom fatigued102.”
Mr. Webster swept on to the close of his speech with power unabated. Some of his friends had feared he could not sustain his elevated flight, that he would mar27 the effect of his great passages by dropping to the commonplace. They had no need to fear. He thoroughly103 understood his own powers. At length he reached the peroration104—that famous peroration, so well known, yet, in spite of its familiarity, so impossible to omit here.
“When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious union; on States dissevered, discordant105, belligerent106; on a land rent with civil feuds107, or drenched108, it may be, in fraternal blood! Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies109 streaming in their original luster110, not a stripe erased111 or polluted, not a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable112 interrogatory, ‘What is all this worth?’ nor those other words of delusion113 and folly, ‘Liberty first and union afterwards:’ but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the seas and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every American heart—Liberty and union, now and forever, one and inseparable!”
Hayne attempted a reply to this speech, but it had little effect. It was followed by a telling résumé of his positions by Mr. Webster, and so far as these two speakers were concerned the discussion closed.
It is remarkable114 how little effort this famous oration cost it author. The constitutional argument, to be sure, was familiar to him, and he had but to state it, but for the great passages, including the exordium, the peroration, the encomium upon Massachusetts, the speaker was indebted to the inspiration of the moment; yet they are so compact, so fitly expressed, so elegantly worded, that he would be a bold man who should suggest even a verbal change.
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1
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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underlay
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| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的过去式 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起n.衬垫物 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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coerce
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| v.强迫，压制 | |
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reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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preoccupied
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| adj.全神贯注的，入神的；被抢先占有的；心事重重的v.占据（某人）思想，使对…全神贯注，使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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refreshing
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| adj.使精神振作的，使人清爽的，使人喜欢的 | |
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overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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unwillingly
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| adv.不情愿地 | |
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transact
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| v.处理；做交易；谈判 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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complacent
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| adj.自满的；自鸣得意的 | |
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discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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hush
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| int.嘘，别出声；n.沉默，静寂；v.使安静 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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rivet
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| n.铆钉；vt.铆接，铆牢；集中(目光或注意力) | |
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decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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rankling
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的现在分词 ) | |
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rankles
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的第三人称单数 ) | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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shafts
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| n.轴( shaft的名词复数 )；（箭、高尔夫球棒等的）杆；通风井；一阵（疼痛、害怕等） | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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exulted
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| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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encomium
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| n.赞颂；颂词 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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nurtured
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| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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53
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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hawk
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| n.鹰，骗子；鹰派成员 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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61
hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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circumscribed
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| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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68
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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71
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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73
abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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74
tithe
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| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
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cleave
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| v．(clave；cleaved)粘着，粘住；坚持；依恋 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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77
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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gratuity
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| n.赏钱，小费 | |
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80
expounds
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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83
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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84
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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85
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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88
supercilious
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| adj.目中无人的，高傲的；adv.高傲地；n.高傲 | |
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doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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90
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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controverted
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| v.争论，反驳，否定( controvert的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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98
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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100
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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101
fluency
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| n.流畅，雄辩，善辩 | |
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102
fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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103
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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104
peroration
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| n.（演说等之）结论 | |
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105
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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106
belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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107
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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108
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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109
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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110
luster
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| n.光辉；光泽，光亮；荣誉 | |
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111
erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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112
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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113
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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114
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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