Jean de Simier, Alen?on’s Master of the Wardrobe, and one of his firmest friends, was a consummate5 courtier steeped in the dissolute gallantry of the French Court, and, above all, a persona grata of Catharine de Medici. He arrived in London on January 5, 1579, having gone through Paris on his way to England, and presumably can hardly have been at the moment in a very happy frame of mind. During his absence with Alen?on his wife had been guilty of infidelity with his young brother, and on Simier’s arrival home the intrigue6 was divulged7 to him. He sent his men ahead to kill his brother at the gate of the chateau8 before his arrival, and his wife died, probably of poison, perhaps of grief, soon afterwards, and the avenged9 husband then went his way and came on his mission to England. He was lodged10 and entertained at the Queen’s cost,200 and brought with him twelve thousand crowns’ worth of jewels to win over the courtiers to his master’s cause. At his first interview with the Queen on the 11th of January she was not very cordial, and said that Alen?on could not have been very eager, as Simier had tarried three months on his way since his coming was first announced, but she soon melted under the influence of the envoy11’s dulcet12 words and the casket of jewels he handed her from his master. After the interview Leicester entertained him at supper, and the same night a grand ball was given by the Queen in his honour, at which we are told there was an entertainment in imitation of a tournament between six ladies and a like number of gentlemen who surrendered to them. Young La Mole13 had charmed Elizabeth with his language of French gallantry, but Simier was a much more experienced hand at the game, and artfully made violent love to the Queen under shelter of his master’s name. The sober ambassador, Castelnau de la Mauvissière, even could not avoid seeing the effect upon Elizabeth, and wrote to the Queen-mother: “This discourse14 rejuvenates15 the Queen; she has become more beautiful and bonny than she was fifteen years ago. Not a woman or a physician who knows her who does not hold that there is no lady in the realm more fit for bearing children than she is.”103
On the 16th of January, only a few days after her first interview with Simier, the Queen wrote a letter to Alen?on, in which her delight at his envoy is clearly indicated. She says that she is so pleased201 with him that no other advocate is necessary to make his peace with her. Alen?on’s own words, she tells him, are worthy16 not of being written on parchment, but graven on marble. She bids him consult his wisest friends about coming over, but if he thinks his honour will suffer the least thereby17 she would not have him come for untold18 gold. She assures him of her eternal friendship. She has never, she says, broken her word in her life, so that as constancy is rare amongst princes she is offering no common thing. She ends by hoping that he will reach the years of Nestor, and that all his foes19 may be confounded.104
This was a pretty good beginning, but the correspondence thereafter daily becomes more affectionate. On the 8th of February the Queen writes a long letter to her lover, in which she says: “Je voy clair la constance rare résider en vostre c?ur qui ne se diminue par2 quelque ombre d’ingratitude, qu’est asses20 de preuve pour m’assurer de vostre affection sincère.” She then goes on to point out to her tres cher that her people are strongly opposed to the match, and it will be best for Alen?on and herself to settle the conditions before commissioners21 are sent. The meaning of this was that Simier, to whom even thus early she had given the punning pet name of her monkey (singe), was trying to get better terms for his master, especially in the matter of religion. In vain the young Prince flatters her by saying that he should sink under his troubles but for “l’imagination de vos beautés, et lesperance que j’ai de vos bonnes grases”; in vain he says he202 will leave every other point to her sole discretion22, but cannot give up his religion, and so offend God; but Elizabeth and her advisers24 were firm, and things dragged on month after month. In the meanwhile Alen?on was obliged to cross the border and re-enter France, and in March made a voyage of semi-reconciliation to see his brother in Paris. Simier at the same time was pressing him warmly to come over to England at once, strike the iron whilst it was hot, and marry the Queen offhand25; but the Queen’s own letters persistently26 threw cold water on this proposal, as did Castelnau, the French ambassador, who was bitterly jealous of Simier; and Alen?on, for the present contented27 himself with staying at his town of Dreux awaiting her favourable28 decision as to the conditions “for which hope alone he lives.” But he was more loving than ever in his letters, and writes on the 22nd of March: “Je garde vostre belle29 pinture, qui ne se separara james de moi que par la fin30 de mes os. C’est ou je fes mes auresons et pase la pluspart du tans en ladoration des divintés qui y sont. Je supplie tres humblement vostre majesté pardonner a mes pations (i.e., passions) si trop presontuheuzement je dis se qui est dans mon ame.” It is evident that the Queen was playing with him again, but she must have deceived many of her ministers as well, for in the Hatfield Papers there exists a whole series of documents, mostly in Burleigh’s hand, discussing the advantages and disadvantages of the match from every conceivable point of view at prodigious31 length, at which grave State papers doubtless her Majesty32 and Leicester laughed heartily33 in their sleeves. The Queen told the Spanish ambassador203 that it “was a fine idea for an old woman like her to talk about marriage,” and more than hinted to him that the negotiations had only been undertaken for the purpose of getting the French out of the Netherlands, as she did not want them there. She assured him that nothing would be arranged about the marriage unless Alen?on came. All through March the negotiations for Alen?on’s visit continued, whilst the Puritan pulpits rang with denunciations of the proposed popish match, and London was in a fever of apprehension34 of the coming of a French King consort35. At last it was settled that the Prince should come over in April; and it was then considered necessary to secure Leicester’s neutrality at least. He and Hatton had very soon got jealous of the bewitching “monkey,” who rarely left the Queen’s side now, so Castelnau, the ambassador, had to be the intermediary. Some letters signed by the King of France, but really concocted36 by Castelnau in London, were delivered to the Queen and Leicester, saying that Alen?on would come in May, and assuring Leicester on the King’s word that the marriage should in no way injure his honour or position. Leicester urged that Alen?on should come whilst Parliament was sitting, even though the conditions were not agreed upon beforehand, and said he would move the House to demand the marriage. As the match was extremely unpopular in London, this was about the very worst advice that could be given, and was meant to be so. Whilst the proposed conditions were being discussed with Alen?on’s special envoy, Rochetaillé, in April, and the marriage was looked upon in London as inevitable37, some persons told the Queen204 that papers had been found in the late Chancellor38 Sir Nicholas Bacon’s office, proving that when the affair was under discussion before, the object of the French was only to ruin the country, kill the Queen, and place Mary of Scotland on the throne. If Elizabeth had been in earnest she would have taken fright at this; but she only smiled and passed it over. Both she and Leicester, however, were now ostentatiously in favour of the match, as also were Leicester’s enemies, with a very different end in view. Great preparations were made at Court for the Prince’s coming; new clothes as fine as money could buy them were brought from far and near. Leicester himself wrote to his “cousin,” Davison, in Flanders, to send him 4,000 crowns’ worth of crimson39, black, and coloured velvet40, satin, and silk, and ￡400 worth of gold and silver tissue “or such-like pretty stuffs”105; but Philip II. was still incredulous, and continued to assure his ambassador that it was “a mere41 invention.” During the billing and cooing personally with Simier, and in writing with his master, an occasional cloud of distrust passed over. Once, late in April, 1579, news came of a possible French naval42 expedition to Scotland in the interest of Mary, and the dispatch of a papal expedition from Spain to the Catholic insurgents43 in Ireland; and the Queen was in a panic for a day or two and even turned her back on Simier. On such occasions as these bribes44 found their way from Mendoza to the Queen’s ministers to large amounts, to induce them to impede45 the marriage; Burleigh, Sussex, Crofts, Leicester, and Hatton, all got their share, but seem to have given very little value for it,205 for they were just as heavily bribed46 by the French on the other side.
The new conditions demanded by Simier and Rochetaillé in the interest of Alen?on were, first his coronation immediately after marriage, secondly47 the association of him with the Queen in the government, and thirdly the granting to him of a life pension of ￡60,000 per annum. These new demands had been strenuously48 resisted by Cecil and Sussex and the other councillors, but at length Simier began to get restive49 and threatened to leave unless a decided50 reply were given within two days. Representations were being made to the Queen from all quarters, and especially from the Spanish ambassador and his creatures as to the danger she would incur51 if the match were effected, but, says Mendoza, “she expresses to Simier such a strong desire to marry that not a councillor, whatever his real opinion may be, dares to say a word against it.” At length she could procrastinate52 no longer, and started for a short stay at Leicester’s house at Wanstead, in the last days of April, taking Simier and Castelnau with her for the purpose of giving them an answer. As usual she desired to free herself from personal blame, and ordered each member of her Council to give her his opinion on the match in writing. This they all refused to do, and confined themselves to stating the arguments on both sides, leaving her to draw the conclusion. During the stay at Wanstead, almost day and night, Sussex, Leicester, Burleigh, and Walsingham remained in conference, but could come to no conclusion; and the Court had to return with the Queen to London still without an answer206 being given. At Whitehall on the 3rd of May, a full meeting of the Council was held to finally discuss the conditions, and Simier was invited to be present. The second demand of the association of Alen?on with the Queen in the government and distribution of offices was at once declared to be impossible, and was abandoned by Simier after some demur53; but the other two conditions were insisted upon by him. Simier then retired54 to an adjoining room whilst the Council discussed these points. The first councillor to speak was the new Lord Chancellor Bromley, who set forth55 the danger of the match, in admitting Frenchmen, their traditional enemies, into the country, its unpopularity and the improbability of there being any issue, and ended by declaring uncompromisingly against the marriage. In the end the whole of the Council except Sussex agreed with him, and word was privately56 sent to the Queen that the Council was well-nigh unanimously unfavourable. Then Simier was called in and told that his new demands were such as had never been made before, and were absolutely inadmissible. The Frenchman’s suavity57 suddenly left him, and he flew into a great rage, flinging out of the room before Sussex could reach him, banged the door after him in a fury, and went straight to the Queen, who was in the garden.106 She professed58 great sorrow at her Council’s decision, swore to Simier that she would marry in spite of them all, assumed an appearance of settled melancholy59 in his presence, and sent a loving letter to the Prince by his secretary, de Vray, who was despatched the same night to his master with the Council’s reply.
207 But Alen?on was not lightly put off. Rochetaillé was already on his way back to England with handsome presents for Leicester and the rest of them, and de Vray returned at the end of May with his master’s answer. He would, he said, marry her on her own terms, and only timidly stipulated60 that he should be allowed the private exercise of the mass in his own apartments, concluding by announcing his approaching visit to the Queen to press his suit in person. This was by no means welcome news to Elizabeth, who at the time certainly had no intention of marrying him, and who feared the visit might either force her hand or throw upon her personally the responsibility of breaking off the match. The Council, however, decided unanimously that the Duke should not be affronted61 by a refusal to receive him, and that the Queen could not decently draw back now without at all events seeing her suitor. So it was settled with Simier that his master should come to England in the middle of August, and the Queen’s ships and safe-conduct should await him at Calais. When this was decided the Queen desired to be left alone with Simier, and Leicester was obliged, however unwillingly62, to take Castelnau out hunting. When they returned three hours afterwards Simier and the Queen were still together, and whilst Castelnau supped with Leicester Simier took his evening repast at the Queen’s table.
Castelnau, writing an account of affairs to the Queen-mother,107 says that all was now going as smoothly63 as ever: “Not a day passes that she208 fails to send for him (Simier). On one occasion she came in her barge64 to my lodging65 to fetch him before he had read his despatches, and when he was not dressed. He was obliged to come out to see her with only his doublet on, and she took him with her. Those who are against it are cursing him, and declare that Simier will cheat her, and has bewitched her.” Castelnau now quite believed in the marriage. The Queen told him she really was convinced that the Duke was seeking her for herself alone, and not for her crown, but she feared that, however much he might esteem66 her, he would only love her for a year or two. She would, however, promise before God that if he was a good husband to her she would be the best wife in the world.
It is probable that by this time the Queen’s feelings were really getting the better of her judgment67, and that the satisfied vanity of having a young prince at her feet was carrying all before it. The whole country was ringing with the strange news of her close intimacy68 with Simier, who had, it was said, bewitched her with a love philtre; and afterwards Mary Stuart, in her prison, imprudently made herself the echo of the scandal by writing to the Queen the outrageous70 letter published by Labanoff, accusing her of immorality71 with both Simier and Alen?on. The murmurs72 were industriously73 fostered (and paid for) by the Spanish ambassador, who did his best to stir up trouble and make the match unpopular. He writes to his King at the end of June: “Although there is no binding74 undertaking75 about the marriage, the Queen gives every sign of being most anxious for it, and affirms that she will never marry a man whom she has not previously209 seen. She is burning with impatience77 for his (Alen?on’s) coming, although her councillors have laid before her the difficulties which may arise, the other side having her support, has carried the day. She herself is largely influenced by the idea that it should be known that her talents and beauty are so great that they have sufficed to cause him to come and visit her without any assurance that he will be her husband.”108
Leicester, who knew her better than any one, was quick to see whither she was drifting, and became violently jealous. When the time came for signing the passport for Alen?on, at the end of June, he made a fervent78 appeal to the Queen not to sign it; but Simier was too strong for him, and the passport was sent, whereupon Leicester went and sulked at Wanstead, feigning79 illness, and refused to be comforted, although the Queen herself went there secretly and stayed two days to console him. Shortly afterwards a desperate attempt was made by one of the Queen’s guard to assassinate80 Simier, and it was at once concluded, doubtless correctly, that it had been done at the instance of Leicester and Hatton. The Queen was in a red-hot rage, and so was Simier himself, who determined81 to strike a blow at his rival, which no other had yet dared to do. Leicester had been secretly married some time before to the widowed Countess of Essex, the daughter of Elizabeth’s cousin, and Vice-Chamberlain Sir Francis Knollys: it was a secret de polichinelle to every one but the Queen, but no one had ventured to tell her until Simier, choosing the propitious82 moment, did so. Her fury210 passed all bounds of decency83 and decorum; she raged and swore against the “she-wolf,” as she called her cousin, who had thus been instrumental in wounding her vanity; but Simier was victorious84, for she became more inseparable from him than ever, and for a time kept Leicester under lock and key in a fort in Greenwich Park. Soon afterwards another attempt was made upon Simier’s life, this time by a shot whilst he was on the river with the Queen. He had previously76 lived with Castelnau at the French embassy, but now, in order to avoid the risk of his going backwards85 and forwards daily by water, the Queen brought him to her palace at Greenwich, and there lodged him, to the dismay and disgust of the English courtiers.
The way seemed now clear. The King of France and his mother had been convinced by Simier and Castelnau that Alen?on had only to appear before the Queen for her to marry him, and they were willing to run the risk of his going secretly on the chance, in order, if possible, to get rid of so troublesome an element as Alen?on was in France. In England the match was looked upon as settled; but still gloomy, patient Philip, in his cell, was incredulous. “Whatever may be said,” he wrote to Mendoza, early in August, “I do not believe the marriage will take place, as there can be on either side no great desire for it, but a large amount of pretence86.” The only thing he left out of the calculation was Elizabeth’s passion and vanity, which for a time were overmastering her judgment.
Alen?on started from Paris on the 2nd of August, sending a confidential87 messenger ahead of him to announce his coming to the Queen and Simier.211 The latter had previously lodged in apartments adjoining those of the Queen, to which he had a key giving him private access, but now, for the sake of appearances, he was transferred to a pavilion in the garden at Greenwich, where rooms were also prepared for the Prince. Various attempts at mystification were made to prevent the knowledge of his arrival becoming public and to throw people off the scent88, but as he was delayed by bad weather at Boulogne for some days, the news spread and his arrival was after all an open secret. The Queen coyly told the Spanish ambassador that her lover had not come, but her hints and her simpers clearly implied that he had. The courtiers, to keep up an appearance of innocence89, stayed away as much as possible, and they were prudent69 in doing so, for the Countess of Derby and the Earl of Bedford’s daughter, who were caught gossiping about the Prince’s arrival, were incontinently placed under arrest until after he had gone.
From a letter from Simier to the Queen109 it would appear that the Prince’s approach was first made known to her early in the morning, and that she instantly sent word to Simier, who was in bed. Simier says that as her messenger left his room the Prince himself entered it so effectively disguised that he hardly knew him. He had, he said, been met in the street by many persons, but had not been recognised. He was, says Simier, tired to death, but notwithstanding that, entreated90 Simier to go at once to the Queen and beg her to let him go and salute91 her, all travel-stained and weary as he was. “But I showed him how impossible this was, as he would212 have to pass through a dozen chambers92 before he got to yours, and that you were still asleep. At last I persuaded him to take some rest, and soon got him between the sheets, and I wish to God you were with him there, as he could then with greater facility convey his thoughts to you, for I well know that 'mal si riposa chi non la contentezza.’”
Leicester in the meanwhile was furious, and the Spanish ambassador was missing no opportunity of fanning the flame of discontent against the marriage. The Queen dined alone with Alen?on in Simier’s room on the 17th of August, the day after his arrival, and although the young Prince was no beauty, with his swart, pocked-marked face, Elizabeth at once fell in love with him. He became from the first day her “frog” (grenouille), and the little endearments93 of the two young lovers went on ceaselessly all day, and often far into the night. “The Queen,” writes Mendoza on the 25th of August, “is delighted with Alen?on, and he with her, as she has let out to some of her courtiers, saying that she was pleased to have known him, was much taken with his good parts, and admired him more than any man. She says that for her part she will not stand in the way of his being her husband.”110 Castelnau, the French ambassador, writing at the same time, says to the Queen-mother: “These loving conferences have lasted eight days. The lady has with difficulty been able to entertain the Duke, being captivated, overcome with love: she told me she had never found a man whose nature and actions suited her better. She begs me to write to your Majesty asking you not to punish him too213 much for the great folly94 of risking so much in coming to see a woman so unworthy as she is.” The young Prince had been brought up in a Court where love-making was the great business of life, and flattered and languished95 as successfully as La Mole and Simier had done, and Elizabeth’s overweening vanity had probably never been so satisfied before. She gave a ball on Sunday, the 23rd of August, 1579, at Greenwich, Alen?on, being only half hidden behind the arras. The Queen danced and posed even more than usual, and ever and anon made signals to her guest, of whose presence all the courtiers pretended to be ignorant. On the same night news came to the Duke that his staunch friend, Bussy d’Amboise, had at last been killed in a duel96, and on the 27th Alen?on started by coach to Dover to take the ship which was awaiting to carry him to Calais. Castelnau said after he went that he wrote letters “ardent97 enough to set fire to water,” and to judge from the curious letters sent by him and Simier from Dover before he embarked98, the ambassador was not very wide of the mark. These letters are in the Hatfield collection, and are worth transcribing99 as a specimen100 of the love-letters of the time, although that of the Prince seems to our eyes a perfect burlesque101, considering that it was written by a lover of twenty-four to a mature beauty of nearly double his age. He is, he says, envious102 of his letter which will reach her hand. He dare not commit himself to a long discourse, knowing well that he is not himself, as he is continually occupied in stanching103 the tears which flow from his eyes without intermission. He swears that his affection for her will last for ever, and that he is and will remain214 the most faithful and affectionate slave who can exist on earth. “As such,” he says, “on the brink104 of this troublesome sea I kiss your feet.”
This was accompanied by a letter from Simier in the quaint105 French of the time, which the reader may well be spared. It runs as follows: “Madame: I must tell you how little rest your frog had last night, he having done nothing but sigh and weep. At eight o’clock he made me get up to discourse to him of your divine beauty and of his great grief at leaving your Majesty, the jailor of his heart, the mistress of his liberty. Only his hope that he will soon see you again gives him some consolation106. He has sworn to me a thousand times, but for that he would not wish to live another quarter of an hour. Do not then be cruel to him as he desires only to preserve his life so long as you are kind. Before he was out of bed he seized the pen and has ordered me to send off Captain Bourg with this, pending107 my own return to you, which will be as soon as I see him (Alen?on) at sea with his sails spread. The weather is beautiful and the sea calm and I expect he will have a fair passage unless he swell108 the waves with the abundance of his tears. The monkey takes the liberty of humbly109 kissing your lovely hands.”111 These letters were sent on the 28th of August, and on the two following days similar extravagant110 missives were sent by the Prince, by Castelnau, and Simier; and then, on his arrival at Boulogne, more lovelorn epistles followed, by the hands of Admiral Howard and Edward Stafford, who had escorted the Prince so far. The Queen could only talk of her ardent young lover,215 who, by the way, had scattered111 liberally amongst the courtiers the rich jewels his mother had provided for the occasion, the Queen herself receiving a splendid diamond ring worth 10,000 crowns; and in conversation with the Spanish ambassador she could find no words of praise strong enough for Catharine de Medici, “whom she had formerly112 abominated113.” The circumstances indeed again rendered a close alliance between England and France desirable either by marriage or otherwise. Catharine had managed to disarm114 Henry of Navarre, and the signing of the treaty of Nerac in February, 1579, had for a time brought harmony to France, and when France was united it was always necessary for Elizabeth to be in cordial agreement with that country or Spain. Her undisguised help to the revolted Flemings and her depredations115 on Spanish shipping116 had alienated117 her more and more from Philip, and now another circumstance had arisen which must drive both her and Catharine de Medici into more pronounced antagonism118 to Spain. The King of Portugal was old, ailing119, and childless, and intrigues120 were ripe as to the succession of the crown. The strongest claimant was Philip himself, and it was felt that a further addition to his power and the acquisition of so fine a seaboard as that of Portugal would gravely prejudice the interest of France and England. Catharine had a shadowy claim to the crown herself for form’s sake, but she and Elizabeth were quite agreed that, whoever got the prize, they would do their best to prevent Philip from gaining it, by stirring up war elsewhere and aiding the other pretenders.
Matters were therefore again ripe for an attempt216 to bring about a binding offensive and defensive121 alliance between the two countries: and as soon as the lovelorn swain had gone home, serious and exhaustive discussions of the pros122 and cons4 of the projected match was undertaken by the Council at Greenwich. They appear to have sat continuously from the 2nd to the 8th of October, and the minutes of their proceedings123 in great detail, written by Burleigh, exist in the Hatfield Papers.112 No phase or eventuality seems to have been lost sight of, and a sort of debit124 and credit account of advantages and disadvantages is carefully drawn125 up. The main result of the well-nigh interminable discussions was that the possible dangers of the match outbalanced the benefits, and an address to the Queen was drawn up and signed by the whole Council, dated the 8th of October, 1579, which, however, carefully avoided the expression of a decided opinion, and cast the onus126 of the final resolution on to the Queen. They say that they “have not proceeded to a full resolution as is usual in such consultations127, feeling that inasmuch as her Majesty’s own wishes and dispositions128 are principally to be regarded, it was their duty first to offer to her Majesty all their services and counsel to do what best shall please her.” They beg her to show them the inclination129 of her mind, and if she pleases each councillor will state his opinion to her and bear the responsibility she might lay upon them.” This message was taken to her by Burleigh, Leicester, Sussex, and Lincoln in the forenoon, and, as may be supposed, did not please their mistress. She wept and railed at them in no measured terms that their tedious disputations217 should seem to imply a doubt as to the wisdom of her marrying and “having a child of her own body to inherit and continue the line of Henry VIII.; and condemned130 herself of simplicity131 in committing this matter to be argued by them, for that she thought to have rather had a universal request made to her to proceed in this marriage than to have made a doubt of it, and being much troubled thereby she requested them to forbear her till the afternoon.” When they went to her again they found her even more indignant, “and shewed her mislike of such as she thought would not proffer132 her marriage before any device of surety.” She complained very bitterly that they should think so “slenderly” of her as to assume that she would not be as careful to safeguard religion as they were, and that they should begrudge133 her marriage and child-bearing for that reason. We are told (in Burleigh’s own hand) that “her answers were very sharp in reprehending134 all such as she thought would make argument against her marriage, and though she thought it not meet to declare to them whether she would marry or not, yet she looked from their hands that they should with one accord have made special suit to her for the same.”113 This meant, of course, that the responsibility should rest on other shoulders than her own whilst she had her way. Stubbs’s famous book, “The discovery of a gaping135 gulf136 wherein England is like to be swallowed by another French marriage,” had recently been published, and a fierce proclamation had just been issued by the Queen denouncing such publications218 as “lewde and seditious.” Stubbs himself had his right hand chopped off and was exposed to public contumely, but with his left hand he raised his bonnet137 the moment after the blow was struck, and cried, “God save the Queen!” Nearly all London shared his opposition138 to the match and his personal loyalty139 to the Queen; and Elizabeth, who clung to her popularity above all things, was desirous of avoiding the blame for the marriage and yet to bring it about. In the meanwhile almost daily couriers sped backwards and forwards with exchanges of presents and loving missives between the Queen and Alen?on, who had had another quarrel with his brother, and had retired to his own town of Alen?on. He cannot imagine, he says, how her people can ever gainsay140 “une si bell royne qui les a tousjours tant bien gouvernés qu’il ne se peut mieus en monarchie du monde“: and her Majesty was determined they should not gainsay her if she could help it. Once Walsingham, in conversation with her, expressed an unfavourable opinion, whereupon she turned upon him in a fury, and told him to be gone for a shielder of heretics; and when Sir Francis Knollys, presuming upon his relationship, asked her how she could think of marrying a Catholic, she threatened that he should suffer for his zeal141. His was a fine way, she said, of showing attachment142 to his sovereign. Why should not she marry and have children like any other woman? Even her faithful “sheep” Hatton had a squabble with her about it, and was rusticated143 for a week.114
Philip Sidney’s bold and nobly-worded letter of219 remonstrance with the Queen against the match was accepted in a better spirit. The virtues144 and talents of the writer, coupled with the disinterested145 patriotism146 which evidently inspired his protest, secured him against the vituperation which Elizabeth lavished147 on Walsingham and other Protestant champions who timidly ventured to offer not a tithe148 of Sidney’s outspoken149 opinions. “These” (the Protestants), said Sidney—“how will their hearts be galled150, if not alienated, when they shall see you take a husband, a Frenchman and a papist, in whom, howsoever fine wits may find further dealings or painted excuses, the very common people well know this: that he is the son of a Jezebel of our age; that his brother made oblation151 of his sister’s marriage, the easier to make massacres152 of our brethren in belief. That he himself, contrary to his promise and all gratefulness, having his liberty and principal estate by the Huguenot’s means did sack La Charité and utterly153 spoil them with fire and sword! This I say, even at first sight gives occasion to all truly religious to abhor154 such a master, and consequently to diminish much of the hopeful love they long held to you.” The Queen wept over this, as well she might, but to her credit it may be said that she did not visit the writer with her displeasure as she would have done in the case of a less high-minded adviser23.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
negotiations
|
|
| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
par
|
|
| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
remonstrance
|
|
| n抗议，抱怨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
cons
|
|
| n.欺骗，骗局( con的名词复数 )v.诈骗，哄骗( con的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
consummate
|
|
| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
intrigue
|
|
| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
divulged
|
|
| v.吐露，泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
chateau
|
|
| n.城堡，别墅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
avenged
|
|
| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
lodged
|
|
| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
envoy
|
|
| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
dulcet
|
|
| adj.悦耳的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
mole
|
|
| n.胎块；痣；克分子 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
discourse
|
|
| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
rejuvenates
|
|
| 使变得年轻，使恢复活力( rejuvenate的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
worthy
|
|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
thereby
|
|
| adv.因此，从而 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
untold
|
|
| adj.数不清的，无数的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
foes
|
|
| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
asses
|
|
| n. 驴，愚蠢的人，臀部 adv. (常用作后置)用于贬损或骂人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
commissioners
|
|
| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
discretion
|
|
| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
adviser
|
|
| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
advisers
|
|
| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
offhand
|
|
| adj.临时，无准备的；随便，马虎的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
persistently
|
|
| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
contented
|
|
| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
favourable
|
|
| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
belle
|
|
| n.靓女 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
fin
|
|
| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
prodigious
|
|
| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
majesty
|
|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
heartily
|
|
| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
apprehension
|
|
| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
consort
|
|
| v.相伴；结交 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
concocted
|
|
| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的过去式和过去分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
inevitable
|
|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
chancellor
|
|
| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
crimson
|
|
| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
velvet
|
|
| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
naval
|
|
| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
insurgents
|
|
| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
bribes
|
|
| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
impede
|
|
| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
bribed
|
|
| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
secondly
|
|
| adv.第二，其次 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
strenuously
|
|
| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
restive
|
|
| adj.不安宁的，不安静的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
incur
|
|
| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
procrastinate
|
|
| v.耽搁，拖延 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
demur
|
|
| v．表示异议，反对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
retired
|
|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
privately
|
|
| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
suavity
|
|
| n.温和；殷勤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
professed
|
|
| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
melancholy
|
|
| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
stipulated
|
|
| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
affronted
|
|
| adj.被侮辱的，被冒犯的v.勇敢地面对( affront的过去式和过去分词 )；相遇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
unwillingly
|
|
| adv.不情愿地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
smoothly
|
|
| adv.平滑地，顺利地，流利地，流畅地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
barge
|
|
| n.平底载货船，驳船 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
lodging
|
|
| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
esteem
|
|
| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
judgment
|
|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
intimacy
|
|
| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
prudent
|
|
| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
outrageous
|
|
| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
immorality
|
|
| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
murmurs
|
|
| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
industriously
|
|
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
binding
|
|
| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
undertaking
|
|
| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
previously
|
|
| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
impatience
|
|
| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
fervent
|
|
| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
feigning
|
|
| 假装，伪装( feign的现在分词 )； 捏造（借口、理由等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
assassinate
|
|
| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
propitious
|
|
| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
decency
|
|
| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
victorious
|
|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
backwards
|
|
| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
pretence
|
|
| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
confidential
|
|
| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
scent
|
|
| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
innocence
|
|
| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
entreated
|
|
| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
salute
|
|
| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
chambers
|
|
| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
endearments
|
|
| n.表示爱慕的话语，亲热的表示( endearment的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
folly
|
|
| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
languished
|
|
| 长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 )； 受折磨； 变得（越来越）衰弱； 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
duel
|
|
| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
ardent
|
|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
embarked
|
|
| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
transcribing
|
|
| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的现在分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
specimen
|
|
| n.样本，标本 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
burlesque
|
|
| v.嘲弄，戏仿；n.嘲弄，取笑，滑稽模仿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
envious
|
|
| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
stanching
|
|
| v.使（伤口）止血( stanch的现在分词 )；止（血）；使不漏；使不流失 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
104
brink
|
|
| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
quaint
|
|
| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
consolation
|
|
| n.安慰，慰问 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
pending
|
|
| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
swell
|
|
| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
humbly
|
|
| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
extravagant
|
|
| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
scattered
|
|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
formerly
|
|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
abominated
|
|
| v.憎恶，厌恶，不喜欢( abominate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
disarm
|
|
| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
depredations
|
|
| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
shipping
|
|
| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
alienated
|
|
| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
antagonism
|
|
| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
ailing
|
|
| v.生病 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
intrigues
|
|
| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
defensive
|
|
| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
pros
|
|
| abbr.prosecuting 起诉；prosecutor 起诉人；professionals 自由职业者；proscenium （舞台）前部n.赞成的意见( pro的名词复数 )；赞成的理由；抵偿物；交换物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
proceedings
|
|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
debit
|
|
| n.借方，借项，记人借方的款项 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
onus
|
|
| n.负担；责任 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
consultations
|
|
| n.磋商（会议）( consultation的名词复数 )；商讨会；协商会；查找 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
dispositions
|
|
| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
inclination
|
|
| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
condemned
|
|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
simplicity
|
|
| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
proffer
|
|
| v.献出，赠送；n.提议，建议 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
begrudge
|
|
| vt.吝啬，羡慕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
reprehending
|
|
| v.斥责，指摘，责备( reprehend的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
gaping
|
|
| adj.口的；张口的；敞口的；多洞穴的v.目瞪口呆地凝视( gape的现在分词 )；张开，张大 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
gulf
|
|
| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
bonnet
|
|
| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
loyalty
|
|
| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
gainsay
|
|
| v.否认，反驳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
attachment
|
|
| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
rusticated
|
|
| v.罚（大学生）暂时停学离校( rusticate的过去式和过去分词 )；在农村定居 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
virtues
|
|
| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
disinterested
|
|
| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
patriotism
|
|
| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
lavished
|
|
| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
tithe
|
|
| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
outspoken
|
|
| adj.直言无讳的，坦率的，坦白无隐的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
galled
|
|
| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
oblation
|
|
| n.圣餐式；祭品 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
massacres
|
|
| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
utterly
|
|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
abhor
|
|
| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |