The “grizzled warrior,” we are told, who made oblation5 to our authoress, bore on his chin the honourable6 mark of the man-slayer. To her Chinese coolie that formidable badge would have been enough to proclaim the wearer seban—the kind of wicked animal that defends itself when attacked. Thus, if it merely served to warn an[10] invading alien to keep his distance, this crude advertisement of a head-hunting habit would be justified8, from the standpoint of the survival of the hard-pressed aborigines. Even had a threat of cannibalism9 been thrown in, its protective value could hardly be denied; for, much as men object to be killed, they commonly deem it worse to be killed and eaten. Though reputed to be man-eaters, however, the savages10 of Formosa are not so in fact. Indeed, the boot is on the other foot. I remember Mr. Shinji Ishii telling us at a meeting of the Folk-lore Society that, despite their claim to a higher form of civilization, the Chinese of the adjoining districts will occasionally partake of a head-hunter, chopped up small and disguised in soup: the principle implied in the precaution being, I dare say, sound enough, namely, that of inoculation11, though doubtless the application is unfortunate.
Meanwhile, head-hunting has for these wild-folk a function and significance that are not to be understood so long as we consider it as a thing apart. The same canon of interpretation12 holds good of any other outstanding feature of the social life. Customs are the organic parts of a body of custom. To use a technical expression, they are but so many elements composing a single “culture-complex.” Modern research is greatly concerned with the tracing out of resemblances due to the spread of one or another system of associated customs. The method is to try to work back to some ethnic13 centre of diffusion14; where the[11] characteristic elements of the system, whatever might have been their remoter derivation, have been thoroughly15 fused together, in the course of a long process of adaptation to a given environment. Thereupon it becomes possible to follow up the propagation of influence as it radiates from this centre in various directions outwards16. Now it may well be that the tradition rarely, or never, is imparted in its entirety. Selection, or sheer accident, will cause not a little to be left behind. On the other hand, the chances are all against one custom setting forth17 by itself. Customs tend to emigrate in groups. Thus head-hunting, and a certain mode of tattooing18, and the institution of the skull-shelf, and the requirement that a would-be husband must display a head as token of his prowess, are on the face of them associated customs, and such as are suited to have been travelling companions. Hence it is for the ethnologist to see whether he cannot refer the whole assortment19 to some intrusive20 culture of Indonesian or other origin.
Yet lest one good method should corrupt21 the science, we should not forget that there is another side to the study of culture; though from this side likewise there is equal need to examine customs, not apart, but in their organic connexion with each other. Whencesoever derived22, the customs of a people have an ascertainable23 worth here and now for those who live by them. The first business, I should even venture to say, of any[12] anthropologist2, be his sphere the study or the field, is to seek to appreciate a given culture as the expression of a scheme of values. Every culture represents a set of means whereby it is sought to realize a mode of life. Unconsciously for the most part, yet none the less actually, every human society pursues an ideal. To grasp this ideal is to possess the clue to the whole cultural process as a spiritual and vital movement. The social inheritance is subject to a constant revaluation, bringing readaptation in its train. There is a selective activity at work, and to apprehend24 its secret springs one must keep asking all the time, what does this people want, and want most? unconscious though it may largely be, the want is there. Correspondingly, since it is a question of getting into touch with a latent process, the anthropologist must employ a method which I can only describe as one of divination25. He must somehow enter into the soul of a people. Introjection, or in plainer language sympathy, is the master-key. Objective methods so-called are all very well; but if, as sometimes happens, they lead one to forget that anthropology26 is ultimately the science of the inner man, then they but batter27 at a closed door.
A sure criterion, then, by which to appraise28 any account of a savage people consists in the measure of the sympathy shown. A summary sketch29 that has this saving quality will be found more illuminating30 than many volumes of statistics. Literally[13] or otherwise, the student of wild-folk must have undergone initiation31 at their hands. Having become as one of themselves, he is qualified32 to act as their spokesman, putting into such words as we can understand the felt needs and aspirations33 of a less self-conscious type of humanity. Here, for instance, Mrs. McGovern, though writing for the general public, and reserving a full digest of her material for another work, has sought to present an insider’s version of the aboriginal34 life of Formosa. She was willing to become an initiate35, and did in fact become so, almost overshooting the mark, as it were, through translation to a super-human plane. So throughout she tries to do justice to the native point of view. She says enough to make us feel that, despite certain notions more or less offensive to our conscience, the ideal of the Formosan tribesman is in important respects quite admirable. He is on the whole a good man according to his lights. Allowance being made for his handicap, he is playing the game of life as well as he can.
Having thus dealt briefly36 with principles of interpretation I perhaps ought to stop short, since an anthropologist as such has nothing to do with the bearing of his science on questions of political administration. Mrs. McGovern, however, has a good deal to say about the means whereby it is proposed to convert head-hunters into peaceable and useful citizens. Without going into the facts, upon which I am incompetent37 to throw any fresh[14] light, I might venture to make some observations of a general nature that depend on a principle already mentioned. This principle was, that to understand a people is to envisage38 its ideal. The practical corollary, I suggest, is that, to preserve a people, one must preserve its ideal so far as to leave its vital and vitalizing elements intact. In other words, in purging39 that ideal, as may be done and ought to be done when it is sought to lift a backward people out of savagery40, great care should be taken not to wreck41 their whole scheme of values, to cause all that has hitherto made life worth living for them to seem cheap and futile42. Given sympathetic insight into their dream of the good life—one that is, probably, not unlike ours in its main essentials—it ought to prove feasible to curtail43 noxious44 practices by substituting better ways of satisfying the same needs. Contact with civilization is apt to produce among savages a paralysis45 of the will to live. More die of depression than of disease or drink. They lose their interest in existence. Their spirit is broken. When the policy is to preserve them, the mere7 man of science can lend a hand by pointing out what indeed every experienced administrator46 knows by the time he has bought his experience at other people’s expense. Given, then, the insider’s point of view, a sense of what the savage people itself wants and is trying for, and given also patience in abundance, civilization may effectively undertake to fulfil, instead of destroying.
R. R. Marett.
点击收听单词发音
1 veneration | |
n.尊敬,崇拜 | |
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2 anthropologist | |
n.人类学家,人类学者 | |
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3 investigators | |
n.调查者,审查者( investigator的名词复数 ) | |
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4 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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5 oblation | |
n.圣餐式;祭品 | |
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6 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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7 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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8 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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9 cannibalism | |
n.同类相食;吃人肉 | |
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10 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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11 inoculation | |
n.接芽;预防接种 | |
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12 interpretation | |
n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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13 ethnic | |
adj.人种的,种族的,异教徒的 | |
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14 diffusion | |
n.流布;普及;散漫 | |
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15 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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16 outwards | |
adj.外面的,公开的,向外的;adv.向外;n.外形 | |
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17 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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18 tattooing | |
n.刺字,文身v.刺青,文身( tattoo的现在分词 );连续有节奏地敲击;作连续有节奏的敲击 | |
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19 assortment | |
n.分类,各色俱备之物,聚集 | |
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20 intrusive | |
adj.打搅的;侵扰的 | |
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21 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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22 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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23 ascertainable | |
adj.可确定(探知),可发现的 | |
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24 apprehend | |
vt.理解,领悟,逮捕,拘捕,忧虑 | |
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25 divination | |
n.占卜,预测 | |
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26 anthropology | |
n.人类学 | |
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27 batter | |
v.接连重击;磨损;n.牛奶面糊;击球员 | |
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28 appraise | |
v.估价,评价,鉴定 | |
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29 sketch | |
n.草图;梗概;素描;v.素描;概述 | |
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30 illuminating | |
a.富于启发性的,有助阐明的 | |
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31 initiation | |
n.开始 | |
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32 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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33 aspirations | |
强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 ); 志向; 发送气音; 发 h 音 | |
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34 aboriginal | |
adj.(指动植物)土生的,原产地的,土著的 | |
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35 initiate | |
vt.开始,创始,发动;启蒙,使入门;引入 | |
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36 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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37 incompetent | |
adj.无能力的,不能胜任的 | |
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38 envisage | |
v.想象,设想,展望,正视 | |
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39 purging | |
清洗; 清除; 净化; 洗炉 | |
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40 savagery | |
n.野性 | |
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41 wreck | |
n.失事,遇难;沉船;vt.(船等)失事,遇难 | |
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42 futile | |
adj.无效的,无用的,无希望的 | |
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43 curtail | |
vt.截短,缩短;削减 | |
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44 noxious | |
adj.有害的,有毒的;使道德败坏的,讨厌的 | |
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45 paralysis | |
n.麻痹(症);瘫痪(症) | |
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46 administrator | |
n.经营管理者,行政官员 | |
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