Undisturbed by the Romans, unconquered though shattered by the Norsemen, unsubdued though sore-stricken by the Normans, and still struggling with the Saxons, the Irish Gael alone has preserved a record of his own past, and preserved it in a literature of his own, for a length of time and with a continuity which outside of Greece has no parallel in Europe.
His own account of himself is that his ancestors, the Milesians, or children of Miledh,[1] came to Ireland from Spain about the year 1000 B.C.,[2] and dispossessed the Tuatha De Danann who[Pg 18] had come from the north of Europe, as these had previously4 dispossessed their kinsmen5 the Firbolg, who had arrived from Greece.
Such a suggestion, however, despite the continuity and volume of Irish tradition which has always supported it, appears open to more than one rationalistic objection, the chiefest being that the voyage from Spain to Ireland would be one of some six hundred miles, hardly to be attempted by the early Irish barks composed of wickerwork covered with hides, fragile crafts which could hardly hope to live through the rough waters of the Bay of Biscay and the Atlantic on a voyage from Spain, or through the Mediterranean6 and the Atlantic on a voyage from Greece.
On the other hand, if we assume that our ancestors passed over from Gaul into Britain and thence into Ireland, we shall find it fit in with many other facts. To begin with, the voyage from Gaul to Britain is one of only some two and twenty miles, and from Britain to Ireland, at its narrowest point, is hardly twelve. The splendid physique, too, of the Irish,[3] which is now alas7! sadly degenerated8 through depression,[Pg 19] poverty, famine, and the rooting out of the best blood, but which has struck during the course of history such numerous foreign observers, seems certainly to connect the Irish by a family likeness9 with the Gauls, as these have been described to us by the Romans, and not with the Greeks or the swarthy, sun-burnt Iberians. Tacitus also, writing less than a century after Christ, tells us that the Irish in disposition10, temper, and habits, differ but little from the Britons, and we find in Britain, North Gaul, and Germany, tribes of the same nomenclature as several of those Irish tribes whose names are recorded by Ptolemy about the year 150.[4]
On the one hand, then, we have the ancient universal Irish traditions, backed up by all the authority of the bards11, the annalists and the shanachies, that the Milesians—who are the ancestors of most of the present Irish—came to Ireland direct from Spain; and, on the other hand, we have these rationalistic grounds for believing that Ireland was more probably peopled from Gaul and Britain. The question cannot here be carried further, except to remark that in an age ignorant of geography the term Spain may have been used very loosely, and may rather have implied some land oversea, rather than any particular land.[5]
[Pg 20]
If Ireland were not—thanks to her native annalists, her autochtonous traditions and her bardic12 histories—to a great extent independent of classical and foreign authors, she would have fared badly indeed, so far as history goes, lying as she does in so remote a corner of the world, and having been untrodden by the foot of recording13 Greek or masterful Roman. There are, however, some few allusions14 to the island to be found, of which, perhaps, the earliest is the quotation15 in Avienus, who writing about the year 380 mentions the account of the voyage of Himilco, a Ph?nician,[6] to Ireland about the year 510 B.C., who said in his account that Erin was called "Sacra"[7] by the ancients, that its people navigated16 the vast sea in hide-covered barks, and that its land was populous17 and fertile. In the Argonautics of the pseudo-Orpheus, which may have been written about 500 B.C., the Iernian[8]—that is[Pg 21] apparently18 the Irish—Isle is mentioned. Aristotle knew about it too. Ierne, he says, is a very large island beyond the Celts. Strabo, writing soon after the birth of Christ, describes its position and shape, also calling it Ierne, but according to his account—which he acknowledges, however, that he does not make on good authority—it is barely habitable and its people are the most utter savages19 and cannibals.[9] Hibernia, says Julius C?sar, is esteemed20 half the size of Britain and is as distant from it as Gaul is. Diodorus, some fifty years before Christ, calls it Iris3, and says it was occupied by Britons.[10] Pomponius Mela, in the first century of our era, calls Ireland Iverna, and says that "so great was the luxuriance of grass there as to cause the cattle to burst"! Tacitus a little later, about the year 82, telling us how Agricola crossed the Clyde and posted troops in that part of the country which looked toward Ireland, says that Hibernia "in soil and climate, in the disposition, temper, and habits of its people, differed but little from Britain, and that its approaches and harbours were better known through traffic and merchants."[11]
[Pg 22]
Ptolemy, writing about the year 150, unconsciously bears out to some extent what Tacitus had said of Ireland's harbours being better known than those of Britain, for he has left behind him a more accurate account of Ireland than of Britain, giving in all over fifty Irish names, about nine of which have been identified, and mentioning the names of two coast towns, seven inland towns, and seventeen tribes, some of which, as we have said, nearly resemble the names of tribes in Britain and North Gaul. Solinus, about A.D. 238, is the first to tell us that Hibernia has no snakes—observe this curious pre-Patrician evidence which robs our national saint of one of his laurels—saying, like Pomponius Mela, that it has luxurious21 pastures, and adding the curious intelligence that, "warlike beyond the rest of her sex, the Hibernian mother places the first morsel22 of food in her child's mouth with the point of the sword." Eumenius mentions the Hibernians about the year 306 in his panegyric23 on Constantine, saying that until now the Britons had been accustomed to fight only Pictish and Hibernian enemies. In 378 Ammianus Marcellinus mentions the Irish under the name of Scots, saying that the Scotti and Attacotti[12] commit dreadful depredations24 in Britain, and[Pg 23] Claudian a few years later speaks rather hyperbolically of the Irish invasion of Britain; "the Scot (i.e., the Irishman)," he says, "moved all Ierne against us, and the Ocean foamed25 under his hostile oars—a Roman legion curbs26 the fierce Scot, through Stilicho's care I feared not the darts27 of the Scots—Icy Erin wails28 over the heaps of her Scots."[13] The Irish expeditions against both Gaul and Britain became more frequent towards the end of the fourth century, and at last the unfortunate Britons, driven to despair, and having in vain appealed to the now disorganised Romans to aid them, sooner than stand the fury of the Irish and Picts threw themselves into the arms of the Saxons.[14]
It is towards the middle or close of the fourth century that we come into much closer historical contact with the Irish, and indeed we know with some certainty a good deal about their internal history, manners, laws, language, and institutions from that time to the present. Of course if we can trust Irish sources we know a great deal about them for even seven or eight hundred years before this. The early Irish annalist, Tighearnach,[15] who died in 1088, and who had of course the[Pg 24] records of the earliest Irish writers—so far as they had escaped extinction29 by the Danes—before his eyes when he wrote, and who quotes frequently and judiciously30 from Josephus, St. Jerome, Bede, and other authors, was of opinion, after weighing evidence and comparing Irish with foreign writers, that the monumenta Scotorum, or records of the Irish prior to Cimbaeth (i.e., about 300 B.C.) were uncertain. This means that from that time forwards he at least considered that the substance of Irish history as handed down to us might, to say the least of it, be more or less relied upon. Cimbaeth was the founder31 of Emania, the capital of Ulster, the home of the Red Branch knights32, which flourished for 600 years and which figures so conspicuously33 in the saga-cycle of Cuchulain.
What then—for we pass over for the present the colonies of Partholan, the Tuatha De Danann, and the Nemedians, leaving them to be dealt with among the myths—have our native bards and annalists to say of these six or seven centuries? As several of the best and greatest of Irish sagas34 deal with events within this period, we can—if bardic accounts, probably first committed to writing about the sixth or seventh century may at all be trusted—to some extent recall its leading features, or reconstruct them.
********
[1] Milesius is the ordinary Latinised form of the Irish Miledh; the real name of Milesius was Golamh, but he was surnamed Miledh Easpáin, or the Champion of Spain. He himself never landed in Ireland.
[2] 1016 according to O'Flaherty, in the eighth century B.C. according to Charles O'Conor of Belanagare, but as far back as 1700 B.C. according to the chronology of the "Four Masters." Nennius, the Briton who wrote in the time of Charlemagne, gives two different accounts of the landing of the Irish, one evidently representing the British tradition, and the other that of the Irish themselves, of which he says sic mihi peritissimi Scotorum nunciaverunt. Both these accounts make the Irish come from Spain, the first being that three sons of a certain Miles of Spain landed in Ireland from Spain at the third attempt. According to what the Irish told him they reached Ireland from Spain 1,002 years after flying from Egypt.
[3] Even Giraldus Cambrensis, that most bigoted35 of anti-Irishmen, could nevertheless write thus of the natives in the twelfth century. "In Ireland man retains all his majesty36. Nature alone has moulded the Irish, and as if to show what she can do has given them countenances37 of exquisite38 colour, and bodies of great beauty, symmetry, and strength." This testimony39 agrees with what C?sar says of the Celts of Gaul, whose large persons he compares with the short stature40 of the Romans, and admires their mirifica corpora. Strabo says of a Celtic tribe, the Coritavi, "to show how tall they are, I myself saw some of their young men at Rome, and they were taller by six inches than any one else in the city." The Belgic Gauls are uniformly described as tall, large-limbed, and fair, and Silius Italicus speaks of the huge limbs and golden locks of the Boii who gave their name to Bavaria (Boio-varia) and to Bohemia (Boio-haims). They were probably the ruling race in Gaul, but the type is now very rarely seen there, the aristocratic Celts having been largely wiped out by war, as in Ireland, and having when shorn of their power become amalgamated41 with the Ligurians and other pre-Celtic peoples.
[4] As the Brigantes, Menapii, and Cauci.
[5] Buchanan the Scotchman (1506-81), having urged some of these objections against the Irish tradition, is thus fairly answered by Keating, writing in Irish, about half a century after Buchanan's death: "The first of these reasons," says Keating (to prove that the Irish came from Gaul), "he deduces from the fact that Gaul was formerly42 so populous that the part of it called Gallia Lugdunensis would of itself furnish 300,000 fighting men, and that it was therefore likely that it had sent forth43 some such hordes44 to occupy Ireland, as were the tribes of the Gauls. My answer to that is that the author himself knew nothing of the specific time at which the Sons of Miledh arrived in Ireland, and that he was consequently perfectly45 ignorant as to whether France was populous or waste at that epoch46. And even though the country were as populous as he states, when the Sons of Miledh came to Ireland, it does not follow that we must necessarily understand that it was the country whence they emigrated; for why should it be supposed to be more populous at that time than Spain, the country they really did come from?"
[6] Aristotle, too, mentions the discovery by the Phoenicians, of an island supposed to be Ireland, rich in forest and river and fruit, which, however, this account would make out to have been uninhabited: ?ν τ? θαλ?σσ? τ? ?ξω ?Ηρακλε?ων στηλ?ν φ?σ?ν ?π? Καρχηδον?ων ν?σον ε?ρεθ?ναι ?ρ?μην, ?χουσαν ?λην τε παντοδαπ? κα? ποταμ?υ? πλωτ?υσ, κα? το?? λοιπο?? καρπο?? θαυμαστ?ν, ?π?χουσαν δ? πλει?νων ?μερ?ν, etc. Ireland was splendidly wooded until after the Cromwellian wars, and not unfrequently we meet allusions in the old literature to the first clearances47 in different districts, associated with the names of those who cleared them.
[7] Sacra is apparently a translation of ?Ιερα = Eiriu, old form of Eire now called Erin, which last is really an oblique48 case.
[8] ν?σοισιν ?Ιερν?σιν, and ν?σον ?Ιερν?δα. The names by which Ireland and its inhabitants were known to the writers of antiquity49 are very various, as ?Ιου?ρνια, ?Ιου?ρνοι, Juverna, Juberna, Iverna, Hibernia, Hibernici, Hibernienses, Jouvernia, Ο?ερν?α, ?Ιουρν?α and even Vernia and Βερνια. St. Patrick in his confessions50 calls the land Hyberione and speaks of Hibern? Gentes and "filii Scotorum." There can be little doubt that Aristotle's ?Ι?ρνη, the ν?σον ?Ιερν?δα of the Argonautics and Diodorus' ?Ιρι? represent the same country. Here are Keating's remarks on it: "An t-aonmhadh hainm déag Juvernia do réir Ptolomeus, no Juverna do réir Sholinuis, no Ierna do réir Claudianus, no Vernia do réir Eustatius; measaim nach bhfuil do cheill san deifir atá idir na h-ughdaraibh sin do leith an fhocail-se Hibernia, acht nár thuigeadar créad ó ttáinig an focal féin 7 dá réir sin go ttug gach aon fo leith amus uaidh féin air, agus is de sin tháinig an mhalairt úd ar an bhfocal." (See Haliday's "Keating," p. 119.)
[9] ?Ι?ρνη περ? ?? ο?δ?ν λ?γειν σαφ??, except that the inhabitants are ?νθρωποφ?γοι and πολυφ?γοι! Το?? τε πατ?ρα? τελευτ?σαντα? κατεσθ?ειν ?ν καλ? τιθ?μενοι. He adds, however, τα?τα δ???τω λ?γομεν ?? ο?κ ?χοντε? ?ξιοπ?στου? μ?ρτυρα? (Book IV., ch. v.). In another passage he shows how utterly51 misinformed he must have been by saying that ?ερνη was ?θλ?ω? δ? δι? ψ?χο? ?ικουμ?νην ?στε τ? ?π?κεινα νομ?ζειν ?ο?κητα (II. 5). Elsewhere he calls the inhabitants ?γρι?τεροι τ?ν Βρεταν?ν.
[10] τ?ν Βρετταν?ν, το?? κατοικο?ντα? την ?νομαζομ?νην ?ριν.
[11] "Solum c?lumque et ingenia cultusque hominum haud multum a Britannia differunt; in melius aditus portusque per commercia et negociatores cogniti." This employment of in before melius is curious, and the passage, which Diefenbach in his Celtica malignly52 calls the "Lieblings-stelle der irischen Schriftsteller," is not universally accepted as meaning that the harbours of Ireland were better known than those of Great Britain; but when we consider the antiquarian evidence for ancient Irish civilisation53, and that in artistic54 treatment, and fineness of manufacture Irish bronzes are fully55 equal to those of Great Britain, and her gold objects infinitely56 more numerous and every way superior, there seems no reason to doubt that the text of Tacitus must be translated as above, and not subjected to such forced interpretations57 as that the harbours and approaches of Ireland were better known than the land itself!
[12] "Picti Saxonesque et Scotti et Attacotti Britannos aerumnis vexavere continuis." These Attacotti appear to have been an Irish tribe. There is a great deal of controversy58 as to who they were. St. Jerome twice mentions them in connection with the Scots (i.e., the Irish): Scotorum et Atticotorum ritu, they have their wives and children in common, as Plato recommends in his Republic! (Migne's edition, Book I., p. 735.) He says that he himself saw some of them when he was young, "Ipse adolescens in Gallia viderim Attacottos, Scotorum (one would expect Attacotorum) natio uxores proprias non habet." The name strongly resembles C?sar's Aduatuci and Diodorus's Ατουατικο? and certainly appears to be same as the Gaelic Aitheach-Tuatha, so well known in Irish history, a name which O'Curry translates by "rent-paying tribes," probably of non-Milesian origin. These rose in the first century against their Milesian masters and massacred them. If as Thierry thinks the east and centre of Gaul were Gaelic speaking, they too may have had their Aitheach-Tuatha, which may have been a general name for certain non-Celtic tribes reduced by the Celts. According to the Itinerarium of Ricardus Corinensis quoted by Diefenbach, Book III., there were Attacotti along the banks of the Clyde: "Clott? ripas accolebant Attacotti, gens toti aliquando Britanni? formidanda."
[13] "Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Ierne" ("glacialis," of course, only when looked at from a southern point of view. Strabo, as we have seen, said the island was scarcely habitable from cold).
"—Totam quum Scotus Iernen
Movit et infesto spumavit remige Tethys."
It is probably mere59 hyperbole of Claudian to say that the Roman chased the Irish out to sea,
"—nec falso nomine Pictos
Edomuit, Scotumque vago mucrone secutus
Fregit Hyperboreas velis audacibus undas."
[14] These appear in Britain in the middle of the fifth century, in 449 according to the Saxon Chronicle, which is probably substantially correct.
[15] Pronounced "Teear-nach."
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
victorious
|
|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
conqueror
|
|
| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
iris
|
|
| n.虹膜，彩虹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
previously
|
|
| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
kinsmen
|
|
| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
Mediterranean
|
|
| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
alas
|
|
| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
degenerated
|
|
| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
likeness
|
|
| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
disposition
|
|
| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
bards
|
|
| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
bardic
|
|
| adj.吟游诗人的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
recording
|
|
| n.录音，记录 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
allusions
|
|
| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
quotation
|
|
| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
navigated
|
|
| v.给（船舶、飞机等）引航，导航( navigate的过去式和过去分词 )；（从海上、空中等）横越；横渡；飞跃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
populous
|
|
| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
savages
|
|
| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
esteemed
|
|
| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
luxurious
|
|
| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
morsel
|
|
| n.一口，一点点 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
panegyric
|
|
| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
depredations
|
|
| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
foamed
|
|
| 泡沫的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
curbs
|
|
| v.限制，克制，抑制( curb的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
darts
|
|
| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
wails
|
|
| 痛哭，哭声( wail的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
extinction
|
|
| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
judiciously
|
|
| adv.明断地，明智而审慎地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
Founder
|
|
| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
knights
|
|
| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
conspicuously
|
|
| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
sagas
|
|
| n.萨迦（尤指古代挪威或冰岛讲述冒险经历和英雄业绩的长篇故事）( saga的名词复数 )；（讲述许多年间发生的事情的）长篇故事；一连串的事件（或经历）；一连串经历的讲述（或记述） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
bigoted
|
|
| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
majesty
|
|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
countenances
|
|
| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
exquisite
|
|
| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
testimony
|
|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
stature
|
|
| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
amalgamated
|
|
| v.（使）（金属）汞齐化( amalgamate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）合并；联合；结合 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
formerly
|
|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
hordes
|
|
| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
perfectly
|
|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
epoch
|
|
| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
clearances
|
|
| 清除( clearance的名词复数 )； 许可； （录用或准许接触机密以前的）审查许可； 净空 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
oblique
|
|
| adj.斜的，倾斜的，无诚意的，不坦率的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
antiquity
|
|
| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
confessions
|
|
| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
utterly
|
|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
malignly
|
|
| 污蔑，诽谤； 中伤，说坏话 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
civilisation
|
|
| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
artistic
|
|
| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
infinitely
|
|
| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
interpretations
|
|
| n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 )；表演；演绎；理解 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |