Mr. Harvey relates, upon Mr. Webster’s authority, that when he had finished his speech some Southern members approached him cordially and said, “Mr. Webster, I think you had better die now and rest your fame on that speech.”
Mr. Hayne, who was standing3 near by, and heard the remark, said, “You ought not to die; a man who can make such speeches as that ought never to die.”
It is related that Mr. Webster, meeting his opponent at the President’s reception the same evening, went up to him and remarked, pleasantly,
“How are you to-night?”
“None the better for you, sir,” answered Hayne, humorously.
Henry Clay wrote later: “I congratulate you on the very great addition which you have made during the session to your previous high reputation. Your speeches, and particularly in reply to Mr. Hayne, are the theme of praise from every tongue, and I have shared in the delight which all have felt.”
In its powerful defense4 of the Constitution Mr. Webster carried with him patriotic5 men all over the country. Hon. William Gaston, of North Carolina, wrote thus: “The ability with which the great argument is treated, the patriotic fervor6 with which the union is asserted, give you claim to the gratitude7 of every one who loves his country and regards the Constitution as its best hope and surest stay. My engrossing8 occupations leave me little leisure for any correspondence except on business, but I have resolved to seize a moment to let you know that with us there is scarcely a division of opinion among the intelligent portion of the community. All of them whose understanding or whose conscience is not surrendered to the servitude of faction9, greet your eloquent10 efforts with unmixed gratification.”
It is an interesting question how far Mr. Webster prepared himself for this his greatest, or, at any rate, his most effective parliamentary speech.
Upon this point let us read the statement of Mr. Webster himself, as given to his tried friend, Mr. Harvey.
In reference to the remark that he had made no preparation for the Hayne speech, he said: “That was not quite so. If it was meant that I took notes and studied with a view to a reply, that was not true; but that I was thoroughly11 conversant12 with the subject of debate, from having made preparation for a totally different purpose than that speech, is true. The preparation for my reply to Hayne was made upon the occasion of Mr. Foote’s resolution to sell the public lands. Some years before that, Mr. McKinley, a senator from Alabama, introduced a resolution into the Senate, proposing to cede13 the public domains14 to the States in which they were situated15. It struck me at that time as being so unfair and improper16 that I immediately prepared an argument to resist it. My argument embraced the whole history of the public lands, and the government’s action in regard to them. Then there was another question involved in the Hayne debate. It was as to the right and practice of petition. Mr. Calhoun had denied the right of petition on the subject of slavery. In other words, he claimed that, if the petition was for some subject which the Senate had no right to grant, then there was no right of petition. If the Senate had no such right, then the petitioners17 had no right to come there. Calhoun’s doctrine18 seemed to be accepted, and I made preparation to answer his proposition. It so happened that the debate did not take place, because the matter never was pressed. I had my notes tucked away in a pigeon-hole, and when Hayne made that attack upon me and upon New England I was already posted, and only had to take down my notes and refresh my memory. In other words, if he had tried to make a speech to fit my notes he could not have hit it better. No man is inspired with the occasion; I never was.”
Mr. Webster was too great a man to wish for praise which he did not deserve. That is for men of inferior ability, who are glad to have it believed that their most elaborate utterances20 are “thrown off upon the spur of the moment.” Indeed he does not claim enough when he disclaims21 being inspired by the occasion. His encomium22 upon New England, his glowing peroration23, were fused and put into enduring form under the pressure of strong emotion, which may well be termed inspiration. Yet it was always his habit to ascribe his great efforts to hard labor19 rather than to genius, and he remarked to a young clergyman on one occasion, who had questioned him in regard to some of his speeches, “Young man, there is no such thing as extemporaneous24 acquisition.”
If a man like Daniel Webster felt constrained25 to say this, how much more ought labor to be held necessary by the ordinary mind. My young readers may be assured that diligent26 and uncomplaining toil27 are the secret springs in most cases of worldly success. So, if they chance to dash off a smooth essay in a mood of inspiration, they may have good cause to doubt whether it has any solid value. I recall a certain school where a prize was offered for an essay on a subject requiring a certain amount of thought and research. The leading contestants28 were two boys, one quick and brilliant, the other slow and plodding29, but sound. Both were anxious to succeed. The second began in due time and worked steadily30, not allowing himself to be unduly31 hurried. The first waited till within two days of the date at which the essays were to be submitted, and then dashed off an essay which was very creditable under the circumstances. But it did not win. It was slow and sure that won the prize, then, as in so many other cases. I am glad to have the potent32 example of Daniel Webster to help me in enforcing a lesson so valuable to youth.
Yet Mr. Webster was always ready of speech. He could make a great speech upon any occasion, and upon any subject, however slight. An illustration of this is given by Hon. John Wentworth, of Illinois, in a letter from which I proceed to quote:
“Mr. Webster won my lasting33 gratitude by his assistance in the passage of the River and Harbor bill, in 1846. The bill had passed the House and been referred to the Committee on Commerce, a majority of whom were of the ‘strict construction’ school, believing that Congress could improve a natural harbor, but could not make one. I went before the committee to defend the appropriation34 for a harbor at Little Fort, now called Waukegan. I found I had no friends there but Senator Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland. The committee recommended that the appropriation be struck out. Senator John A. Dix, of New York, led the opposition35. He had been a graduate of West Point, was a good engineer, had brought the map of survey into the Senate, and was having great influence against it. I was seated in the lobby directly behind Col. Thomas H. Benton, and Webster was upon his usual walk. He gave me a nod of recognition and passed on. Gen. Dix kept up his fire and I felt it. Our senators, Sidney Breese and James Semple, were both from the southern part of our State, and had no personal knowledge of the merits of the case. The Indiana senators were similarly situated. Wisconsin had no senators. And the Michigan senators lived at Detroit, and they had only a general knowledge of Lake Michigan.
“As Webster was traveling to and fro past me, the thought occurred to me that, as he was ‘a liberal constructionist,’ he was just the man to rectify37 all the damage that Gen. Dix was doing. But it was a small matter for so great a man. Besides, I knew that his colleague, Senator John Davis, was taking the side of Gen. Dix. As Webster would pass me I would resolve that the next time he would come I would speak to him. But my courage would forsake38 me when I reflected that he was a Whig and I was a Democrat39. I wanted some excuse to speak to him. He had known my father. He was a son of New Hampshire, and a graduate of the same college with myself. But my heart failed me; and yet it was all the while sighing, ‘Webster, Webster, do but speak to me.’
“At length came his voice, in deep, sepulchral40 tone, ‘Wentworth, what is Dix making all this ado about?’
“Promptly the answer came: ‘Mr. Webster, since your trip around the lakes from Chicago, in 1837, we have had but few appropriations41 for old harbors and none for new ones. This place is half way between Chicago and Milwaukee, and we want a harbor of refuge there.’
“‘I see the point, I see the point,’ says Webster, and at once went to his seat upon the Senate floor.
“When Gen. Dix had concluded, Mr. Webster observed that he could add nothing to the conclusive42 argument of the senator from New York in favor of the appropriation. He thought he had satisfied all the senators that there was no harbor at the place, and so the House must have thought when it made the appropriation to construct one there. Upon what did the senator from New York found his doctrine that, when God created the world, or even Lake Michigan, He left nothing for man to do? The curse pronounced upon our first parents for their transgression43 was in entire conflict with any such doctrine. He did not believe that the Constitution of the United States was such a narrowly contracted instrument that it would not permit the construction of a harbor where the necessities of commerce required it. He then foreshadowed the growth of the West, its abundant products, its gigantic commerce, its numerous people. He started a steamer from Chicago laden44 to the guards with freight and passengers. He then described a storm in a manner that no man but Webster could describe. His flight of eloquence45 equaled his best at Bunker Hill or Plymouth Rock. You could hear the dashing waves, the whistling winds, the creaking timbers, and the shrieking46 passengers, and, as he sent the vessel47 to the bottom with all on board, he exclaimed: ‘What but a merciful Providence48 saved me from such a catastrophe49 when I passed over Lake Michigan in 1837?’ At such a dire36 disaster could the senator from New York derive50 any consolation51 from the reflection that his narrow interpretation52 of the Constitution had been maintained?
“As Webster closed Col. Benton turned to me and said, ‘That is the greatest speech upon so small a matter that I ever heard.’ Reverdy Johnson came up and said, ‘Now, don’t you abuse the Whigs any more.’ And Senator Breese said, ‘Now you can go back to the House. That speech saves us.’
“The bill passed without amendment53. But alas54! President Polk vetoed it. And out of his veto grew that wonderful event in the history of Chicago, the river and harbor convention of 1847, a vast assemblage, composed of the most talented, enterprising, wealthy and influential55 men of all parts of the country. At the laying of the corner-stone of the Douglas Monument, Gen. Dix was here as the principal orator. While others were speaking I called his attention to our magnificent harbor works. After complimenting them highly he said, ‘They ought to protect you from any storm—even from such a one as Webster manufactured for you in the Senate in 1846.’”
It must be remembered that this readiness of Mr. Webster arose not wholly from his great powers, but largely from the fact that all his life long he had been a diligent and faithful student. Hence it was that his mind was a vast reservoir of acquisition from which he could at will draw out what was most fitting upon any subject. So Sir Walter Scott, browsing56 in his boyhood among the treasures of legendary57 lore58 and feudal59 traditions, was unconsciously preparing himself for the novels and poetical60 romances with which many years afterwards he delighted the world, and made his native land famous.
Recurring61 to the subject of nullification, at which Mr. Webster had aimed so powerful a blow, it may be said that it was scotched62 but not killed. Col. Hayne was overwhelmed, but he was not convinced. Neither was John C. Calhoun, the greater representative of the same State, who entirely63 accorded with Hayne in his extreme views of the rights and powers of the separate States. Not long afterwards Col. Hayne resigned his seat in the Senate, in order to be elected Governor of South Carolina, and lead at home the opponents of the government, while Mr. Calhoun, resigning his place as Vice-President, was elected senator in the place of Hayne, to lead the forces of nullification on the floor of the Senate. Through the firmness of President Jackson their schemes came to naught64, but were revived, as we know, thirty years later by the citizens of the same State, and the Civil War was the result.
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1
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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3
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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5
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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6
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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7
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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8
engrossing
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| adj.使人全神贯注的，引人入胜的v.使全神贯注( engross的现在分词 ) | |
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9
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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10
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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11
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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12
conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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13
cede
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| v.割让，放弃 | |
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14
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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15
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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16
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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17
petitioners
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| n.请求人，请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 )；离婚案原告 | |
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18
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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20
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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21
disclaims
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| v.否认( disclaim的第三人称单数 ) | |
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22
encomium
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| n.赞颂；颂词 | |
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23
peroration
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| n.（演说等之）结论 | |
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24
extemporaneous
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| adj.即席的，一时的 | |
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25
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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28
contestants
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| n.竞争者，参赛者( contestant的名词复数 ) | |
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29
plodding
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| a.proceeding in a slow or dull way | |
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30
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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31
unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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32
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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33
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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34
appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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36
dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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37
rectify
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| v.订正，矫正，改正 | |
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38
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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39
democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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40
sepulchral
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| adj.坟墓的，阴深的 | |
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41
appropriations
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| n.挪用（appropriation的复数形式） | |
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42
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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43
transgression
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| n.违背；犯规；罪过 | |
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44
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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45
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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46
shrieking
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| v.尖叫( shriek的现在分词 ) | |
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47
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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48
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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49
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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50
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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51
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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52
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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53
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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54
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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55
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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56
browsing
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| v.吃草( browse的现在分词 )；随意翻阅；（在商店里）随便看看；（在计算机上）浏览信息 | |
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57
legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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58
lore
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| n.传说；学问，经验，知识 | |
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59
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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60
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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61
recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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62
scotched
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| v.阻止( scotch的过去式和过去分词 )；制止（车轮）转动；弄伤；镇压 | |
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63
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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64
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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