On the 9th of November, 1579, Simier came to the Queen and told her he could delay no longer going back to his master; and if a final decision was not at once adopted, he must return without it. He was closeted with her for several hours, and the next day she summoned the principal councillors to her chamber7, and told them that she had made up her mind to marry, and they need say no more about it; their duty now was simply to devise the necessary means for carrying out her wishes. She then sent post-haste to bring back Stafford, who was on his way to Alen?on, and for a day her councillors thought the matter was settled. But the next day a cool gust8 of prudence9 passed over her passion, and she again sent to the councillors ordering them to give her individually their opinions in writing. This did not suit221 Simier, and he rushed off to the Queen and told her it was now unwise and unnecessary, as she had made up her mind. She haughtily10 asked who told him that, to which he replied that it was Cecil; whereupon she flew into one of her violent rages against councillors who could not keep their mouths shut, and flung out of the room, leaving Simier to meditate11 upon the inconstancy of woman. She then ordered the councillors to send a joint12 letter begging Alen?on to expedite his coming, but they refused to do so, and urged that before the Prince himself came a person of higher rank and more serious standing13 than Simier should come to settle the conditions. When Simier heard this he booted and spurred without more ado, and went in a huff to take leave of the Queen. She mollified him, however, with blandishments, and during the next few days the terms of settlement were hastily agreed upon and signed in draft, giving Alen?on and his household the right to attend the Catholic service in his own chapel14. But when the protocol15 was handed to Simier for conveyance16 to France the Queen characteristically insisted upon his giving an undertaking17 which always left her a loophole of escape. The original document in Simier’s handwriting is at Hatfield, and agrees that the articles shall remain in suspense18 for two months, “during which time her Majesty19 hopes to have brought her people to consent to the marriage.” If before that time she did not write to the King and Alen?on consenting to receive ambassadors to sign the contract, the whole present conditions were to be absolutely null and void.
Simier left London on the 24th of November, loaded with presents, and from Gravesend wrote a222 long letter to the Queen, warning her against those who, for their own ends, were trying to persuade her to forego the match, and who had been publicly boasting in London that as soon as his back was turned they would easily change her mind. He finishes his letter by what comes perilously20 near a bit of love-making on his own account, and during his two days’ stay at Dover, and from Calais, letter followed letter from him to the Queen, in all of which the hope is fervently22 expressed that “le singe23 restera tousjours vostre, et que la distance des lyeus, ni la longeur du tanps, ni les fausses invantions des mes contrères, ne me pouront aporter aucun préjudisse en vos bonnes grasses ni enpecher le souleil de mes yeulx, qui ne peuvent être contans que voyent vostre grenouille aupres de vostre Majesté et moy coume singe me voyr hordinere à vos piés,” and so on, page after page. Stafford accompanied him across, and brought back a letter with a great emerald embedded24 in the seal, from Alen?on to the Queen, telling her of the efforts which were being made to bring him and Navarre again into good agreement with the King, to which the Queen replied, leaving for once the philandering25 strain, and writing a serious and statesmanlike warning against his being too pliant26. There is no doubt that for a time after Simier left, the influence of Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham somewhat cooled her towards the marriage. Stafford went first with Simier to Paris to lay the draft conditions before the King, and took the opportunity of demanding some further limitation with regard to the exercise of the Catholic religion. Henry III. would have nothing to say to this, but left it to his brother’s223 conscience, but he wrote to his ambassador in England pointing out that this was another of their tricks to break off the affair.
Stafford found Alen?on no more yielding than his brother, and for a time matters looked unpromising, the “monkey” continuing to write gushing27 letters to the Queen, begging her not to be influenced by the “mile faulx bruis” of Walsingham and others, who are trying to render the affair abortive28. At this juncture29, doubtless, the Queen wrote the long letter without date to the Duke,115 pointing out to him the unpopularity of the match and the many difficulties of carrying it through, unless the terms taken by Simier, particularly with regard to religion and the pension, were relaxed. If this is impossible, she says, and the affair falls through, let us not worry any more about it, but remain faithful friends for ever. This did not at all please the Prince, who plainly told her (January 28, 1580, Hatfield Papers) that some people believed that she was only making use of the religious question as an excuse to break off the match, and that he is not at all astonished that she has requested that the departure of commissioners30 for the ratification31 should be stayed. He was probably right in his conjecture32, for only a few days before (January 17, 1580, Hatfield Papers) the Queen tried to pick a quarrel about the rank of the ambassadors to be sent. She had roundly told the King, she said, that she did not think France was so short of princes that he must needs send her a child or a low-born person. A person of the very highest lineage must come or none at all: she would never have the chronicles record that any slight was224 offered to her honour on so great an occasion. The poor “monkey” might write his inflated33 letters to the Queen, deploring34, and denouncing the enemies who were impeding35 the match, and pleading in heartbroken accents the cause of his lovelorn “frog”; but there can be no doubt that at the end of January, 1580, in London, the affair was looked upon as at an end. A long and instructive State paper exists at Hatfield in the writing of Sir Thomas Cecil, dated the 28th of January, addressed to the Queen, and setting forth36 that the Alen?on marriage, having fallen through, the Prince would probably seek revenge for his disappointment, and ally himself to the King of Spain, with the object of aiding a general Catholic assault on England and Ireland. Sir Thomas then lays down a certain course of action necessary to meet this danger. Alen?on is to be encouraged to push his ambitious projects in Flanders in order to keep him at issue with Spain; the Queen’s forces by sea and land are to be put on a war footing, and German mercenaries are to be hired; English trade, as far as possible, is to be carried in foreign bottoms; the Irish are to be conciliated by large concessions37 to their national traditions; the Queen of Scots is to be more strictly38 held and her son subsidised; and the Netherlanders and the Huguenots are to be vigorously helped. This was a bold programme indeed, but was fully39 warranted by the circumstances as we now know them. The Guises41 were moving heaven and earth to prevent an understanding between Alen?on and the Huguenots; the Queen of Scots was in active negotiation5 with Philip, through Beaton and Guise40, for a Spanish invasion of England in her interest;225 and the Spanish troops, under the Papal banner, were backing up the insurgent42 Irish.116
The reason for Alen?on’s tardy43 resistance to further surrender about his religion must be sought in the fact that the Catholic Flemings were still in active negotiations with him for his assuming the sovereignty of the States, and any wavering on his part in religion would at once have made him an impossible candidate for them. The fact of the Prince of Orange and the Huguenots being in his favour was already rather against his chances with the Walloons, and it was necessary for him to assume a devotion to Catholicism, the sincerity44 of which may well be doubted. It will thus be seen that the position was full of danger and uncertainty45 to Elizabeth, as she could never allow a Frenchman to be dominant46 in the Netherlands unless he was her humble47 servant. This, of course, was obvious to Alen?on as it was to her, and it was necessary for him to know upon which side he would have to depend for the promotion48 of his ambition, either the Queen of England and the Huguenots, or the Catholic Flemings and his brother. On the very day, therefore, that the two months stipulated49 with Simier expired, namely, the 24th of February, 1580, Castelnau, the French ambassador, went to the Queen and asked for a definite answer as to whether she would marry the Prince on the terms arranged or not. She replied that it was not a matter which could be settled in such a hurry, and she must consult her Council and her people. After a good deal of bickering50 the ambassador unmasked his batteries, and told her that if she did not carry out her agreement226 to marry him, the Prince, in his own justification51 and to show people that he had not come to England out of mere52 flightiness, would be obliged to publish all her letters. She replied, in her usual vein53, that she was surprised that Alen?on should think of treating any lady in this way, much less a Queen, and with this she closed the colloquy54 in great anger and indignation.
Mendoza tells the story,117 and adds that after the ambassador had left, “she being alone in her chamber with Cecil and the Archbishop of York, whom she considers a very clever man, she said, My lord, here am I between Scylla and Charybdis. Alen?on has agreed to all the terms I sent him, and he is asking me to tell him when I wish him to come and marry me. If I do not marry him I know not whether he will remain friendly with me; and if I do I shall not be able to govern my country with the freedom and security I have hitherto enjoyed. What shall I do?” The answer of the Archbishop was that every one would be glad with whatever she decided55 upon. She then turned to Cecil and asked him what he thought, as he had been absent from the Council for three days past. He said that if she wished to marry she should do so, as no harm could come to the country now that Alen?on had agreed to their terms; but, he added, if she did not mean to marry him she ought to undeceive him at once. She sharply told him that the rest of the councillors were not of his opinion, but that the Duke should be kept in hand by correspondence. How could she tell, she asked, the feeling of the King of Spain towards her, and whether it would227 be safe for her to let go her hold on France? Cecil, not relishing56 the snub, replied that those who tried to trick princes were themselves generally tricked in the end. The Spanish ambassador thought, and he was no doubt right, that Alen?on’s pressure and covert57 threats were for the purpose of forcing the Queen to help him in his designs in Flanders as some solatium for the slight she had put upon him and his family by throwing him over in the marriage negotiations; and colour is given to this view by the fact that envoys arrived simultaneously58 from La Noue, the Huguenot chief, who was now in the service of the States, from Orange, and the Prince of Condé, to beg the Queen to send help to establish Alen?on in the Netherlands. This appeared to the Queen a good way out of her difficulty, and she seems to have seized it with avidity, though always with a pretence59 that the marriage negotiations were still pending60, in order to save appearances and disarm61 the French Government. On the receipt, therefore, of a letter from Alen?on by Captain Bourg, on the 7th of March, announcing that he only awaited her permission to send Marshal de Cossé, to settle the conditions, the Queen took what was for her a very unusual step, namely, to pay a ceremonious visit by water to the French ambassador, to promise him shortly to fix a date for the coming of the commissioners. How hollow the pretence was, however, is seen by a letter written at the same time by Simier to the Queen, headed by a true lovers’ knot, in which “her faithful monkey” deplores62 that she has broken off the match which he ascribes to the machinations of his enemies, and says that he would rather have given his right arm and228 ten years of his life than it should have happened, or if she had decided to break it off that she had not done so ten months before. Elizabeth continued her great show of cordiality to the French ambassador, and when the Prince of Condé himself came in June to complain to her of the treatment suffered by the Protestants in France, and to beg her aid, she went to the length of refusing to receive him excepting in the presence of Castelnau, and by every means in her power sought to bring about an understanding with the French Government before she pledged herself single-handed too deeply in the troubled affairs of Flanders. But this did not at all suit Alen?on, who had his own game to play and knew full well that if a cordial alliance were arranged between his brother and the Queen of England there would be no need for the latter to marry him, or for either party to risk an open rupture63 with Spain for the sake of his personal aggrandisement; particularly at the present moment, when Elizabeth was in great alarm at a powerful Spanish fleet which had just put to sea. So the faithful “frog” and his attendant monkey began to get ardent64 again. De Vray was sent to smooth down misunderstandings and to mollify Leicester, who, after grumbling65 that the French were not giving him enough presents, had gone whining66 to the Spanish ambassador to offer his services to impede67 the understanding with the French—for a consideration. Simier writes on the 18th of April:118 “As for your frog, his flame is immortal68, and his love towards you can never end either in this world or the next. By God, Madame, lose no more time! Take counsel229 with yourself and those whose faithful attachment69 is known to you for your own sake rather than their advancement70 ... let Monseigneur soon approach your charms. This is the daily prayer of your monkey who, with all humility71, kisses the shadow of your footsteps.” Alen?on’s letters, although somewhat less hyperbolical, are yet very loving, and press the Queen urgently to allow commissioners to come to finally settle the marriage conditions, and in this request he was seconded by his mother and brother. To all these letters answers were sent after much delay, “containing many sweet words but no decision;” and the Spanish ambassador writing an account of matters to his master on the 21st of May,119 says that the French were threatening the Queen with Alen?on’s resentment72 if she did not marry him now the matter was so far advanced. “In this way both parties are weaving a Penelope’s web simply to cover the designs which I have already explained to your Majesty.” These designs were, on Alen?on’s part, to force Elizabeth into a marriage, or into supporting him in Flanders as the price of throwing him over; on Elizabeth’s part that if he went into Flanders at all he should do so only as her tool and that of the Huguenots; or otherwise to bring about a close alliance between England and France, or a rupture between the latter and Spain: and on the part of Henry III. and his mother, to get rid of their “enfant terrible,” by marrying him in England, and to drive Elizabeth single-handed into a contest with Spain. The States envoys from Ghent meanwhile were pressing upon Alen?on the sovereignty of the Netherlands, and the matter230 could not brook73 long delay for Alexander Farnese, who was no sluggard74, had just routed La Noue, and was pressing them hard. Alen?on therefore thought that affairs must be precipitated75 or he would slip to the ground between his brother and the Queen of England, between Protestant and Catholic support; and the pressure put upon Elizabeth was now so strong, and the danger that Alen?on would enter Flanders independent of her so great, that a Council was held on the 5th of June, and unanimously decided that a request should be sent to France for commissioners to be despatched to England. Sir Edward Stafford at the same time was despatched to Alen?on, to negotiate with him and obtain his co-operation with the embassy. But Stafford found the Duke in the sulks. He knew full well that the sending of a formal embassy by his brother to England would be more likely to lead to an alliance than a marriage, or that if a marriage was brought about by these means it would be on such terms as would hamper77 rather than help his ambition; so he stood out, and at last only gave his concurrence78 with the embassy on condition that it should solely79 be empowered to negotiate a marriage and not a national alliance.120 Shortly after this, on the 12th of August, a formal deputation of the States offered Alen?on the sovereignty of the Netherlands, which he nominally80 accepted. He was, however, powerless to move or assume his sovereignty until peace was made between his brother and Henry of Navarre and his Huguenots, who were now at open warfare81. No French troops of either party were231 available for Alen?on until he had persuaded the Bearnais to come to terms, and had raised the siege of La Fère. The Duke’s first care, therefore, was to patch up some sort of settlement between the two factions82 in France, not a very easy matter, particularly when the King, learning of the vast Spanish plunder83 brought by Drake from America, and concluded that Elizabeth’s fear of reprisals84 would render her powerless to back up the Huguenots. At last, however, the peace of Fleix was signed in November, 1580, and the horizon for Alen?on began to brighten somewhat. Amongst those in the French Court who most strongly opposed his marriage was his sister Margaret, Queen of Navarre, for reasons which the scandalmongers of the time had much to say; and in the correct belief that Simier was largely instrumental in bringing about the match, she prompted her great friend Fervaques and his ally Balagny to pick a quarrel with the “monkey,” and if possible kill him. Thereupon ensued a bitter feud85 in Alen?on’s household, which ended in the flight of Simier to his abbey of Bourgueil, whence he wrote a series of interesting letters to Elizabeth in his usual strain, giving her a full account of all that had happened. She, for her part, kept up the correspondence actively86, and zealously87 endeavoured to induce his master to restore him to favour. Alen?on seems to have treated his servitor very badly. Simier tells the Queen that only a few days before his disgrace he lent the Duke 90,000 crowns, and that suddenly he had been deprived of all he possessed88, “and turned out in his shirt.” He ascribes his trouble mostly to Margaret, and his letters—particularly that of the 18th of October121—are so full of232 scandal that one can well understand his fervent21 prayers that the Queen will burn his letters and not let a soul but herself read them. It is almost impossible to read these letters and believe in the innocence89 of the Queen’s relations with Simier, as witness the final words in the aforesaid long letter of the 18th of October: “I pray you, madame, that no living soul shall know of my letters. I place my life in your hands, and only wish to preserve it to do you service. For I am your ape, and you are my creator, my defender90, my stay, and my saviour91. You are my god, my all, my life, my hope, my faith, and my consolation92. I supplicate93 you then, and pray you with all my power to deign94 in your grace to bring my affairs to a happy issue. You will thus still further pledge the ape who in all humility will render you complete obedience95 to death, as willingly as he now humbly96 kisses and rekisses a hundred million times your beautiful and loving hands.” All this is mighty97 fine, but he gives the Queen in a postscript98 a piece of news which must have interested her still more, and certainly influenced her attitude towards Alen?on. “Saturn” (i.e., the King of Spain), he says, “has informed the King and Queen-mother that if they can dissuade99 Monsieur from his plans in the Netherlands, he (the King of Spain) will grant him the territory of Cambresis, and will put him into possession of all the rest (i.e., of Catholic Flanders). The Pope and the Dukes of Savoy, Florence, Urbino, and Ferrara will guarantee this grant; and the Queen-mother has undertaken to make these overtures100 to Monsieur, who knows nothing of the matter yet. For God’s sake burn this letter and let no soul see it.”
233 The effect of this was that loving letters were at once sent to Alen?on, all difficulties were smoothed over, the commissioners should be cordially welcomed as soon as they liked to come, and what was of far more importance still, the Queen promised the French ambassador that when they arrived she would give Alen?on 200,000 crowns of Drake’s plunder to help him in the Netherlands enterprise and subsidise Duke Casimir’s mercenary army of Germans to cross the frontier and co-operate with him.
But it was not a very easy task to settle with the King of France the preliminaries of the embassy, the extent of its powers, and the choice of its members. Cobham, in Paris, tried to pledge Henry III. to break first with Spain on account of his mother’s claim to the Portuguese101 crown, which Philip had usurped102, but the King said he would make no move until Elizabeth did so. Whilst these discussions were going on in Paris, Alen?on sent an embassy of his own to London (in February, 1581) to pave the way, in his interest, for the coming of the commissioners. The principal envoy2 was Clausse de Marchaumont, Count de Beaumont, who was accompanied by Jean Bodin, the famous writer, and others; and his principal task for many months to come was to beg for money aid for his master’s enterprise. He was received with apparent cordiality by the Queen, who was closeted with him for hours every day, and especially recommended him to the French ambassador as a great favourite of Alen?on; but withal she must have watched him closely at first, for in one of his most secret letters her “faithful monkey” assures her that Marchaumont234 was entirely103 dependent upon the Guises, and recommends her to have a little secretary of his named Obterre “untrussed,” when she will find some news about Scotland. The Duke of Guise, it seems, had dropped a hint about it in the hearing of one of Simier’s friends. Whatever was the result of the Queen’s secret conferences with Marchaumont, not even her own councillors knew it, and she wrote a private letter, which no one saw, for one of the envoys, a cousin of Marchaumont’s, M. de Mery, to take to the Duke, and with it she sent a wedding-ring as a token. Mendoza says that “she also said publicly that she was now so anxious for the commissioners to come that every hour’s delay seemed like a thousand years to her, with other tender speeches of the same sort, which make most people who hear them believe that the marriage will take place. The three ministers (i.e., Sussex, Cecil, and Crofts) for whom Marchaumont brought letters only replied to him that they could say nothing further, but that the Queen seemed very desirous that the wedding should be effected.” The tone of this last remark is sufficient to prove that the Queen, at this time, was not in earnest, and that her real design, as I have already pointed104 out, was to compass her ends without burdening herself with a husband. At a subsequent stage, as we shall see, her passion once more, and for the last time, nearly swept away her judgment105, and drove her into a position from which it was difficult to extricate106 herself without matrimony or loss of prestige. Marchaumont brought with him a secretary of Alen?on’s named de Bex, who kept up an extremely active correspondence during the whole of his stay in England, with a large circle of friends235 in France (Hatfield Papers), letters which are full of curious sidelights on the manners of the times, but which do not give us much fresh information on the marriage negotiations. Another confidential107 agent of Alen?on was also constantly about the Queen’s person, and his letters at Hatfield prove that for many months the most secret instructions of the French ambassador and the special envoys were immediately conveyed to Elizabeth by this man, who is only known to us under the pseudonym108 of “Le Moyne,” with which he signed his letters to the Queen and to Alen?on, with both of whom he seems to have been equally familiar. “Le Moyne” has, I believe, never hitherto been identified, but a careful comparison of his letters with certain known facts of Marchaumont’s life convinces me that the mysterious “monk” who was so deep in the confidence of the Queen was Marchaumont himself. How highly she favoured him is proved by her behaviour to him on the occasion of her famous visit to Drake’s ship, the Pelican109, at Deptford early in April, 1581. When the great sailor approached his sovereign after the banquet to receive the honour of knighthood, she jokingly told him she had a gilded110 sword wherewith to strike off his head, but turning to Marchaumont she handed the sword to him and authorised him to give Drake the accolade111, which he did.122 When she was crossing the gangway to go on board the Pelican, one of her purple and gold garters slipped down and trailed behind her, whereupon Marchaumont, who followed, seized it as a lawful112 prize to send to his master. The Queen besought113 him to return it to her, as she had nothing236 else to prevent her stocking from slipping down; but the gallant114 Frenchman refused to surrender it until she promised to restore it to him as soon as she returned to Westminster. She made no ado about putting the garter on before him, and the next day M. de Mery was started off hastily to the lovelorn “frog,” again bearing with him a letter of high-flown affection from the Queen and the precious garter from Marchaumont.123 For a long time afterwards Alen?on, in his letters to the Queen, refers to her “belle jartière” as a talisman115 which is the cause of all his good fortune. Garters and loving words were very well in their way, but Alen?on was anxious to come to business. The embassy was waiting to go over to England, and affairs both in Flanders and France were reaching a point where it was necessary for the Duke to know upon whom he could depend. His answer, therefore, was most pressing. “He could have,” he said, “no rest until the Queen gave him a certain and definite answer as to the fulfilment of the marriage so long treated of. He earnestly beseeches116 her, in recompense for his faithful affection, to put aside all doubts, ambiguities117, and irresolutions, and give expression to her final wishes on the matter. If she shall approve of the setting out of the embassy to conclude the marriage, as soon as her reply to the present despatch76 shall have been received, they shall be sent with instructions to obey and satisfy her rather by deeds than by words.”
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1
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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2
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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6
belle
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| n.靓女 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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gust
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| n.阵风，突然一阵（雨、烟等），（感情的）迸发 | |
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9
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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haughtily
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| adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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meditate
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| v.想，考虑，（尤指宗教上的）沉思，冥想 | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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protocol
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| n.议定书，草约，会谈记录，外交礼节 | |
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conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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perilously
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| adv.充满危险地，危机四伏地 | |
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fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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fervently
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| adv.热烈地，热情地，强烈地 | |
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singe
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| v.(轻微地)烧焦；烫焦；烤焦 | |
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embedded
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| a.扎牢的 | |
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philandering
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| v.调戏，玩弄女性( philander的现在分词 ) | |
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pliant
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| adj.顺从的；可弯曲的 | |
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gushing
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| adj.迸出的；涌出的；喷出的；过分热情的v.喷，涌( gush的现在分词 )；滔滔不绝地说话 | |
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abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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32
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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33
inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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deploring
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的现在分词 ) | |
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35
impeding
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| a.(尤指坏事)即将发生的，临近的 | |
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36
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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37
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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38
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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39
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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40
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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41
guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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42
insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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43
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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44
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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45
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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46
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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47
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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49
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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50
bickering
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| v.争吵( bicker的现在分词 )；口角；（水等）作潺潺声；闪烁 | |
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51
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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52
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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53
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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colloquy
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| n.谈话，自由讨论 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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56
relishing
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| v.欣赏( relish的现在分词 )；从…获得乐趣；渴望 | |
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covert
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| adj.隐藏的；暗地里的 | |
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58
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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deplores
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的第三人称单数 ) | |
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rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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grumbling
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| adj. 喃喃鸣不平的, 出怨言的 | |
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whining
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| n. 抱怨，牢骚 v. 哭诉，发牢骚 | |
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67
impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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70
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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71
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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73
brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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74
sluggard
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| n.懒人；adj.懒惰的 | |
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75
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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76
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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hamper
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| vt.妨碍，束缚，限制；n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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78
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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79
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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80
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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81
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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82
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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83
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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84
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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85
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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86
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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87
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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88
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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89
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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90
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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91
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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92
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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93
supplicate
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| v.恳求；adv.祈求地，哀求地，恳求地 | |
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94
deign
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| v. 屈尊, 惠允 ( 做某事) | |
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95
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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96
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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97
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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98
postscript
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| n.附言，又及；(正文后的)补充说明 | |
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99
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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100
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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101
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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102
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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103
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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104
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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105
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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106
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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107
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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108
pseudonym
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| n.假名，笔名 | |
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109
pelican
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| n.鹈鹕，伽蓝鸟 | |
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110
gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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111
accolade
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| n.推崇备至，赞扬 | |
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112
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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113
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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114
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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115
talisman
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| n.避邪物，护身符 | |
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116
beseeches
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的第三人称单数 ) | |
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117
ambiguities
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| n.歧义( ambiguity的名词复数 )；意义不明确；模棱两可的意思；模棱两可的话 | |
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