For the first year after the new King’s arrival in France, he and his brother seemed to hold rival Courts. The King’s, perhaps, was the more horribly and shamelessly licentious2, but both were filled with quarrelsome, dissolute, and utterly3 unscrupulous young men, who gloried in their vices4. Those who surrounded the King were mostly Catholics, whilst Alen?on’s courtiers were oftener Huguenots and moderates. Between the two Courts quarrels, duels5, and secret murders were incessant6, and a fresh civil war was the inevitable7 outcome of such a rivalry8.
At last matters came to a crisis, and Alen?on, on the evening of September 15, 1575, walked out of the Louvre with his face covered, and accompanied only by a single attendant. Outside, in a quiet spot near the Porte Ste. Honoré, his faithful courtier,183 Jehan Simier, of whom more anon, was waiting with a fair lady’s carriage into which Alen?on mounted, and was carried as fast as the horses could gallop9 to where a body of three hundred horsemen were ready to serve as his escort. They got two hours’ start before the King learnt of his brother’s flight, and orders were given in rage and panic to bring him back at any cost. But Alen?on was the heir to the crown, and the courtiers did not care to risk his future displeasure by too much zeal10, and he reached Dreux unharmed. There he issued his proclamation, demanding reform of abuses but taking care not to identify himself too closely with the Huguenot cause.
From town to town through Central France the Queen-mother followed her flying son, but he always escaped her. At last she had the boldness to appeal for aid to the moderates, and released their chief, Montmorenci, from the Bastille for the purpose of influencing Alen?on. By this time the Huguenots were in arms everywhere. Wilkes, the clerk of Elizabeth’s Council, was sent to Condé and Montmorenci’s son, Meru, at Strasburg, with a large sum of money, and thence across the Rhine to raise, through Duke Casimir, “one of the finest armies that for twenty years has issued from Germany” to enable Alen?on to hold his own against Henry III. and the Guises11. But before reinforcements could reach him Marshal Montmorenci had induced him to patch up a six months’ truce12 with his brother at the end of November, and for the moment the danger of civil war was averted13. But Henry III. found, as his brother Charles had found before him, that France was not large enough184 to hold both him and Alen?on. The latter must be got rid of somehow. The Duke himself said that an attempt was made to poison him, but in any case his mother suggested to him that now that Elizabeth had been so ready to help him with money would be a good opportunity for reviving the marriage negotiations. Alen?on, nothing loath14, sent one of his friends, named La Porte, with two letters of thanks to Elizabeth dated at Montreuil on November 28, 1575.94 They contain no word about marriage, but La Porte was instructed to co-operate with Castelnau de la Mauvissière, who was now the ambassador in England, in bringing it forward. Elizabeth insisted, however, as a preliminary, that a complete reconciliation15 should take place between the brothers and peace made with the Huguenots before she would again entertain the matter. The best way, said Catharine to Dale, to bring that about is for your mistress to desist from helping17 the rebels; and again the negotiations were shelved. Elizabeth’s new coolness is easily explained. Convinced, probably, of the inutility of an alliance with France in its present divided and unstable18 condition, she was for the moment actively19 engaged in making friends with Spain. Granvelle’s brother Champigny, who had come from Flanders as an envoy20 from Philip’s governor of the Netherlands to treat for a resumption of friendly relations, had been received with effusive21 civility. Philip’s fleet, under Pedro de Valdes, had been hospitably22 entertained at Plymouth, and Corbet had been sent to Flanders to arrange a commercial treaty between England and the Spanish States. Elizabeth had, moreover185 hastily recalled the English levies23 serving with Orange, although but few obeyed the call; and finally she had despatched young Henry Cobham as an envoy to Philip himself, in order to smooth matters over between them. In Philip’s notes of his interview with Cobham,95 he says that the latter told him that Elizabeth had seen a letter from the King of France to the Prince of Orange, “making him many fine promises”; and then he said something about a marriage which I did not very well understand.” We shall probably not be far out if we guess that Cobham’s vague hint about marriage, which was so lost upon Philip, was not altogether unconnected with certain approaches which at the same time were made on Elizabeth’s behalf to Don John of Austria, Philip’s natural brother, the heroic young victor of Lepanto, who at that very time was dreaming of a marriage with the captive Queen of Scots. Don John, writing to his brother, says: “She (Elizabeth) has sent an agent to me, who has hinted at a marriage. I am, in my replies, putting the matter aside, but I beg your Majesty24 to tell me if I am to follow it up. Although I may be led thus to restore a Queen and her realm to the true faith, I would not for all the world make a dishonourable choice. I blush whilst I write this to think of accepting advances from a woman whose life and example furnish so much food for gossip.”96 Philip told his brother that such an approach should not be neglected; but events marched quickly, and before anything could come of it another turn of the kaleidoscope made it impossible.
186 Alen?on’s six months’ truce had not stopped Duke Casimir’s mercenaries with Condé from crossing the frontier. Navarre, too, had escaped from the Court, and had assumed the leadership of the Huguenots; and then Henry III., sorely against his will, was forced to let his mother make the best terms she could with the insurgents25 and their allies. Alen?on was bought over with 100,000 livres and the rich duchies of Berri Touraine and Anjou; Casimir got 300,000 crowns, a pension of 40,000 livres a year and rich estates in France; Condé was promised the governorship of Picardy; the Chatillons, Montgomeri, and even poor dead La Mole26 and Coconas were rehabilitated27, the crown jewels were pawned28 to pay the German troops, and so at last peace was made. But still the necessity for getting Alen?on out of the way existed; and, in despair of Elizabeth, active negotiations were opened for him to marry elsewhere. Catharine of Navarre, a princess of Cleves, and a daughter of the Palatine were all mentioned, but the most tempting29 and diplomatic project was to marry him to Philip’s eldest30 daughter and give him the government of the Spanish Netherlands. This would have drawn31 his claws indeed. The Walloons and Catholic Flemings also approached him with similar suggestions, and Alen?on deserted32 the Protestant cause entirely33, and became suddenly a devout34 Catholic. He even accepted the command of a force against the Huguenots, upon whom he was implacable in his severity.97
This change of front frightened Elizabeth, who feared that if the Protestants in the Netherlands were187 conquered her turn would come next, and she once more held out the bait of marriage. She expressed sorrow to Castelnau that the Duke had ceased to write to her and had forgotten her. But this time the fish failed to rise, and for the next three years Alen?on remained ostentatiously Catholic, sometimes in arms against Huguenot resistance, sometimes at Court with his brother, with whom he was nominally35 on good terms. But the personal hatred36 and jealousy37 between them continued still, and the duels and murders between their respective courtiers went on as before. The Duke’s turbulent and discontented friends openly scoffed38 at the painted mignons who surrounded the King, and if they resented the insult, Bussy d’Amboise, the first swordsman in France, was ready to fight any number of them.
At length, at the beginning of 1578, Bussy d’Amboise was waylaid39 in Paris and nearly murdered by some of the King’s courtiers, and had to seek safety in absence from the Court. Then several other of the Duke’s friends were bought over by favours to the King’s side, and the mignons, emboldened40 by his isolation41, went to the length of sneering42 at Alen?on himself. This was at a ball at the palace of the Montmorencis to which Catharine had forced her son to go against his will; and fearing that this demonstration43 of the mignons portended44 the Bastille or poison for himself, the Duke lost patience, and demanded permission to withdraw himself from Court for a time. The only answer vouchsafed45 was the rigid46 searching of his apartments by the Scots guard at midnight, in the presence of the King himself, with every circumstance of contumely. The Duke was arrested, all his papers were seized, and188 the principal friends who remained with him were cast into the Bastille.
It must be confessed that, given Alen?on’s turbulent character, there were circumstances which fully47 justified48 the suspicions of Henry III. against his brother. The “Spanish fury” in Antwerp in 1576 had turned even the Walloons and Catholic Flemings against Philip’s rule, and they had made common cause with Orange’s Protestants in the North. It was seen then that all the arms of Spain would be powerless to subdue49 them; and, hardly pressed as Philip was, he was forced to send his brother Don John on a mission of pacification50 at all costs. But Don John was a soldier, and it cut him to the heart, as he said, to bend the knee and make terms “with these drunken wineskins of Flemings”; so after swearing the perpetual edict of pacification, he resented the continued exigencies51 of the States, treacherously52 seized the citadel53 of Namur, summoned troops from Italy and elsewhere, and bade the “rebels” do their worst. In order to sow dissension between the two branches of the house of Austria, the Walloon nobles had brought to Flanders as their governor the young Archduke Mathias as an avowed54 rival of the Protestant Orange. He was a poor creature, but the great Taciturn patriotically55 persuaded his followers56 to recognise him as their chief, he, Orange, being his lieutenant57. This, after some turmoil58 and bloodshed, they did, and it was in his name that the hastily gathered levies of the States went out to attack Don John who had betrayed them. The victor of Lepanto with his few veterans met them on the last day of January, 1578, and completely defeated them, and the insurgent189 Flemings once more were at the mercy of the cruel Spanish soldiery, who were speeding back again from Italy eager to shed the blood again of the brave burghers who only a few months before had insisted upon their withdrawal59. Mathias was a broken reed—he had no money, no followers, no influence, and no prestige, so the Flemings were fain to look elsewhere for help. Elizabeth had aided the Protestant Hollanders bravely, but the Catholic Flemings did not wish to be merged60 in and governed by the Dutch States, and had to seek help from a Catholic prince. Conciliation16 they had tried, and they had been betrayed. A prince of the house of Austria had been chosen, and had turned out useless. Where, then, could they look but to a prince of France, unfettered by Spanish sympathies? So Alen?on was approached, and expressed his willingness to raise his friends, the moderate Catholics and the Huguenots to aid the Flemings in their resistance. This, of course, was known to Catharine and Henry III., and as such an action on the part of Alen?on might have involved France in a war with Spain, there was no doubt good ground for the Duke’s belief that his brother intended to put him out of harm’s way by quietly shutting him up in the Bastille to keep company with his faithful friends who were there already.
Bussy d’Amboise had not been idle outside in the meanwhile. He had sent the fiery61 cross through the provinces, and men-at-arms and nobles were flocking to the Flemish frontier to join the standard of Alen?on when it should be raised. The gates of Paris, it is true, were closely guarded, and Alen?on himself, with his sister Margaret (who herself tells190 the story so racily), were not allowed out of the sight of the Scottish archers62. But the Court was full of nobles who were disgusted with the King’s mode of life, and plans were rife63 to rescue the captive. Bussy crept back into Paris to plan an escape with Simier, but both were captured and laid by the heels. Then Catharine managed somehow to patch up a reconciliation. Bussy was made to kiss his principal antagonist64 Quélus in the presence of the whole Court, which he did in so exaggerated a fashion as to make every one laugh, and left Quélus more enraged65 than ever. The prison doors were opened, the guards removed, and the partisans66 of both brothers swore eternal friendship. But the mignons saw the wound was rankling67, and told the King so the same night. The guards were again ordered to watch Alen?on’s door, and after three days of semi-imprisonment, on the 14th of February, his sister contrived68 his escape with Simier, from her chamber69 on the second floor of the Louvre, by a rope into the moat. Bussy was awaiting him in the abbey of St. Généviève, where, by connivance70 of the abbot, a hole had been knocked in the city wall, through which they escaped, and swift horses carried them to Angers, where they were safe.98
All France was in a turmoil. Huguenots and “malcontents” raised their heads once more, and all the South was up in arms. Catharine, who was never to rest, sped after her fugitive71 son, and with tears and entreaties72 besought73 him to return, but without avail. Henry III. pretended to put a good face upon it, and told the Spanish ambassador Mendoza, on his way to England a few days afterwards,191 that his brother was still obedient and would do nothing against Flanders. But all the world knew better, and an entirely new complicating74 element had entered into European politics, of which it was difficult for the moment to guess the ultimate effect. How disturbing an element it was to Elizabeth may be seen by a minute in Burleigh’s handwriting,99 putting the case from every point of view. Envoys75 were sent from England both to the States and to Don John to urge them to come to a peaceful arrangement without French interference. The States were to be reminded how much England had done for them, and the danger incurred76 by allowing the French to enter, as, being poor, they (the French) would seek to reimburse77 themselves by making themselves masters of the country, or otherwise would end in turning to the side of Don John and the Spaniards. In either of these cases the English would have to oppose them, and the only terms upon which Elizabeth would allow the French to be employed were that an equal number of Englishmen should enter with them. Don John, on the other hand, was to be alarmed by the idea that Alen?on’s entrance would only be a cloak for a French national invasion of Flanders, and that Elizabeth would be forced to aid the States to repel78 it. In fact, if Alen?on’s adventure was secretly under his brother’s patronage79, it would have been as disastrous80 for England as for Spain, whilst, if affairs could so be guided that Alen?on might depend upon English patronage and money for his expedition, Elizabeth’s ends would be well served. For the next few years, therefore, the aim192 of English diplomacy81 was to capture Alen?on for English interests and embroil82 him with his brother, whilst at the same time avoiding an open rupture83 with Spain. Alen?on knew, as Elizabeth did not, that he would get no aid, secret or overt84, from his brother, so he lost no time in protesting to the English Queen his “undying affection for her” in a letter written from the town of Alen?on in May, 1578, and to this an encouraging reply was sent. In vain his brother and mother threatened and cajoled. Dukedoms, money, marriage-alliances were offered him in vain. On the 7th of July he crossed the frontier at the request of the States and threw himself into Mons for the purpose, as he declared, of “helping this oppressed people, and humiliating the pride of Spain.” Two days before this he had despatched one of his wisest friends—his chamberlain, de Bacqueville—to Elizabeth, to assure her again of his entire devotion to her, to explain his entry into Flanders, to beg for her guidance and counsel, and renew his offer of marriage. But Elizabeth distrusted the French, and half thought Alen?on’s move was only a cloak for a Catholic invasion of England from France and Spain combined; so she could run no risks, and at once subsidised a mercenary German army of 20,000 men, under the Duke Hans Casimir, to be ready to cross the Flemish frontier when necessary in her interest, whilst she still actively continued her efforts to bring about a fresh agreement on the basis of the pacification of Ghent between Don John and the States. Under no circumstances, she repeated again and again to all parties, would she allow the French to become paramount85 in Flanders, and she swore violently to193 Mendoza, “three times by God that if Don John did not re-enact the perpetual edict of peace, she would help the States whilst she had a man left in England.”100
English auxiliaries86 were allowed to slip over to the States by the thousand with arms and money; and the Duke of Arschot’s brother, the Marquis d’Havrey, who came from the Walloons to beg for aid, was made clearly to understand that for every Frenchman in Flanders there must be an Englishman. The States desired nothing better; it meant double help for them, and they were ready to promise anything for men and money. When de Bacqueville first arrived in England Elizabeth was still uncertain as to whether Henry III. was helping his brother, and she kept the envoy at arm’s length for awhile, Sussex being the intermediary between them; but when Walsingham and Cobham returned from an unsuccessful mission of peace in Flanders, and her own agents in France had assured her that Alen?on was really acting87 in despite of his brother, her attitude towards her young suitor completely changed. De Bacqueville had succeeded in impressing honest Sussex with his master’s sincerity88, and the desirability of the match. Alen?on, he said, was determined89 to marry “either the Queen or the Netherlands”; and if she would not listen to his suit, he would join hands with Don John and the Spaniards. Late in July Alen?on sent another agent, named de Quincy, to England, to again assure the Queen that “he would be directed by her in all his actions in the Low Countries”; and Sussex, who was again the intermediary, laid before194 the Queen strong arguments in favour of her marriage.101
At length Elizabeth felt assured. Hans Casimir had entered Flanders with a strong force of mercenary Germans; Don John was chafing90 in Namur, frantic91 with despair and disappointment, his heartbroken cries for help all unheeded by cold-blooded Philip and false Perez; Alen?on depended entirely upon England; the Flemings, Catholics and Protestants alike, having found the Archduke Mathias a broken reed, could only look to Elizabeth and Alen?on for rescue from their troubles. So, the game being now entirely in her own hands, the Queen could once more enter with full zest92 into the long-neglected marriage negotiations. She was on a progress through the eastern counties, and received de Bacqueville and de Quincy at Long Melford. Extraordinary efforts were made to show them special honour, and Mendoza in one of his letters102 gives a curious instance of this, and of Elizabeth’s treatment of even her most distinguished93 ministers. At a banquet given by her to Alen?on’s envoys, she took it into her head that there ought to have been more plate on the sideboard to impress the Frenchmen. Angrily calling Sussex, as Lord Steward94, she asked him why there was so little silver. He replied that he had accompanied the sovereigns of England on their progresses for many years past, and he had never seen so much plate carried before as she was carrying; whereupon she flew into a rage, told him to hold his tongue, called him a great rogue95, and said that the more she did for people like him195 the worse they became. This was bad enough before the envoys and the Frenchmen; but it was not all, for Elizabeth turned to Lord North, a friend of Leicester’s of course, and asked his opinion. He, courtier-like, agreed that there was very little silver, and threw the blame on Sussex. The latter waited for him outside and called him a knave96 and threatened to thrash him; Leicester intervened, and the whole Court was set by the ears, whereupon the Spanish ambassador chuckles97 to think how easy “they may all be brought to discord98.” In fact, no sooner did the marriage negotiations assume a serious aspect than Leicester and his friends secretly thwarted99 them. The young Earl of Oxford100, for instance, was a very graceful101 dancer, and was twice sent for by the Queen to show off his agility102 before Alen?on’s envoys, but he absolutely refused, of course at Leicester’s prompting, to contribute to the pleasure or amusement of Frenchmen. After all the feasting and cajolery of de Bacqueville and de Quincy they got but little solid satisfaction from the Queen. She told them that it was entirely their master’s fault that the negotiations had been dropped for two years. She herself could give no other answer than that which she had given so often before. She could not marry any prince without seeing him, and if Alen?on was going to take offence in case, after seeing him, she did not accept him, he had better not come; if, on the other hand, he was in earnest, and would remain friendly in any case, he could come on a simple visit with but few followers. Cecil, at all events, did not believe in the Queen’s sincerity at this time, for he said that if he were in de Bacqueville’s place he would196 not bring his master over on such a message. With the message, such as it was, de Quincy went back to his master at Antwerp at the end of August, but the loan of 300,000 crowns for which de Bacqueville had entreated103 was not forthcoming, at all events without good security. Bussy d’Amboise soon after came to England with a similar errand, but with no better result. The Queen’s first condition of the marriage was the retirement104 of Alen?on from the Netherlands. Nor was pressure wanting from other quarters to the same effect. The Pope, through his Nuncio, offered the young prince a great pension if he would retire, his brother alternately threatened and cajoled, Catharine de Medici held out the bait of a marriage with one of the infantas, and Alen?on himself was already disappointed at the failure of the States to fulfil their promises to him and place some strong places in his hands. In fact, the French prince was looked upon by the northern Dutchmen as coldly as Mathias had been, and if he could bring neither the national support of England or France he would be as useless as the Austrian had been. And so everything hung on the caprice of Elizabeth. It was still desirable for the King of France, if possible, to marry his brother in England, and especially if, at the same time, he could secure an alliance between the two countries. The principal point he had to avoid was being driven into an attitude of antagonism105 to Spain whilst England remained unpledged and Alen?on unwed; and these were the very objects towards which Elizabeth’s personal policy tended. Whilst de Bacqueville was in England in the autumn of 1578, two of the French king’s principal197 advisers106 were sent to forward the marriage negotiations. These were Rambouillet and L’Aubespine, who were received by the Queen at Norwich, and satisfied her that Henry III. would give her and his brother a free hand in Flanders and every help in his power if a marriage and alliance could be brought about, but not otherwise; and another attempt was made to disarm107 the secret opposition108 of Leicester to the match by suggesting to him a marriage between himself and a French princess. These negotiations went on with varying success during the months of September and October, 1578, and it was publicly announced that Alen?on himself would come in November. Philip never believed in the sincerity of the Queen and constantly told his ambassador that it was “all pastime and would end in smoke”; but Mendoza, less experienced than his master in Elizabeth’s policy, was much perturbed109 at the prospect110. He had an interview with the Queen early in October about the pacification of Flanders, and turned the conversation to the subject of her marriage with Alen?on. Mendoza asked her when it was to take place; to which she replied that she did not know, but asked him whether he thought she ought to marry Alen?on. His answer was that, although she as usual would act with wisdom, he knew the object of the French was to prevent the aggrandisement of her crown and the quietude of her country. Elizabeth at this time was herself again conceiving suspicions of the French. Catharine de Medici and her dissolute daughter between them, aided by their “flying squadron” of beauties, had managed to sap the vigour111 and Protestant ardour of Henry of Navarre198 and his Court, and Paulet sent from France shortly afterwards alarmist news that the King of France had entered into the Papal league against England, and had sent to engage mercenaries in Germany to enable Alen?on to keep a footing in Flanders in spite of her opposition. The news was probably untrue, but in any case it was clear to Alen?on that unless aid came to him promptly112 and liberally from somewhere he must ignominiously113 turn tail again and re-enter France. The country people looked upon the Frenchmen as enemies and intruders; all stragglers were murdered without mercy, and Alen?on himself was without means even to feed his followers. He must therefore gain Elizabeth’s support or confess himself beaten and return to the tender mercy of his affectionate brother, and he had to choose an envoy more persuasive114 than those he had sent before. The man he selected was one who for the next three years played a prominent and astounding115 part in this strange drama.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
negotiations
|
|
| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
licentious
|
|
| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
utterly
|
|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
vices
|
|
| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
duels
|
|
| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
incessant
|
|
| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
inevitable
|
|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
rivalry
|
|
| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
gallop
|
|
| v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔；飞速发展 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
guises
|
|
| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
truce
|
|
| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
averted
|
|
| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
loath
|
|
| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
reconciliation
|
|
| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
conciliation
|
|
| n.调解，调停 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
helping
|
|
| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
unstable
|
|
| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
actively
|
|
| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
envoy
|
|
| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
effusive
|
|
| adj.热情洋溢的；感情(过多)流露的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
hospitably
|
|
| 亲切地，招待周到地，善于款待地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
levies
|
|
| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
majesty
|
|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
insurgents
|
|
| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
mole
|
|
| n.胎块；痣；克分子 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
rehabilitated
|
|
| 改造（罪犯等）( rehabilitate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使恢复正常生活； 使恢复原状； 修复 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
pawned
|
|
| v.典当，抵押( pawn的过去式和过去分词 )；以（某事物）担保 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
tempting
|
|
| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
eldest
|
|
| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
deserted
|
|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
entirely
|
|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
devout
|
|
| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
nominally
|
|
| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
hatred
|
|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
jealousy
|
|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
scoffed
|
|
| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
waylaid
|
|
| v.拦截，拦路( waylay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
emboldened
|
|
| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
isolation
|
|
| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
sneering
|
|
| 嘲笑的，轻蔑的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
demonstration
|
|
| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
portended
|
|
| v.预示( portend的过去式和过去分词 )；预兆；给…以警告；预告 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
vouchsafed
|
|
| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 )；允诺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
rigid
|
|
| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
justified
|
|
| a.正当的，有理的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
subdue
|
|
| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
pacification
|
|
| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
exigencies
|
|
| n.急切需要 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
treacherously
|
|
| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
citadel
|
|
| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
avowed
|
|
| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
patriotically
|
|
| 爱国地；忧国地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
followers
|
|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
lieutenant
|
|
| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
turmoil
|
|
| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
withdrawal
|
|
| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
merged
|
|
| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
fiery
|
|
| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
archers
|
|
| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
rife
|
|
| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
antagonist
|
|
| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
enraged
|
|
| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
partisans
|
|
| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
rankling
|
|
| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
contrived
|
|
| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
chamber
|
|
| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
connivance
|
|
| n.纵容；默许 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
fugitive
|
|
| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
entreaties
|
|
| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
besought
|
|
| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
complicating
|
|
| 使复杂化( complicate的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
envoys
|
|
| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
incurred
|
|
| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
reimburse
|
|
| v.补偿，付还 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
repel
|
|
| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
patronage
|
|
| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
disastrous
|
|
| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
diplomacy
|
|
| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
embroil
|
|
| vt.拖累；牵连；使复杂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
rupture
|
|
| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
overt
|
|
| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
paramount
|
|
| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
auxiliaries
|
|
| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
acting
|
|
| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
sincerity
|
|
| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
chafing
|
|
| n.皮肤发炎v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的现在分词 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
frantic
|
|
| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
zest
|
|
| n.乐趣；滋味，风味；兴趣 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
distinguished
|
|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
steward
|
|
| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
rogue
|
|
| n.流氓；v.游手好闲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
knave
|
|
| n.流氓；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
chuckles
|
|
| 轻声地笑( chuckle的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
discord
|
|
| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
thwarted
|
|
| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
Oxford
|
|
| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
graceful
|
|
| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
agility
|
|
| n.敏捷，活泼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
entreated
|
|
| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
retirement
|
|
| n.退休，退职 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
antagonism
|
|
| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
advisers
|
|
| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
disarm
|
|
| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
perturbed
|
|
| adj.烦燥不安的v.使（某人）烦恼，不安( perturb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
prospect
|
|
| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
vigour
|
|
| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
promptly
|
|
| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
ignominiously
|
|
| adv.耻辱地，屈辱地，丢脸地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
persuasive
|
|
| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
astounding
|
|
| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |